IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1    125 


1.0    ^ 


I.I 


m  m 

IIS 
IS 

lit 


1=        U4 


6" 


Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STRCrr 

WnSTER.N.Y.  M5M 

(716)872-4503 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVi/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  IMicroreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiquaa 


T«ehnical  and  Bibiiographie  Notat/Notaa  tachniquas  at  bibiiographiquaa 


Tba  Inatttuta  haa  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  baat 
original  copy  availabia  for  filming.  Faaturaa  of  thia 
copy  which  may  ba  MMiographieaHy  uniqua, 
which  may  altar  any  of  tha  imagaa  in  tha 
raproduction.  or  which  may  algniflcantiy  changa 
tha  uaual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  ehaclcad  balow. 


□   Cdourad  covara/ 
Couvartura  da  coulaur 


rn   Covara  damagad/ 


D 


Couvartura  andommagAa 

Covara  raatorad  and/or  laminatad/ 
Couvartura  raataur^a  at/ou  palliculAa 


□  Covar  titia  miaaing/ 
La  titra  da  couvartura  manqua 

□  Colourad  mapa/ 
Cartaa  g4ographl 


D 


El 


D 


D 


g4ographiquaff  an  coulaur 

Colourad  inic  (i.a.  othar  than  biua  or  black)/ 
Encra  da  coulaur  (i.a.  autra  qua  blaua  ou  noira) 


□  Colourad  plataa  and/or  illuatrationa/ 
Planchaa  at/ou  illuatrationa  an  coulaur 

□   Bound  whh  othar  matarial/ 
RaliA  avac  d'autraa  documanta 


Tight  binding  may  cauaa  ahadowa  or  diatortion 
along  intarior  margin/ 

Larcliura  tarria  paut  cauaar  da  I'ombra  ou  da  la 
diatoralon  la  long  da  la  marga  intiriaura 

Blank  laavaa  addad  during  raatoration  may 
appaar  within  tha  taxt.  Whanavar  poaaibia.  thaaa 
hava  baan  omittad  from  filming/ 
II  aa  paut  qua  cartainaa  pagaa  blanchaa  ajoutiaa 
lora  d'una  raatauration  apparaiaaant  dana  la  taxta, 
mala,  loraqua  cala  4tait  poaaibia.  caa  pagaa  n'ont 
paa  «t4  filmtoa. 

Additional  commanta:/ 
Commantairaa  aupplimantairaa: 


L'Inatitut  a  microfilmA  la  maillaur  axamplaira 
qu'ii  tui  a  4ti  poaaibia  da  aa  procurer.  Laa  details 
da  eat  axamplaira  qui  aont  paut-Atra  uniquaa  du 
point  da  vua  bibliographiqua.  qui  pauvant  modiflar 
una  imaga  raproduita.  ou  qui  pauvant  axigar  una 
modification  dana  la  mithoda  normala  da  filmaga 
aont  indiquAa  ci-daaaoua. 


D 


Colourad  pagaa/ 
Fagaa  da  coulaur 


□   Pagaa  damaged/ 
Pagaa 


|~~1   Pagaa  raatorad  and/or  laminated/ 
rri   Pagaa  diacoloured.  stained  or  foxed/ 
I     I   Pagaa  detached/ 


;  endommagiaa 

raatorad  and/oi 
Pagaa  reataurAae  et/ou  peilicultes 

Pagaa  diacoloured.  stained  or  f  oxei 
Pagaa  dAcolorAaa.  tachat^es  ou  piques 

Pagaa  detached/ 
Pagaa  dAtachiaa 

QShowthrough/ 
Tranaparance 

Quality  of  print 

Qualiti  in^gaia  da  I'impreaaion 

Includes  supplementary  materii 
Comprend  du  matiriai  aupplAmantaira 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  idition  diaponible 


D 


Tha  04 
to  tha 

I 
1 

Tha  in 
poaait 
of  tha 
filmini 


Origin 
begini 
thelai 
aion,  ( 
othar 
firatp 
sion, ) 
or  illu 


rn   Quality  of  print  variaa/ 

r~1   Includes  supplementary  material/ 

r~1   Only  edition  available/ 


Tha  la 
ahain 
TINUI 
whlqli 

Mapa, 
diffan 
entire 
begini 
right  I 
requir 
meth( 


wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
alipa.  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Lea  pagaa  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  fauillet  d'arrata.  una  pelure, 
etc..  ont  iti  filmies  i  nouveau  da  fapon  A 
obtanir  la  meiileure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  fiimi  au  taux  da  reduction  indiqui  ci*dea80ua. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


2ex 


30X 


y 


12X 


16X 


2DX 


a4X 


28X 


32X 


tails 
I  du 
odifiar 
'  una 
maga 


Tha  copy  fUmad  hara  haa  baan  raproducad  thanka 
to  tha  ganaroaity  of: 

Univardty  of  tMkaloliMMn 


Tha  imagaa  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  baat  quality 
poaaibia  conaMaring  tha  condition  and  laglbillty 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  Icaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  apacif  icationa. 


L'axamplalra  fHmi  f ut  raprodult  grtea  i  la 
g4n«roalt«  da: 


wfNWfiny  Of 


Laa  imagaa  auivantaa  ont  4t4  raproduitaa  avac  la 
plua  grand  coin,  eompta  tanu  da  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattotA  da  Taxamplaira  film*,  at  an 
conf  ormM  avac  laa  condMona  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 


Original  copiaa  in  printad  papar  covara  ara  fHmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  laat  paga  with  a  printad  or  iliuatratad  impras- 
•ion,  or  tha  back  covar  whan  approprlata.  All 
othar  original  copiaa  ara  flimad  baginning  on  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  iliuatratad  impraa- 
sion,  and  anding  on  tha  last  paga  with  a  printad 
or  iliuatratad  imprasaton. 


Laa  axamplairaa  originaux  dont  la  eouvartura  an 
paplar  aat  imprlm«a  aont  fHm4a  an  commanvant 
par  la  pramiar  plat  at  an  tarminant  salt  par  la 
darnlAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'impraaaion  ou  d'iHuatration,  aoit  par  ^a  aaoond 
plat,  salon  la  cas.  Tous  laa  autraa  axamplairas 
originaux  aont  filmto  an  commandant  par  la 
pramlAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'impraaaion  ou  dlHuatration  at  %n  tarminant  par 
la  damlAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  talia 
amprainta. 


Tha  last  racordad  frama  on  aach  mioroficha 
shall  contain  tha  symbol  ^^^  (maaniiig  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  V  (moaning  "END"), 
whichavar  appiias. 


Un  das  symbolas  suivants  apparaltra  sur  la 
darniAra  imaga  da  chaqua  mioroficha,  salon  la 
cas:  la  symbda  -^  signifia  "A  SUIVRE",  la 
symboia  ▼  signifia  "FIN". 


IMaps,  p^atas,  charta,  ate,  may  ba  filmad  at 
diffarant  raduction  ratios.  Thoaa  too  larga  to  ba 
antiraiy  included  in  ona  axposura  ara  filmad 
baginning  in  tha  uppar  laft  hand  cornar,  laft  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  framas  as 
raquirad.  Tha  following  diagrams  iilustrata  tha 
mathod: 


Las  cartas,  planchas,  tabiaaux,  ate.,  pauvant  ttra 
filmto  A  das  taux  da  rAduction  diff Arants. 
Lorsqua  la  document  ast  trap  grand  pour  Atra 
raprodult  an  un  saul  ciichA,  11  aat  filmA  A  partir 
da  I'angia  supAriaur  gaucha,  da  gaucha  A  droita. 
at  da  haut  an  baa,  an  pranant  la  nombra 
d'imagas  nAcassaira.  Has  diagrammas  suhrants 
illustrant  la  mAthoda. 


irrata 
to 


pelure. 
n  A 


n 

32X 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

^^  k,  .'^'jBi';'-^&.^-'< 


•>j»- 


^m. 


i 


WIS 


TEA] 


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W.  I 


kmm  OF  THE  WEST: 


a^aiAoiaa  a  wamm 


or 


PRINCIPAL  EVENm 


wnea  iatb 


n  tn 


%  "• 


WISTEM  STATES  AND  TERRITORIES, 


ffBO«  «Ba 


DISCOYSltT  OF  Tins  MISSISSIPPI  YALLET 


*o  ««fe 


YEAB  EiaHTISEK  HUNDRED  AKD  FIFTY-SIX. 


OOMPILID  IKHI  TBI  MOn  AUTHHITIC  SOORCB, 

AMD  PUBLI8HBO  BT 

JAMES  R.  ALBAOH. 


PITTSBUBGH: 
W.  a.  HAVBN,  BOOK  AND  JOB  PRINTER, 


■# 


1857. 


■! 


*mmMmmmmmmmimtMi>«r   «  "  •"*■'"  >   "    in    "" 


•JBhlr/iBsfeJIi,**, 


immim  Mmk 


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4:iT   c-:  <■:£.■■;.>■; ^^s;^i«».'jK8ir8'W. 


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,j^a  m®b.>,«..  i'  ^ttijfk:  asmm :  Ma^  w . 


JAMBS    R.    ALBAOH.  *^ 

is  the  Glwk'B  OffiM  of  th*  Diatriet  (jlowt  of  the  United  Stotee,  for  the  Weeteni 

Dietilct  of  l^eaiufjrlTanU. 


-71 


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';•.'  vtfUiBt  fcwjSr  '^41^..  i^i^iit  !>*; 


::AX 


pppiUMity  Mid  »Fpfirpt  d^und,  liurQugiiout  dmr 
ouiMxy,  fpr  a  Yplume  m^  m  tl^  compiler  now  p]r«i9eQt» 
U)  libp  pul^lio,  WM  (^  i»^cip»l|  lifeoiigb  not  the  strpogoit 
i^diueii^eQt  £^^  pr^pwiiig»fh)j4editidn  niUua  tiine-H»u} 
jErom  the  point  now  8ele<^ed  for  its  publication. 

^  prelector  o{  ^ese  4^^  W  l>9ei|  mo^t  am^ioui  to 
«0)Tea|j|i7<^)  un«Yoi<^  im>^  9^iiaQiiB|  iin4  to  ^nto 
};(r^  Ja  tli^  pret^^  hla  entire  ovi^nal  plao.  To  secure 
gre<^t«r  £Mi0itie9  hx  tbat  iMoixnkte  £[u)^ledge  of  ^  earl; 
WeBtfirn  aetUcp^nts  by  iba  ^ngtiab,  ao  necessary  in  the 
^i«{dl«tUoni  iif  <#  reliable  work  on  the  sml^eet,  Fittibui^gh 
ji[a9>9lecte^a«.the  poat  ^ii^  of  publication.    lS.e 

1^  edi^oA  wa«  ii^iied  »t  ^Incinnatit  whe^re  he  was  aaaisted 
by  the  lamented  J4jcie9  ^t  Pj^BKiirf^  n  gentlemen  highly 
competent  for  the  task.  That  volume  was,  however,  neces- 
sarily  incomplete,  embracing  onjiy  the  central  portion  of  the 
West 

A  desire  to  include  in  its  pages  a  more  full  account  of 
events  connected  with  the  early  history  of  Illinois,  Missouri 
and  other  oonmiunities,  induced  him,  at  a  later  period,  to 
prepare  a  second  edition,  which  was  issued  a  few  years  ago 
in  St.  Louis,  and  included  a  thorough  revision  of  the  former 
issue,  with  c(msiderable  additions — in  which  he  had  the 
valuable  assistance  of  Bev.  J.  M.  Peck^  «  gentleman  whose 
long  residence  in  the  Far  West,  and  familiarity  with  the 
history  of  those  portions  less  elaborately  treated  of  in  the 
first  edition,  rendered  him  admirably  qualified  for  the 
undertaking. 

Although  the  author  claims  credit  for  but  little  mone 
originality  than  that  displayed  in  the  plan  of  the  work  now 


hr  PRKFACB. 

preaented,  he  has  devoted  mueh  time  and  more  labor  than 
most  of  his  readers,  nnaoquainted  by  experience  with  sneh 
tasks,  will  give  him  eredit  fbr,  in  its  compilation — to  which 
he  brings  the  knowledge  acquired  by  the  observation  of 
ihirty-flve  yean  in  the  exlensive  Mississippi  Valley,  and  by ' 
visits  to  nearly  every  memorable  spot  connected  with  its 
early  history. 

Although  not  arranged  in  itrioi  accordance  with  the  plan 
originally  projected,  it  is  believed  I3iis  new  and  giMtly 
extended  edition,  for  general  accuracy,  and  especiaUy  ibr 
fiillness  of  detail,  may  be  fkirly  commended  to  the  reader, 
as  worthy  of  attention,  as  a  work  fbr  perusal  and  future 
reference. 

While  it  is  not  pretended,  in  view  of  the  neceMMoy  imper- 
fection of  all  human  works,  that  the  volume  is  idtolly  free 
from  errors  and  imperfections^  the  author  has  oideavored 
to  procure  all  the  fects  dMailed  or  in  any  Wi^  alluded  to  in 
its  pages,  from  the  most  reliable  sources  and  the  best 
authorities;  it  will  be  found  to  contiiin  a  feithfnl  narrative 
of  the  prominent  eventa  in  Western  History,  desermg  of 
the  perusal,  not  only  of  the  millions  who  occupy  its  IMle 
acres,  but  of  every  American— and  eapeotally  of  the 

YOUKO   MEN   OP   OUR   COUNTRY, 

to    W«01l 

THIS  VOLUME 
If . 

BJBSPIBCTFULLT  DBDIOATBD. 
PnTntrBav,  Oetob«r,  nSfk  ' 


'  ,■ 


«- 


LIST  OF  AUtlOEITlBS 


V8ID  m  TBI  PBIPABATIOM  OP  TBII  WOBK. 


It 
u 
u 
it 
u 
u 
u 
u 

N 


AflUfioM  State  Vtftn,    21  toIi.    WMhiagloii. 

Yob.  I.  te  lY.  M«  Ibnif  4  Aftin,  I.  te  IV. 

Y.  «■«  YL  an  IMiM  Alilfi,  L,  U. 

YH.,  Yin.,  VL,  an  flMMt,  L,  II.,  m. 

X.,  XL,  SM  OomflMvoe,  fte.,  I.,  II. 

XIL,  XnL,  an'MUita^  Aftte,  t,  IL 

XIY.  is  Ktmi  A&in,  L 

XY.il  Foal  OAm,L 

XYL,XYIL,XYIII.,aM  PaMi«lMda,I.II,nL 

XIXiaOlaima,I. 

XX,  XXI,  an  MiiaallaiKm%  L,  IL 
AoMcioaa  ArakiTta^    FoorthSariaa.    ft?iala.    Waahiagtoa. 
AiMrioaa  FioMar.    OiaaiaBaii.    1842, 1848. 
Addiaoa'a  nnudka  <m  oawMa  of  WUakj  Inauinettoi. 
Annala  of  MUnaaota  Katoiioal  Soaialjj. 
Aneiaiit  BaaoHa  of  YiaoaiiMa. 
Atwator'aHlatoiyof  Ohio.    Oiaoiattiti.    No  date. 
Aoeooat  of  «ka  lint  DbaoToiy  (rf  Florida.    Loadoa.    V  ^i^ . 
Aooonnt  of  tha  Franoh  Sattiamanta  ia  North  Ameriea.    lkv>^oa.    1746. 
Aooooat  of  Coafbnaoaa  aad  Tnatiaa  batwaaa  Sir  iniliaai  Joliaaoa  aad  bdiaaa, 

at  Foit  Johaaoa,  ia  1755, '66.    Lmidoa.    1756. 
Almoa'a  Baaimabraaoar;  flroai  1775  to  1784.    Loadoa.    PabHahad  fionfrjaar 

to  yaar ;  witii  aa  iatrodaotmy  rolama,  pviag  laattar  pmiawa  to  1775. 
Amerioaa  Bamnateaaoar  j  giring  auttar  ia  nlalioa  to  Jaif'a  tnaty,  17fl4i. 
Anurtroag'i  Notioaa  of  tho  War  of  1812.    2  Tola.    Nmt  Yorit.    1840. 
AUaa'a  Anaiiaaa  BiognpUoal  Diatioaaiy.    Boatoa.    1882. 


"%«» 


Baaenft'a  Hialoiy  Uaitad  Stataa.    Boatoa.    1884  to  1840. 

Batlar'a  Keataokj.    Saooad  Bditioa.    Oiaeiaaali.  1886. 

Browa'aHiatoiyoflUiBoia.    NawTork.    1844. 

Butlat'aHiatoiyofKeataflky.    Oiaeiaaatt.    1886. 

liariea  Hiitoiy  of  Yiigiais. 

Booqaaf  a  BzpeditioB,  1764.    Loadoa.  1766. 

BaibaMaiboia'HiitoiyofVNUMMa-    Ikaaalatkm.    FiulaM|Ua^ 


1880. 


▼i  LIIT   Of  AVTSOIITIIS. 

BHMikmHdgt,  H.  B.,  h«id«rti  of  «k«  WUakj  laratNotioB.      FlillMkl- 

phia.    1706. 
Braokenridge,  H.  M.,  Hiitoij  of  th«  lata  mr  with  0ml  Britaii. 

'<  «      Views  of  LoakiM*. 

Braddoek'i  Expoditioa,  bj  PoQMvhraniA  Hitt9rie«l  fikwie^. 
Brief  Steto  of  the  PlMl*^  ttl#ilBM^*«}^  (i>  wkUiIthe  eoidvet  of  th» 

Aaiembly  ii  ezunined. 

Answer  to' the '»b«irt.    Iio««Ub.    1T6A. 
Brief  View  of  the  oondact  of  PennsylfaniA  ia  1765.    London.    1760. 
Brown's  Views  of  the  Osmpeign  of  the  North-West  Army.  Troy,  N.  T.  1814. 
Brown's  History  of  the  Seeoad  War  of  Indqiendenoe. 
Boone's  Adfentares.    N.T.    IHA. 
Black  Hiiwk^iAeeoUf  of  BiBMslfw    OiieiBaat&    1888. 
Butler's  Wistera  OhioMiaaN    Aaakfosl^  Ky.    1887. 
BurgsM'AeeomntefPsny'aViMoiy.    Bootoi.    1889. 


1774. 


*i 


1767. 


Oharlendx'a  Ntw  n«|iaa.    Vteis.    1744. 

"  Journal.  «  « 

Oarrei^s  TraTels.    Losdoi.    lV80.^PhiladeIphia. 
GoDteat  ia  AaikriMbalwaeB  filglaal  aad  France.    London. 
Odden's  History  of  the  Iroqnoui.    loadaD.    1766. 
Correspondanee  of  HOeaa^  *o.    Philaialphia.    1798. 
Coxe's  Description  of  CaiahiBa.    iiOBdoii.    If  82. 
Caroy's  American  Moseam,  to..  lUbMletphia.    1189,  Ae. 
Cincinnati  Directory.    WW^tni'ifv  ss^- 'Rf>»-*;^t*»»c 

Cist's  Cincinnati.    Cincinnati.    1841. 
Cut's  Cincinnati  Miscellany.    2  vols.    1844.    1M6. 
Chase's  Laws.    8  vols.    Cirteinaali.    1885. 

«      Sketch  of  History  of  Ohio.    CiBdnnati.    1888. 
Gampbeirfe  ReaMioi.    QohMhte.    1888. 
OoHitia'  Bistoriaal  Skelokes  of  Kestoekyi 
Colonial  ArohiTcs  of  Fenasyhraniat 

Oolpnial  RseoiiB  of  PeMMfiMois. 
Chi«igoBiMBtoiyfofrl861.  >k.   a  ^ 

Conspilaoy  of  PoB4%e,  hf  SiBMia  iliihiiaa 
Craig'i  HUtory  of  Pitialiiirgh. 
■  «      Olden  TimB«-  -J-   .3r<«R?iBf»i?i' t*sjrf'fffB».;l  i^^ 


f^A 


«>&xnw^sJc-fKAS: 


Boston.    1861. 


Drake's  Indian  OapMnllieB.    Boston.    1889.    ^^'•-^'■"r^^ 
Doddridge's  Notes.    WeUsbmg^  Va.    1884. 

Dillon's  History  of  Indiana.    Vol.  L    Indianapolis^     1843.  r^^ 

Drake's  Piotnro  of  Cincinnati.    Cinoiana^    1816.  'H 

Drake's  Life  of  Teonmthe.    Cincinnati.     1841.                 ^  .  .  ».vt>: 

Drake's  lafe  of  Bbwk  Hawk.    Oboinnati.    1846.  '^^Pjm^ 
Dallihflh  NamliM  of  tho  Bat^  of  Brownatoin^  ^ugu^t  9,  1812.  m^  \\4*^ 


Ms 


i.iir  *t  A'trtnofttTtii. 


Ml 


Ih^  lleiii«lfi  «f  IMM.    2  fMi:   HdrVofkt    l8^. 
DtwMm'i  Life  of  HiMrtft.    CHhdUutl.    t^l     ^  i»  •tf'^^'     ' 

DiMoane  of  Hon.  Wm.  B.  Smith,  WiMOMlB.  ^'     ,««)i«   T 

MiMlM'i  fttpMiai  m^  4f  IViMiil.    inn.        «*»^  {i»»h(»»i»  «*vf   -  ' 
DoooiiiMti  nlMire  to  lain  of  Miiriiiippi  Oom^.    ■»i*^^^>^'*^     ' 

EzpeditioD«f  BMuldMltj  twii^  tttWMilidf  l«>t^  ftutt  iM  ottottt.  Lm^.  ItS^. 
Bnqviry  into  the  moms  0^  the  AlMniiloii  ttff  <h4  Dtlfel^aM  Add  BhittiieM  U^ 


diaiu  from  the 
lotdtfii.    17to> 
BUioott'a  Jeartial,  &o. 


Britt*  tetbMM.      mkM   htM  rtXilh   ])dMflliOl£ 


PhiUdelphia.  .  1808. 


ff  «il<r  cri  iWC  ♦fHfcit 


Bzeontiye  JoaraftU  of  the  Seute. 
Eariy  Jesuit  MieaioiuL 
Brie  Direetoxy  for  1868. 


8  "tnli    Wiiuihi^Mn. 


t828. 

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/■ 

;* 

Poird'i  Hifltoiy  of  DUnott. 

Fremont's  Bzploring  Expedition. 

Florida  of  the  Inoa,  by  de  la  Yegn.     Madrid.    1728. 

Foster's  aooount  of  Fire  in  Pittsburgh,  1846. 

Filson's  Aooount  of  Kentucky.    London^    1708. 

Findley's  History  of  the  Whisky  Insurrection.    I1(Uid«lphia.    17d6. 

lilson's  Account  of  EentMky  in  VtttiA.    ftrii.    1785. 

Flidftf  Bedolfeotions  df  Last  Tta  Y'teM  in  Miiiyippi  Vallej^. 

Flint's  Geography.    Cittoindid.    1881  vx,. 

Gayarre's  Spanish  I)ondnation  of  Loui«i*a*.^^<^^'' ^"^^^ 

"        French  «  u 

Gasette,  Missouri.    St.  LMiK.    1814.  ''' 

Gibbs'  Memdrs  of  the  Administrations  of  Washington  ilid  John  Adanw. 
Greene's  Facts  relative  to  the  Mormons.    Oinoinnati.     1889. 


:•;>#«».<!*;• 


A^Tfif^U'^'- 


Hennepin's  Louisiana.    Fkris.    1684. 

"  New  DisoOVeiy.    ttM<Ai    1097. 

Haira  Sketches  of  the  West.    t*hil«dd^.    1886. 
Holmes'  Annals.    2  vols.    Oambridge.    1829. 
Hall's  Stalastics  of  the  West.    OindfiliAti.    IMd. 
Histoire  General  des  YoyigM.    Fttttt^    IT67. 
Harrison's  Address,  1887,  in  Ohio  Historical  TMnsatitbns. 
Heckewelder'iiirteMdfit.:  FUhtfti^^hit.    1820. 

Hull's  Trial.    Boston.    1814.    (This  volume  d(tai  «torgit«  lhr«r|fdihi«iii^ 
Htu%  MMMIM.    BmBM.    ~i8M. 

Historical  Register  df  Ignited  fitfties.    BilH«a  liyT.  tf.  l^AiMlF.  'Pidladti- 
phia.    1814.  * 


.',r;j;.i 


# 


▼Ul 


Ulf  9W  4VY«OBlfflfl0. 


HiUNjrtriMUMi.   %ll.L»A«i4BFMi.   Svib.   tak   »««. 

HvtohiM*  OupfliiMl  Pwiilfliot  of  VI«M*>  >iiin|lwih|  Mnjliii,  An 
LosdoSt    1778. 

te.    PUkddphlik    17M^ 
HiHoiyafthtOoaVMitornatMAlyDtSalo.   PlHb.  1686.-JMi.    1086. 
"WVt  KhntT**  tf  Binfawi     rMteijipbh  Mil  tliihirti     1886. 
Hwt'lHiilMyortUMkfMMWw.    m.lmk.    lUL 
BMfMtiMi.    QMdHi|l»)    Oolwiikw  mA  OMmmIL 

Bdl'sWItoMMiiklWM^iitkyiaWUvwdPMMMi'fUlmy.  II.T.  1840. 

BmiV  Tov  is  (k«  W«l,  1806. 

HiMiift'i  BiHi^  «f  IW  U|#ii  Slilii. 

HiikNiy  of  Woilon  PMBi^^vMifti 

Hovo'i  Biolorioal  OoIIooHom  of  Ohio. 

HiHoiyofLodiTlUo. 

HiilofMOolltotfoMofLodrfMit.    ^B.V.WnaA. 

Hvnltr'i  AtoooBt  of  hoAtf§  Bipodilioa. 


ladiu  Www. 

iBdiuft  QwmMow.    I»4fawpoBi,    I860. 

Irring*!  Qmvm  of  IlotNb. 

ladopoadoBt  0>wM»  tmd  Qwmnl  MnfAm.    BooIob. 

Imky*!  TopogwiiMool  |>tioiipltoi  of  tfco  Wortwa  Tbnitwy  of  N. 

IidinTiwrtiofftom  1778  to  1887.    WMUMloa.    1887. 


'<       NotaooaViigiBb.    Londoa.    1787. 
JounMloftlioVodonlOoBvoMtioB.    Booloa.    1818. 
Jaeob'fLifiiorONiHp. 


KootiBg*!  Nomlivt  of  Loag^i  SipoditioB. 
KorahoYol'a  VaUiy  of  Ylrgfadik. 
Kentueky  BMolvtloM  of  1798.    BiokwNid,Vft.    1888. 
Kilboan'iOuotloMrofOhio.    Ootaabw.   1887. 


1888. 


U  SdU,  Sp«k'i  lift  of.    fioHon.    1844. 
Land  Laws  of  United  Statoi.    WaaUngton. 
LettNi  BdiflaatM.    Fteia.    1781. 

Original  oditioa  pobUahod  ftoa  joarlo  yaar. 
LauMn'a  HiBla«7  of  MioUgan. 

LatlartoaFriaBdfgiTingaaaoooulof  Btaddoek'alMinl.    Boaten.    1768. 
Lafttan  tnm  an  Amarion  Fmomt,  Ao.    ^j  Ilaalor  Si.  ^loto  do  Caavoeorax. 
UdUal'aHialoijof  MonTianMiaaioiia.    iMdon.    1791.  ^^f 

Land  liawa  affoetiBg  Ohio.    OdaaiVaa.    1885. 


m 


■«. 


LIST   Of   AUTHOBITIIB.  \x 

LatroWi  Rambler  in  Amerio*.    New  York.    1886. 
Lawa  of  Miiaouri.    Jefferwn  City.     1842. 

"      Indiana,  raviaod. 

»      Ohio,  "        Oolambna.    1841. 

Law'i  niatorioal  Addrwa  at  Vinoennea.    Loaiarille.    1880. 
LifA  of  John  Haokaweldar,  by  R«t.  Ed.  BondOialar. 
Lil'a  of  Teoumthe. 
Lloyd'a  Staamboat  Direototy. 
Life  of  Biabop  Flaget. 
Lapbam'a  Sketcbea  of  Wiaconi^. 
Letter  of  De  Soto  to  Aatboritiee  of  St.  Jago  de  Ouba. 

Map  pabliabed  by  aatbority  of  the  Lorda  Oommiaaionen  of  Trade  in  1765. 

Magaiine  Almanao.    Pittaburgb. 

Mormon  Hiatory,  by  QnnniaMi. 

Monette'a  Hiatory  of  Miisiaaippi  Valley. 

McBride'a  Sketch  of  Miami  Univenity. 

Blap  pabliabed  in  London,  February  18, 1766. 

Marquette'a  Journal  in  Therenot.    Paris.    1681. 

Marqnette,  Life  of,  by  Sparka.    Boaton. 

Manhall'B  Hiatory  of  Kentucky.    2  Tola.    Frankfort.    1824. 

McGlung'B  Weetem  Adventure.    Cincinnati.    1889. 

Morehead'a  Addaeia.    Frankfort.    1841. 

Memoirea  Hiatoriquea  aur  la  Louiaiane.    Paris.     1768. 

Maasachnaetta  Historical  OoUeotions.    20  vols.    8  series.    Boaton.    1806  to 

1846. 
Mante'a  Hiatory  of  ihe  War  of  1764-68.     1772.     Probably  published  at 

London. 
Minutes  of  the  Treaty  of  Oarlisle  in  1758.    No  date  of  publication. 
McAfee's  History  of  the  War  of  1812.    Lexington,  Ky.     1816. 
Memoirs  on  the  Last  War  in  North  America. 

Minutea  of  the  Provincial  Ooonoil  of  Pennsylvania.    Published  by  the  State. 
Marshaira  Life  of  Washington.    5  vols.    Philadelphia.    1804  and  1807. 
Martin'a  History  of  Louisiana.    2  vols.    New  Orleana.    1820. 
McDonald's  Sketches.    Oincinnati.    1888. 


Nicollet's  Report  to  the  Senate.    Waahington.    1848. 

North  American  Review.    Boston. 

New  York  Historical  Oollectiona.    8  vola.    New  York. 

Nile's  Weekly  Begiater.    Baltimore. 

Narrative  of  the  Expedition  of  De  Soto,  by  Yaoea. 

Naufiragroa  a  Alvar  Nunei  Oabeia  de  Yaeca. 


1811.   1814.    1821. 


Ohio  Oaietteer. 

Observations  on  the  North  American  Luid  Gtnnpany,  Jb).    London.    1706. 
2 


LIST   OF   AUTHORITIES. 


: 


Old  Journals  of  Oongrem,  fnm  1774  to  1788.    4  vols. 

Ohio  Journals,  published  yearly. 

Ohio  Oanal  Documents.     Golnmbos.     1828. 

Orr'a  Narratiye  of  Loohiy's  Disaster. 

Perkins,  James  H.,  Assistant  Compiler  of  First  Edition  Western  AnUals. 

Peck,  J.  M.,  «  "  Second  Edition  « 

Pioneer  History,  by  Dr.  S.  P.  Hildreth. 

Pollock's,  Dr.  I.,  account  of  Moravians. 

Pownall's  Memorials  on  Service  in  North  America.     London.     1767. 

Present  State  of  North  America.     London.     1765. 

Proud's  Histoiy  of  Pennsylvania.     2  vols.     Philadelphia.     1797. 

Plain  Facts.    Philadelphia.     1781. 

Proofs  of  the  Gorruption  of  James  Wilkinson.     By  Daniel  Olark. 

Plea  in  Vindication  of  the  Connecticut  Title  to  Contested  Lands  West  of  Now 

York.    By  Benjamin  Trumbull.    New  Haven.     1774. 
Present  State  of  Virginia,  &o.     By  Hugh  Jones.     London.     1724. 
Present  State  of  European  Settlements  on  Mississippi.     By  Captain  Philip 

Pittman.     London.     1770. 
Pitkin's  History  of  the  United  States.     New  Haven.     1828. 

Revised  Statutes  of  Virginia.    Richmond.     1819. 

Report  of  the  Committee  to  inquire  into  the  conduct  of  General  Wilkinson, 

February,  1811. 
Review  of  the  Militaiy  Operations  in  North  America,  from  1743  to  1766.    By 

Governor  Livingston,  of  New  Jersey.     London.     1757. 
Ramsay's  History  of  the  War,  from  1755  to  1763.    Edinburgh.     1779. 
Relations  de  la  Louisiane,  &c.     2  vols.    Amsterdam.     1720. 
Rogers'  Journals,     London.     1765. 
Renwick  on  the  Steam  Engine.     New  York.     1839. 

-Silliman's  Journal.     Vol.  31.    New  Haven.     1837. 
Spark's  Washington.     12  vols.    Boston.     1837. 
"      Franklin.     10  vols.    Boston.     1840. 
«      Life  of  Morris.     Boston.     1832. 
Stuart's  Memoirs  of  Indian  Wars. 
Stone's  Life  of  Brant.     2  vols.    New  York.     1838. 
Smollett's  History  of  England. 

Stoddard's  Sketches  of  Louisiana.     Philadelphia.     1812. 
Set  of  Plans  and  Forts  in  North  America,  reduced  from  actual  survey.     1769. 

Probably  published  at  London. 
State  of  British  and  French  Colonies  in  North  America.    In  two  letters  to  a 

a  friend.    London.     1765. 
St.  Glair's  Narrative  of  his  Campaign.     Philadelphia.     1812. 
Smyth's  Travels  in  America.  8  vols.  London.  1784. 


|MMi 


LIST   OF    AUTHORITIES. 


XI 


Secret  Journals  of  Oongreaa.    4  yola.    Boston.    1820. 

State  of  tbe  case  relative  to  United  States  Bank  in  Obio.    Cincinnati.    1823. 

Sparks'  Life  of  La  Salle. 

Tarver's  Western  Jonmal.' 

Travels  in  Minnesota. 

Thatcher's  Lives  of  the  Indians.    2  vols.    N.  T.    1882.. 

Transactions  of  American  Antiquarian  Society.    Worcester,  Mass.     1820. 

Tonti's  Account  of  La  Sallo's  Discoveries.     Paris.     1687.     [Spurious.] 

Todd  &  Drake's  Life  of  Harrison.     Oinoinnati.     1840. 

Travels  in  North  America  in  1795,  '96  and  '97,  by  Isaac  Weld.  2  voIh. 
London.    1799. 

Travels  in  Louisiana.  By Bossu.  Translated  by  J.  R.  Forster.  Lon- 
don.   1771. 

Transactions  of  Ohio  Historical  Society,  containing  Burnet's  Letters.  Cincin- 
nati.    1839. 


Universal  Modem  History.     London.     1763. 
United  States  Gasette,  edited  by  John  Fenno. 


Pttblisbed  at  New  York. 


Yolney's  Views  of  the  Climate  and  Soil  of  the  United  States.    London. 
View  of  the  Title  to  Indiana,  a  tract  of  country  on  the  river  Ohio. 
Voyages,  &c.,  relative  to  the  Discovery  of  America.     Paris.     1841. 


1804. 


Western  Reserve  Register.     1852. 

Whittlesey's  Discourse  on  Lord  Dunmore's  Expedition.     Cleveland.     1842. 
"  Life  of  Fitch.     (In  American  Biography,  New  Series.) 

Withers'  Chronicles  of  Border  Warfare.     Clarksburg,  Va.     1821. 

Western  Monthly  Magasine.     Cincinnati.     1832,  ice.    Periodical. 

Washington's  Journal.     Published  at  Williamsburg,  Va.     Republished  Lon- 
don, 1754,  with  a  map. 

Wetniore's  Missouri  Ghtzetteer.     St.  Louis.    1837. 

Wilkinson's  Memoirs.    3  vols.     Philadelphia.     1816. 

Western  Messenger.     Periodical.    Cincinnati. 

Western  Garland.     Periodical.     Cincinnati. 


«• 


% 


■# 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE. 


1612.    Ponoe  de  Leon  diaeoTen  Florida. 

1616.    Diego  Smnelo  Tieits  Florida. 

1680.    Vasqaei  de  Ayllon  kidnaps  the  nativei  for  slaveB. 
Pampbilo  de  Narraes  goes  to  Florida. 

1636.    Jacques  Cartier  enters  and  explores  Uie  St.  Lawrence. 

1688.  De  Soto  asks  leaye  to  conquer  Florida. 

1689.  De  Soto  readies  Tampa  Bay. 

De  Soto  readies  Appalacliee  Bay. 

1640.  De  Soto  in  Qeorg^ 

De  Soto  readies  Marilla  on  the  Alabama. 

1641.  De  Soto  reaches  Mississippi.r 

De  Soto  crosses  Mississippi  and  rambles  westward. 
De  Soto  dianges  his  course  westward  and  southward. 

1642.  De  Soto  trayels  eastward  toward  Miaaisdppi. 
De  Soto  reaches  Blissisdppi  and  dies. 

1648.    His  followers  attempt  to  reach  Mexico  by  land,  and  fail 
They  arrive  on  the  coast  of  Mexico  by  water. 

1644.    De  Biedma  presents  his  account  of  De  Soto's  expedition  to  the  King  of  Spain. 

1662.    Florida  settled  by  French  colonists. 

1666.    Pedro  Melandes  de  Ariles  establishes  St.  Augustine. 

Avilez,  by  order  of  the  King  of  Spain,  exterminates  the  Huguenots  of  Florida. 
Dominic  de  Qourges,  a  French  catholic,  avenges  his  countrymen. 

1608.  Quebec  founded  by  S.  Champlain. 

1618.  Montreal  Island  settled. 

1616.  Le  Caron  explores  Upper  Canada. 

1680.  Charles  I.  grants  Carolana  to  Sir  Robert  Heath. 

1684.    First  Mission  founded  on  the  eastern  shore  of  Lake  Huron. 

Breboeuf,  Lallemand  and  Daniel,  Ifissionaries,  arrive  at  Lake  Huron. 

1636.  Missionaries  visit  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie. 

1636.  St  Joseph,  St  Louis  and  St.  Ignatius  missions  established. 

1640.  Raymbault  and  Pigart  follow  to  the  West 

1641.  Canadian  envoys  first  meet  North  West  at  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie. 


XIV 


OHBONOLOGIOAL   TABLB. 


1647. 

1664. 

1669. 
1660. 

1661. 
1663. 
1666. 

.  1667. 
1068. 
1070. 

1071. 

1672. 
1678. 


1675. 

167G. 
1677. 
1678. 


1679. 


CHeor  de  LongneVille,  with  »  atuU  oompanj,  it  is  isid,  wm  at  Fox  Biyer  Bapids. 
(donbtfttl.) 

Fattier  Simon  Le  Moine  diaooTered  the  Onondago  Saline. 
For  traders  f^om  Montreal  penetrate  the  Western  Lakes. 

Two  French  traders  passed  the  winter  on  the  shores  of  Lalte  Superior. 

Kene  Masnard  coasts  the  Southern  shore  of  Lalce  Superior. 
Mesnard  establishes  the  missions  of  Ste.  Theresa  and  Chegoimegon. 

Hesnard  perished  in  the  forest,  of  cold  and  hunger. 

Colonel  Wood's  alleged  travels. 

Tracy  made  Tioeroy  of  New  France. 

Alloues  founds  first  permanent  station  on  Lake  Superior. 

La  Salle  first  arriTos  in  Canada  flrom  France. 

Claude  Dablon  and  Jacques  Marquette  plant  mission  of  Ste  Marie. 

N.  Perrot  is  ordered  West  by  the  Intendant  to  propose  a  congress  of  Lake  Indians. 
Alleged  traTels  of  Captain  Bolt 

Grand  council  at  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie. 

French  take  formal  possession  of  the  North  West. 

Marquette  establishes  permanently  the  mission  of  St  Ignatius. 

Alloues  and  Dablon  Tisited  Oreen  Bay  and  all  the  Western  shore  of  Lake  Michigan. 

Marquette  and  his  companions  lei^Te  Mackinac  to  seek  the  Mississippi. 

Marquette  and  Iiis  companions  cross  from  Fox  river  to  Wisconsin. 

Marquette  and  liis  companions  reach  Mississippi. 

Marquette  and  his  companions  meet  Illinois  Indians. 

Marquette  and  his  companions  reach  Arkansas. 

Marquette  and  his  companions  leave  on  return  to  Maoldnac. 

Marquette  and  Joilet  at  Des  Moines,  (as  supposed.) 

Marquette  at  and  alone  about  Oliicago. 

Marquette  dies  on  the  Eastern  shore  of  Lake  Michigan. 
La  Salle  returns  to  France. 

La  Salle  again  in  Canada  and  rebuilds  Fort  Frontenac. 

La  SaUe  visits  France  a  second  time. 

La  Salle  and  Tonti  sail  for  Canada. 

La  Salle  and  Tonti  arrive  at  Quebec. 

La  Salle  and  Tonti  cross  Lake  Ontario. 

Persons  from  NeW  England  said  to  have  explored  the  South  West. 

La  Salle  loses  his  stores  in  Lake  Ontario. 

The  Oriffin  sails  up  Lake  Erie  through  the  straits  to  Huron. 

La  SaUe  and  his  party  encountered  dreadftil  storms  on  Lake  Huron. 

The  Oriffin  miraculously  saved,  arrives  at  Maokinae. 

The  party  weigh  anchor  and  sail  to  Green  Bay. 

The  Griffin  laden  and  sent  back  to  Niagara. 

La  SaUe  with  part  of  his  men  commences  voyage  up  Lake  Michigan. 

They  reach  the  head  of  Lake  Michigan  and  discover  the  St  Josephs  river. 

Dnring  November  build  Fort  Miamies  at  mouth  of  St^  Joseplis  river. 

Beinforced  by  Tonti,  they  ascend  the  St  Josephs  and  cross  to  Kankakee. 


"V. 


OHBONOLOaiOAL   TABItll*,  XV 

'    •  '  '     -  '-^ 

1680.  La  Salle  Mid  his  party  in  Peoria  Lake. 

La  Salle,  under  great  depreuion  of  mind,  builde  and  namea  Fort  CreTeoceor. 

Hennepin  sent  to  explore  the  MiBsisaippi. 

La  Salle  oommenoee  his  journejt  returning  to  Canada. 

If.  Hennepin  on  the  Upper  MississippL 

Tonti  oommenees  building  Fort  Si  Louis.  .     M 

Hostility  of  the  Iroquois  obliges  !ltonti  to  leave  the  oountiy. 

La  Salle  returns  to  Illinois. 

Hennepin  retuma  to  Canada. 

1681.  La  Salle  and  Tonti  meet  at  Mackinae. 
La  Salle  a  third  time  goes  westward. 
La  Saile  at  St.  Josephs  again. 

La  Salle  goes  by  Chicago  to  Illinois  river. 

La  Salle  finds  Fort  Creyeeoeur  in  good  condition. 

1682.  La  Salle  goes  ^m  Chicago  westward 
La  Salle  on  banks  of  the  Mississippi. 
La  Salle  descends  Mississippi. 

La  Salle  discovers  mouths  of  Mississippi. 

La  Salle  takes  possession  by  process  verbaL 

La  Salle  returns  to  St.  Josephs,  of  Michigan. 

La  Salle  intends  to  ascend  the  Mississippi  with  a  eolony. 

1688.    La  Salle  leaves  niinois  for  Quebec. 

La  Salle  immediately  sails  for  France,  at  Rochelle,  in  Deeember. 

1684.  La  Salle  sails  flrom  France  for  mouth  of  Mississippi. 
La  Salle  reaches  St.  Domingo. 

La  Salle  sails  from  St.  Domingo  for  mouth  of  Mississippi. 

La  Salle  discovers  the  main  land. 

The  Iroquois  place  themselves  under  England. 

1685.  La  Salle  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

La  Salle  sends  party  on  shore  to  go  eastward  for  mouth  of  Mississippi. 

La  Salle  reaches  Matagorda  Bay. 

Beaujeu  sails  for  France,  leaving  La  Salle  in  great  distress. 

La  Salle  building  in  Texas;  unfortunate. 

La  Salle  in  person  searches  for  the  Mississippi. 

1686.  La  Salle  returns  to  Matagorda  Bay. 

La  Salle  goes  again  to  seek  the  Mississippi. 

Tonti  goes  down  Mississippi  to  meet  La  Salle. 

La  Salle  returns  unsuccessful.  ' 

1687.  La  Salle  leaves  for  Mississippi  the  third  time. 
La  Salle  sends  men  to  look  for  stores. 

La  Salle  follows  and  is  killed  by  those  men. 

His  murderers  quarrel  and  slay  one  another. 

Seven  of  La  Salle's  best  companions  leave  the  main  body. 

The  seven  proceed  toward  Mississippi,  and  reach  Arkansas. 

They  reach  Fort  St.  Louis,  on  the  Illinois  river. 

La  Salle's  death  was  not  published  until  next  year.         ' 


'V 


xvi 


OHRONOLOaiOAL   TABLB. 


1688.  La  SaHe's  former  oompaniona  leaTe  Fort  St  Lonis,  for  QnetiM. 
Th«no«  thej  sail  for  Franee,  and  arrire  at  Roohell*,  in  October. 
Population  of  all  French  North  America,  about  12,000. 

1680.    War  of  the  European  alllaBoe. 

•IFIbenrille  Tiotorioiu  on  Hudson's  Baj. 

1600.    D'lberrille  inTades  English  Colony  of  New  York. 

1698.    Rev.  Oravier,  a  Missionary  at  Kaskaskia,  Illinois. 
Kaskaskia  founded  by  OraTier ;  date  unknown. 
Cahokia  setOement  prior  to  Kaskaskia ;  date  likewise  unknoiB. 

1697.  Treaty  between  France  and  England,  and  peaee  of  Byswlck. 

1698.  D'lberrille  appointed  Oovemor  of  Louisiana. 
Bienyille  appointed  Intendant  of  Louisiana. 

Dr.  Coxe  sends  two  vessels  toward  the  Mississippi. 

1^699.     D'IberriUe  at  the  Bay  of  Mobile. 
D'lberrille  enters  tbo  Mississippi. 
D'IberriUe  sails  for  France. 
Bienville  sounJs  Mississippi  and  meets  English. 
Fort  L'Hnillier  built  on  Blue  Earth  river,  Minnesota. 

1700.  D'Iberville  returns  from  France. 
D'Iberville  goes  up  the  Mississippi  to  Natchet. 

D'Iberville  sends  Le  Seur  to  St.  Peter's,  in  search  of  copper  adne. 

1701.  De  la  Motte  Cadillac  founds  Detroit 
D'Iberville  founds  a  colony  on  Mobile  river. 
Iroquois  again  place  themselves  under  Engluid. 

1702.  Fort  bnUt  on  the  Bay  of  Mobile. 

1705.  Colony  much  reduced  by  sickness. 

1706.  D'Iberville  at  Havana  on  a  voyage  to  France. 
Bienville  Governor,  pro  tern. 

1707.  First  grant  of  lands  at  Detroit 

1708.  D'Artaguette  in  Louiriana. 

1 710.    Oovemof  Spottswood,  of  Virginia,  explores  the  Alleghenies. 

1712.     War  between  the  French  and  their  allies,  and  the  Ottagamie  and  Masooutens 
Indians. 
Monopoly  of  Louisiana  granted  to  Crosat 
Tusoaroras  admitted  in  confederacy  with  Iroquois. 

1718.    Treaty  of  Utrecht,  leaving  boundary  between  colonies  unsettled. 

1714,    Fort  Rosalie  (Natchez)  commenced. 


SS^i 


OHBOKOLOaiOAL  ZA9LB. 

1717.  Grout  nsignB  his  priTQage  of  monopoly. 

Fort  Churtres  oommenoed— first  a  wooden  itmotnra. 
LoniiUna  tnulo  granted  to  Company  of  West. 
New  Orleana  oommenoed. 
John  Law  oonnected  with  Company  of  the  West. 

1718.  Emigrants  augment  the  population  of  New  Orleans. 
Renault  leaves  France  for  Illinois. 


xvn 


1719.  Company  of  the  West  made  Company  of  the  Indies. 

OoTemor  Kdih,  of  Pennsyivania,  urges  the  building  a  Fort  on  Lake  Erie. 

* 

1720.  Law  made  ainiater  of  finance. 

Stoolc  of  Company  of  tlie  Indies  worth  2060  per  cent. 

Steele  commences  depreciation. 

Company  of  the  Indies  bankrupt. 

Charlevoix  arrives  in  America  and  lands  at  Quebec. 

Renault  buys  slaves  at  St.  Domingo  for  working  mines  in  Illinois. 

Mine  La  Motte,  Missouri,  discovered  and  wrouglit. 

Spanish  invasion  of  Missouries  firom  Santa  Fe. 

Spaniards  totally  defeated  and  all  except  a  single  individual  slain. 

La  Harpe  explores  Washita  and  Arkansas. 

1721.  Charlevoix  at  Montreal. 
Charlevoix  at  the  Falls  of  Niagara. 
Charlevoix  at  Fort  de  Pontchartrain,  (Detroit) 
Charlevoix  at  Mackinac. 

Charlevoix  at  the  Fort  on  St.  Josephs  river. 
Charlevoix  at  the  source  of  the  Theakiki.  (ELankakee.) 
Charlevoix  at  Pimiteouy,  (Peoria.) 
Charlevoix  at  Kaskaskia. 
Charlevoix  at  Natchei. 

1722.  English  erect  a  trading  post  at  Oswego. 

Charlevoix  at  New  Orleans.  ^ 

Charlevoix  at  Biloxi. 

1726.  Iroquois  a  third  time  place  themselves  under  England. 

1727.  English  build  a  Fort  at  Oswego. 

1729.    French  among  the  Natchez,  murdered. 

1780.    Natohei  conquered  and  destroyed. 

Alleged  travels  of  Sailing  in  the  West. 

Qovemor  Keith  earnestly  reoommends  securing  West  tO  England. 

1782.    Company  of  Indies  resign  Louisiana  to  the  king. 

1786.    Yincennes  settled  according  to  some  authorities. 

1736.    Expedition  of  French  against  Chickasaws. 
D'Artaguette  conquered  and  slain. 
Yincennes,  Senat  and  D'Artaguette  burned. 
Bienville  fails  in  assault  on  Chickasaws,  and  retreats. 


xvni 


OURONOLOaiOAL   TABLB. 


1789.    French  ooUeet  t«  attack  the  Ohiokanwi. 
1740.    Peace  between  French  and  OhickaMwa. 

Lanse  d'la  OraMe  (at  New  Madrid)  luppoeed  to  hare  been  inhabited. 

1742.    John  Howard  ia  uid  to  have  gone  down  Ohio  rirer. 

1744.  Treaty  of  English  and  Iroqnoia  at  Lancaster. 
VandrenU  feara  English  inHnence  in  the  West. 
Benanlt  retnnu  to  France. 

1745.  Ptem  Chartler  conciliates  Shawanese  and  French. 

1748.  Ghickasaws  attack  French  post  on  Arkansas.  • 
Conrad  Weiser  sent  to  the  Ohio. 

Ohio  Land  Company  formed. 

Pierre  Chartier  instigates  war  between  Iroqnois  and  Shawanese. 
English  establish  a  trading  post  on  Great  Miami,  Ohio. 
EzoessiTely  cold,  stormy,  and  scTere  winter. 

1749.  Orant  of  land  to  Loyal  Company. 

Celeron  sent  to  bury  medals  along  the  Oliio  riTer. 

1750.  English  traders  it  is  said  were  made  prisoners  at  Great  Miami. 
Twigtwee  or  Miami  Indians  killed  by  French  soldiers. 

Both  time  and  place  are  uncertain. 

English  driTcn  flrom  their  station  on  Miami,  by  the  French. 

Twigtwee  or  Miami  Indians  defend  the  English  and  are  killed. 

Large  shipments  of  products  from  Illinois  to  New  Orleana. 

Five  French  villages  in  Illinois. 

Forty  sailing  yessels  at  New  Orleans. 

Dr.  Walker  explores  Kentucky. 

1761.     Christopher  Gist,  (it  is  belioTed,)  explored  the  interior  of  Ohio. 
Gist  snrreyed  land  south  of  Ohio  river,  east  of  Kanawha. 
Gen.  Andrew  Lewis  surveyed  for  Greenbriar  Company. 

1752.    French  again  attack  English  post  on  Great  Miami,  (doubtful.) 
Treaty  at  Logstown.— Indians  confirm  Lancaster  Treaty  of  1744. 
Families  locate  West  of  the  Alleghenies. 
French  organise  an  army  to  occupy  the  Upper  Ohio. 

1758.    French  build  Fort  Presqu'  Isle. 
French  build  Fort  Le  Bceuf. 

Fort  Venango  oommenoed.  , 

Pennsylvania  Assembly  informed  of  French  movements. 
Commissioner  sent  to  warn  French;  stops  at  Logstown.  . 

French  sent  with  arms  for  fHendly  Indians. 
Colonies  authorised  to  resist  French  by  force. 
Treaty  with  North-Westem  Indians  at  Winchester. 

Treaty  at  Carlisle  with  Iroquois,  Delawares,  Shawanese,  Miamies  and  Wyandot^. 
Ohio  Company  open  line  at  Braddock's  road. 
Washington  commissioned  to  bear  message  to  French  commandant. 


0HR0N0LO€(I0AL   lABLI. 


XIX 


.go/ 


0 


< 


/A 


1758.    WMhington  le»T«i  Will's  ereek  for  Fort  Vwungo. 
WMhlDgton  on  MonungahaUt,  st  Turtle  creek. 

WaBhington  makes  acoorate  obserration  at  the  Jonotion  of  the  two  rirers. 
Washington  at  Logstown  engages  Indian  chief  to  accompany  him. 
Washington  at  Venango  directed  to  proceed  to  Le  Bceaf.  S'^  ^ 

Washington  reaches  French  commandant  at  Le  Bceaf. 
Great  number  of  boats  containing  French  army  passes  Oswego. 
Washington  leares  French  commandant  to  return  to  Virginia,  ly  ^ 

1754.    Washington  at  Oist's  house  on  Monongahela.  \^\fk 

Washington  at  Williamsburg,  the  capital  of  Virginia.  '^^"^ 

Troops  called  into  senrioe  by  Virginia.  ^k^, 

French  fort  at  Voiango  finished. 

English  commence  building  a  fort  at  the  Junction. 

Oontreoceur  demands  surrender  of  the  English.  * 

Ensign  Ward  capitulates ;  is  permitted  to  leaTC,  together  with  his  men  and  stores 

Virginia  troops  moving  westward. 

Washingt«m  crosses  Alleghenies. 

Washington  attacks  and  kills  JumouTille. 

New  Tork  sends  £5,000  to  Virginia. 

Washington  at  Fort  Necessity. 

Washington  surrenders  Fort  Necessity. 

Washington  retires  to  Mount  Vernon. 

French  hold  the  whole  West. 


'♦> 


^^i 


'Af<t 


'-— i--^ 


1755.    France  proposes  a  compromise. 

Braddook  lands  at  Alexandria  in  Virginia. 

France  and  England  sent  fleets  to  America. 

Braddock's  army  marches  by  two  routes  westward. 

Expedition  against  Nova  Scotia  leaves  Boston. 

Braddock  arrives  at  Fort  Cumberland. 

Braddock  marches  from  Fort  Cumberland. 

Braddock  reaches  the  Monongahela. 

Braddook  re-crosses  Monongahela,  nteets  French  and  Indians,  and  is  defeated. 

Braddock  died  at  the  Qreat  Meadows. 

1766.    Fort  Ohartres  rebuilt;  a  strong  stone  structure. 

LewTs'  Expedition  against  the  Ohio  Indians,  and  failure. 

Indians  fill  the  valley  of  Virginia. 

War  formally  declared  between  France  and  England. 

Armstrong's  Expedition  against  Kittanning. 

First  Indian  treaty  held  at  Easton. 

Monsieur  Donville  defeated  and  slain. 

1757.    Massacre  at  Fort  William  Heniy. 
Pitt  made  Prime  Minister. 

1768.    Fort  Stan wix  built. 

Louisburg  and  Fort  Frontenao  taken. 

Post  leaves  for  the  Ohio  river  to  oonciliato  Indiana. 

Post  encounters  much  fatigue  and  danger. 

Post  arrives  at  Kuskushkee,  and  goes  to  Fort  Du  Quesne. 

Post  confers  with  Indians  near  Fort  Du  Quesne. 


J^tJ^ 


t 


■-♦ 


XX 


OHftONOLOaiOAL  TABLX. 


1 768.    Onnt  daftattd  bmut  Fort  Dn  QaaoM. 

WMhington  op«ning  ^rotd  otmt  the  monntaiu. 

TraMh  tad  Inditiu  ftttaok  ForbM  at  LoTalhanna. 

ForbM  muehM  flrom  Loytlhanna  to  Twtio  crook. 

Post'i  Mcond  minioii  to  Ohio  IndUu. 

FroBoh  bum  and  rotiro  flrom  Fort  Da  Qaeano. 

Forboi  takoa  poMOMlon  of  tho  Forki.  (Pittsborgh.) 

EngUah  eroet  temporary  worka ;  Forbea  retoma  to  Philadelphia. 

Ool.  H.  M eroer  left  in  command. 

Cherokee  Indiana  become  hostile  to  Ooloniats. 


1700.    Forbea  dies  at  Philadelphia. 

D'Anbry  bring!  army  itorea  and  troopa  from  lUinoia  to  Venango. 

Oarriaon  at  Fort  Pitt  fear  the  French  at  Venango. 

Oen.  Stanwix  arriTca  at  Fort  Pitt. 

Tioonderoga,  Grown  Point,  Niagara  and  Qaebeo  yield. 

1760.  The  French  yield  Canada  to  the  English. 
Cherokee  war  against  sonth-west  Colonies. 

Oen.  Monkton  treats  with  the  Indians  at  Fort  Pitt 
Settlers  again  go  otot  the  monntains. 
Bogers  takes  possession  of  Detroit. 
Bogers  retoms  across  Ohio  to  Fort  Pitt. 

1761.  Death  of  Pierre  Francois  Xavier  de  Charlevoix. 
Alexander  Henry,  Indian  trader,  Tisits  N.  West. 
Oliristian  F.  Post  goes  to  settle  on  Tuscarawas  river. 

1762.  Bouquet  warns  all  persons  from  settling  on  Indian  lands. 
Post  and  Heckewelder  go  to  Tuscarawas. 

Dark  day  at  Detroit. 

Preliminaries  to  Peace  of  Paris  settled. 

Louisiana  transferred  to  Spain. 

The  Canadas  contain  upward  of  100,000  souls. 

1763.  Mason  and  Dixon  oommenoe  to  surrey  line  between  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland. 
Treaty  of  Paris  concluded. 

Detroit  attacked  by  Pontiao. 

Maoldnac  taVen  by  Indians. 

Presqu'  Is)  a  (Erie)  taken  by  Indians. 

Sandusky,  Fort,  surprised  and  taken  by  Indians. 

St.  Josephs  Fort,  on  St.  Josephs  river,  taken  by  Pottawattamies. 

Ouiatenon  garrison  surrendered — ^were  not  massacred. 

Fort  Miami  (near  Fort  Wayne)  garrison  made  prisoners. 

Fort  at  Oreen  Bay  evacuated  and  garrison  escaped. 

Le  Bcenf  attacked,  fort  burnt,  garrison  escaped. 

The  date  of  the  massacre  at  forts  at  Venango  not  known.* 

Battle  of  Bushy  Bun. 

Fort  Pitt  besieged,  and  relieved  by  Bouquet 

Proclamation  to  protect  Indian  lands. 

Laclede  arrives  at  Ste.  Genevieve. 

Laclede  selects  site  of  St.  Louis. 

Forts  Bedford  and  Ligonier  attacked ;  not  taken. 


1764. 


176fi. 


OHRONOLOOIOAL    SABLI. 

St.  Lonii  founded  hj  LMled*. 

BradBtreet  nukea  diahononble  pcMe  with  Noiihem  Indiuu. 

Bouquet  m»kee  peMe  with  Ohio  Indiuu. 

French  Offloen  ordered  to  gire  up  Lower  LonieiMM  to  Bp«ln. 

Sir  WilUnn  Johnson  nukee  treaty  at  Oennan  FUta. 

Oeorge  Oroghan  goea  weatward. 

Groi^um  made  prisoner  at  the  Wabaih. 

Captain  Stirling,  for  Bngland,  takes  posaesdon  of  Illinois. 

Proolamation  of  OoTemor  Oage. 


xxi 


1766. 
1766. 

1766. 


}  First  fhuiUea  known  to  be  at  Pittaburgh. 


"Quebte  BOi"  passed  in  the  British  Parliament. 

Capt  Jonathan  Carrer  explored  the  unknown  North-Weat. 

Settlers  again  oross  the  Mountains. 

Walpole  Company  proposed. 

OoL  Jamea  Smith  Tisits  Kentnoky. 

Capt  Pitman  arrives  in  Illinois. 

Haaon  and  Dizon'a  Line  finished  to  Dunker  Creek. 


1767.  Western  Indiana  grow  impatilent 
Franklin  labora  for  Walpole  Company. 
Finley  visits  Kentuoky. 

Zeisberger  founds  Blission  on  the  Allegheiqr. 

Oen.  Bouquet  died  at  Pensaool*. 

Maaon  and  Dixon  oeased  surreying  line  between  Pennqrlvanift  and  Ifaiylaad. 

English  tradera  first  viMt  Aasiniboine  riTer. 

1768.  Treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix— grand  aeqniaittoin  of  lands  tnm  Indians. 
Capt.  Pitman  still  at  Illinois. 

Capt  Carrer  returns  tnm  the  North-Weat 

Indian  treaty  at  Pittsburgh. 

Serere  penal  laws,  to  prevent  settlement  on  Indian  lands. 

1769.  MissiBsippi  Company  proposed. 
Boone  and  others  start  for  Kentuoky. 

Boone  and  others  reach  Bed  river,  of  Kentool^. 
Boone  made  prisoner  by  the  Indiana. 

1770.  Orave  Creek  Settlement,  ^i^^nia,  first  made. 
Moravians  invited  to  Big  Beaver. 

Moravians  leave  AQeghei^  and  remove  to  Beaver. 

Treaty  of  Loehaber. 

Ohio  Company  merged  in  Walpde  Company. 

Washington  visits  the  Weat 

The  Zanee  found  Wheeling. 

Spain  takes  possession  of  St  Louis  and  Upper  Loniriana. 

The  Long  Hunters  ex^ore  the  West 

1771.  Boone  returns  to  North  Carolina. 
Long  Hunters  atUl  abroad. 


xxii 


OHltOMOLOOIOAL    TABLI. 


1772.    Indiani  mnrdowd  by  wbitM  on  Lower  Kanawha. 

Moravian*  InTitMl  hj  Indiana,  ramoTo  from  Boaror  to  Tuioarawa. 
0«n.  Oage'a  proolamatlon  against  lettlcrs  on  Wabaih. 
Moraviana  found  Bohoanbmn  oi»  TuMarawa. 


177A.    Boone  and  othwa  atari  to  Mittla  Kentaoky. 

Boone  and  oompanlona  attaoked  by  Indiana,  and  ra^uv. 

Bullitt,  M'Afee  and  othtn  deaoend  tha  Ohio. 

Bullitt  and  others  surrey  at  Falls  and  Kentucky  rWer. 

Oen.  Thompson  surveys  the  ralloy  of  Licking. 

Oen.  Lyman  goes  to  Natohes. 

Purchase  by  Illinois  Company  in  Illinois. 

Big  Bone  Lick,  near  the  Ohio,  discovered. 

Kennedy,  fW>m  Kaskaskia,  asoenda  Illinois  river  In  search  of  a  copper  BJnu. 

Kennedy  desoribes  ruins  of  a  fort  at  the  south-weet  end  of  Lake  Peoria. 


^ 


1774.    Jamea  Hivrrod  In  Kentucky. 

Contentions  between  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia. 

Connolly  calls  out  militia,  aad  vsnrps  civil  authority. 

St  Clair  arrests  Connolly  and  eompanlons. 

Connolly  and  associates  are  released  on  parole. 

Connolly  receives  armed  forces  from  Virginia. 

Connolly  takes  possession  of  Fort  Pitt,  and  names  It  Fort  Dunmoro. 

Magistrates  made  prlsonera  by  Connolly. 

Pennsylvania  magistrates  carried  prisoners  to  Virginia. 

Discussion  about  the  unfinished  Mason  and  Dixon  line. 

Connolly  writea  to  the  settlera  about  Wheeling  to  attack  Indians. 

Creaap  unfortunately  agrees  with  Connolly. 

Oreathouse  murders  several  Indians. 

Logan  revenges  his  family.     Preparation  for  War. 

Boone  sent  for  surveyors  down  the  river. 

Friendly  Shawanese  attacked  by  Connolly. 

Several  Indian  traders  murdered. 

M'Donald  attaoka  Wapatomica. 

Troops  under  Lewis  march  down  Kanawha. 

Troops  under  Lewis  reach  Point  Pleasant 

Battle  of  Point  Pleasant 

Dnnmore  makes  an  unpopular  peace. 

Simon  Olrty  considered  a  valiant  soldier. 

Simon  Olrty  acts  in  concert  with  Virginians  against  Indians. 


1775.    Treaty  of  Wataga;  purchase  by  Transylvania  Company. 
Boone  returns  to  Kentucky,  and  founds  Boonsboro. 
Henderson  and  associates  arrive  at  Boonsboro. 
Henderson  calls  representatives  to  the  first  Legislature  in  the  West. 
Representatives  hold  their  session  under  a  large  tree. 
Ouy  Johnson  inflaenoes  Iroquois  against  Americans. 
Oneidas  and  Tusoaroras  aiftare  to  Ameiioa. 
Congress  forms  three  IncHaa  departments. 
Meeting  of  Commissioners  and  Indians  at  Pittsburgh. 
Connolly  arrested  in  Maryland. 


^         cnRONOLOaiOAI.    TADLK.  XxUl 

1776.    PurohsM  by  Wabnali  Companj  on  Wkbuh  rlTtr. 
C»pt<  John  NeTilU  tnkea  poHMninp  of  V  M  Pitt, 
ProTlnoikl  goTornment  of  P«nn8yW»nw  u^nonnOM  Jadge  Cnirfoid. 
A  TWj  l»rg«  meeting  %i  HatMtMlAwn  of  oitiicM  of  Woitorn  PtpuiylTMia. 

1770.    MonoBg»1i«  oonntjr,  Virglnl*,  mad«  Arom  West  Augaats. 

Ohio  county,  VirginU,  arcoted  frniii  Weat  Augwtodiatriot. 
An  attack  on  Detroit  propoved  In  Congreaa. 
Waahington  adriaaa  the  employmaBt  of  IndiMM. 
Indiana  generally  incline  to  the  Britiah. 
Oongreaa  authoriiea  the  employment  of  Indiana. 
Indiana  drire  off  Kentucky  aettlan. 
George  Rogera  Clark  morea  to  Kentucky. 
Kentttokiana  choose  dalegatea  for  Virginia  Aaaembly. 
Clark  and  Jonea  are  their  rcpresentatiTcs. 
Clark  procures  gunpowder  ftroni  Virginia  Counoil. 
Virginia  admits  Kentauky  among  her  counties. 
Clarlc  and  Jonea  return  from  Virginia  by  Pittaburf^. 
Jonea  is  killed  by  Indiana — Clark  retoma  to  Baf  rodsbnrg. 
Kentaeky  settlements  made  Kentucky  county,  Virginia. 
Fort  Appleby  built  at  Kittanning. 

1777.    Cornstalk  (Indian  chief,)  murdered  at  Point  Pleaaant. 
Congress  of  Indians  and  British  at  Oswego. 
Kentucky  infested  with  Northern  Indians. 
Kentucky  electa  (legally,)  burgesses  to  Virginia  Assembly. 
Logan's  atation  aasailed  by  Indiana. 
Ciark  sends  spies  to  Illinois. 
Logan  crosses  the  mountaina  for  gunpowder. 
Bowman,  with  one  hundred  men,  cornea  Weat  fVom  Virginia. 
Fof«  Henry  (Wheeling,)  attacked. 
First  court  in  Kentucky,  at  Harrodsburg. 
The  attack  on  Detroit  urged  in  Congress. 
Clark  opens  his  plan  of  conquering  Illinois  to  QoTomor  Henry. 
Harrodsburg  attacked  by  Indians. 


1778.    Orders  issued  to  Clark  to  attacl^  Illinois. 

Boone  taken  prisoner  at  Salt  Licks,  on  Licking  rirer. 
Boone  taken  to  Detroit,  thence  to  Scioto. 
Clark  aucoeeds  in  gathering  a  small  army  at  LoniaTiUe. 
Chu-k  passes  falls  of  (Hiio,  and  desoenda  to  Fort  Massac. 
Boone  escapes  from  Indian  captiTity. 
Clark  marohea  from  Ohio  riTer  towards  Kaakaskia. 
Clark  conquers  Kaakaskia,  as  likewise  Cahokia. 
Vincennes  joins  the  American  cause. 
M'lntosh  sent  to  command  at  Fort  Pitt 
Fort  M'lntosh,  on  the  upper  Ohio,  built. 
'  New  Jersey  objects  to  land  claims  of  Virgbd*. 
Boone  makes  an  incursion  against  Indiana  on  Sdoto. 
Boonsboro  besieged  by  British  and  Indiana. 
Fort  Laorena  built  on  the  Tuaoarawas. 
'    Clark  holds  council  with  Indians  of  the  Dlinoia. 


wy 


XXIV  OHRONOLOaiOAL    TABLB. 

1778.  Treaty  with  Delaware  Indiana  at  Pittsburgh. 

Virginia  grants  Ilenderlon  and  company  the  Green  rirer  land. 
Oovernor  Hamilton,  ttom  Detroit,  re-talces  Vinoennes. 

1779.  Boundary  lidtween  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  settled. 
Clark  is  notified  of  the  capture  of  Vinoennes. 
Olarli's  extraordinary  march  ft-om  Kaskaskia. 
Clark's  miraculous  re-capture  of  Vinoennes, 
Governor  Hamilton  sent  a  prisoner  to  Virginia. 
State  of  Delaware  objects  to  Ian.  claims  of  Virginia. 
Americans  suspect  and  attack  the  Iroquois. 

First  settlement  of  Lexington,  Kontuclcy. 
Virginia  passes  additional  land  laws. 
Maryland  objects  to  land  claims  of  Virginia. 
Brodhead's  expedition  against  the  Allegheny  Indians. 
Sullivan's  expedition  against  the  Iroquois. 
Bowman's  expedition  against  Indians  in  Miami  valley. 
Fort  Laurens  on  Tuscarawas  abandoned. 
Indians  treat  with  Brodhead  at  Fort  Pitt. 
Rogers  and  Benham  attacked  by  Indians. 
Land  Commissioners  open  their  sessions  in  Kentucky. 
Congress  asks  Virginia  to  reconsider  land  laws. 
Continued  Indian  outrages  about  Fort  Pitt. 

1780.  Hard  winter. — Great  suffering  in  the  West. 
New  York  authorises  a  cession  of  Western  lands. 
Fort  Jefferson  built  on  the  Mississippi. 

Great  emigration  to  the  South- West. 

Virginia  grants  lands  in  Kentucky  foi  education. 

St.  Louis  attacked  by  British  and  Indians. 

Louisville  established  by  law. 

Byrd  with  a  large  force  invades  Kentucky. 

Clark  prepares  to  attack  the  Shawanese. 

Clark  builds  block  house  opposite  the  mouth  of  Lickin<;. 

Marches  thence  to  Upper  Miami. 

Clark  defeats  the  Shawanese  and  destroys  their  property. 

Battle  of  SLing's  Mountain  in  N.  Carolina. 

Scarcity  of  provisions — almost  famine  at  Fort  Pitt. 

South- Western  boundary  of  Pennsylvania  definitely  established. 

1781.  Laws  of  Virginia  prevent  sale  of  provisions  out  of  the  State. 
Renewed  efforts  for  an  expedition  agtdnst  Detroit. 
Virginia  makes  her  first  act  of  cession. 

Spaniards  flrom  St.  Louis  take  Fort  St.  Josephs,  near  Lake  Michigan. 

Jay  instructed  that  he  may  yield  the  navigation  of  Mississippi. 

New  York  cedes  her  Western  lands. 

Brodhead  attacks  Delaware  Indians  on  Muskingum. 

Gen.  G.  B.  Clark  solicits  aid  fi-om  Western  Pennsylvania. 

Clark  addresses  Col.  Lochry  of  Westmoreland. 

Lochry,  Orr  and  others  raise  a  force  and  desoaad  the  Ohio.  . 

Loohry  killed— his  troops  taken  prisoners. 

Mary  Heckewelder  bom,  first  white  ohild  in  Ohio. 

Americans  begin  to  settle  in  Illinois. 


OHROirOLOOXOAL  SABLl. 


V^ 


1781.    OhiokMftws  attaok  Fort  J«ff«non. 

Monviuu  ourried  to  SuidaBky  by  Brititili  and  buHua. 
MonTlui  lliasionury  taken  to  Detroit  ^ 

WiUiamion  leads  a  party  against  Moravian  Indians. 
Clark  forestalls  sarplas  prorisionB  of  PennsylTania.  * 

PennsyWanians  disgnsted  witli  the  grasping  ooiidnct  of  Clark. 
CoL  Brodhead  preTonts  Yirginiaos  removing  oannon  flroa  Pitt 
Oreat  emigration  of  girls  to  Kentool^. 
Washington  oonnty,  PennsyWanla,  established. 


1782.    British  establish  a  military  post  at  Sandnsky. 
Moravian  Indians  murdered  by  Americans. 
Moravian  missionaries  taken  to  Detroit 
Attack  on  EstiU's  station— whites  defeated. 
Crawford's  expedition — taken  prisoner  and  bomt 
Attack  on  Bryant's  station. 
Battle  at  the  Blae  Licks;  Kentnokiana  defeated. 
Land  offices  opened  for  Virginia  lands. 
Clark's  second  incursion  through  Miami  valley. 
Provisional  articles  of  peace  with  Oreat  Britidn. 
Rice's  Fort,  near  Wheeling,  assailed  by  Indians. 
Lexington,  Ky.,  incorporated  by  Virginia  Assembly. 
Fort  Nelson  built  at  falls  of  Ohio,  Louisville. 
Catfish,  (Washington,)  Pennsylvania,  first  laid  out  as  a  town. 


:.#A 


kan. 


1 788.    Hostilities  between  Umted  States  and  Oreat  Britian  cease. 
Kentucky  formed  into  one  district 
Congress  calls  on  the  States  to  cede  lands. 
Peace  proclaimed  to  the  army. 
English  propose  to  cany  away  slaves. 
Wa&hington  protests  against  course  of  English. 
Bofiis  Putnam  applies  for  lands  in  the  West 
Baron  Steuben  sent  to  receive  Western  posts. 
Cassaty  sent  to  Detroit 
Virginia  withdraws  Clark's  commission. 
Definitive  treaty  of  Peace. 
Washington  writes  to  Duane  about  Western  lands. 
'    Congress  proposes  terms  of  cession  to  Virginia. 
Congress  forbids  all  purchases  of  Indian  lands. 
Congress  instructs  Indian  Commissioners. 
Virginia  grante  Clark  and  his  soldiers  lands. 
Virginia  authorises  cession  on  terms  proposed. 
British  leave  New  York,  (taking  slaves.) 
CoL  Daniel  Brodhead  opens  first  store  in  Kentucky,  at  Louisville. 

1784.    CoL  James  Wilkinson  opens  second  store  in  Kentucky,  at  Lexington. 
Treaty  of  Peace  ratified  by  the  United  BUtes. 
^ginia  i^ves  deed  of  ceadon. 
Indian  commissioners  re-instnwted. 
Pittsburgh  re^urveyed ;  population  increases. 
Treaty  of  Peace  ratified  by  England. 
IHrginia  reflues  to  comply  with  treaty. 

8 


XXVI 


OHRONOLOOIOAL   TABLB. 


1784.    England  refuses  to  delirer  up  Western  posts. 
Treaty  irith  Iroquois  at  Fort  Stanwiz. 
Logan  oalleia meeting  at  Danville. 
First  Kentucky  Convention  meets. 
Kentucky  reoaives  many  emigrants. 
Maysrille,  Kentuoky,  settled. 


«^ 


1785.    Treaty  with  Delawares,  Ac,  at  Fort  M'Intosh. 

Severe  penalty  against  settling  north  of  Ohio  river. 

All  previous  settlers  ftrced  from  their  homes. 

OfiBoers  of  United  States  enjoined  to  prevent  families  crossing  Ohio. 

An  attempt  to  settle  at  mouth  of  Scioto  in  defiance  of  law. 

The  aggressors  are  killed  by  Indians. 

Ordinance  for  the  survey  of  Western  lands  passed. 

Second  Kentucky  Convention  meets. 

Don  Oardoqui  comes  ftom  Spain. 

Third  Kentaoky  Convention  meets.  .^ 

A  colony  emigrates  from  Virginia  to  Illinois. 

Great  confederacy  of  Northern  Indians  formed*by  Brant. 

Fort  Harmar  built  at  mouth  of  Muskingum. 

First  survey  of  lands  in  the  North-West  Territory,  (Congress  land.) 

Morgantown,  Virginia,  established. 


1786.     Brant  visits  England  to  learn  purposes  of  ministers. 
Virginin  agrees  to  independence  of  Kentucky. 
Putnam  and  Tupper  call  meeting  to  form  Ohio  Company. 
Treaty  with  Shawanese  at  Fort  Finney,  (month  of  MiamL) 
Ohio  Company  of  associates  formed. 

Governor  of  Virginia  writes  to  Congress  respecting  Indian  invasions. 
The  negotiation  about  Mississippi  before  Congress. 
Resolution  of  Congress  produces  cession  by  Connecticut 
Congress  authorises  the  invasion  of  North-Western  Territory. 
Pittsburgh  Gasette  commenced;  first  printing  in  Ohio  valley. 
Jay  authorised  to  yield  navigation  of  Mississippi  at  a  definite  term. 
Pursuant  to  invasion  of  N.  W.  Territory,  Clark  marches  to  Vincennes. 
Clark  ascends  the  Wabash  to  Vermilion  river. 

Kentucky  troops  become  mutinous,  and  return  home  without  discharge. 
Clark  abandons  the  expedition,  and  returns  to  Vincennes. 
Connecticut  makes  a  second  act  of  cession. 
Americans  seise  Spanish  property  at  Vincennes. 
Virginia  protests  against  yielding  navigation  of  Mississippi. 
Great  dissatisfaction  throughout  the  West. 
Governor  of  Virginia  informed  of  Clark's  movements. 
Great  Indian  council  in  North-West — they  address  Congress. 
Frankfort,  Kentuoky,  established  by  Virginia  Assembly. 


1787.     Fourth  Kentucky  convention  meets. 

Now  England  Ohio  Land  Company  choose  directors. 
Meeting  in  Kentucky  relative  to  navigation  of  Mississippi. 
Wilkinson  goes  to  New  Orleans. 
Dr.  Cutler  negotiates  with  Congress  for  lands. 
Congress  makes  order  in  favor  of  Ohio  Company. 


OHKONOLOaiOAL    TABLB. 


XXVII 


1787.    Ordiaanoe  pasnd  for  goyemment  of  North  West  Territory. 
Innia  reftiMs  to  proseoate  inraders  of  Indian  lands. 
Kentao)^  Gaiette  established  at  Lexington. 
SjmuneB  of  New  Jersey  applies  for  land. 
First  entries  of  Virginia  reserre  lands  North  of  the  Ohio. 
Fifth  Kentooky  eonvention  meets. 
New  England  Ohio  Land  Company  completes  a  contract. 
Symmes'  application  referred  to  Board  of  Treasury. 
United  States  troops  ordered  West 
St.  Clair  appointed  Governor  of  North- Western  Terjitory. 
New  Englandsrs  of  Ohio  Land  Company  prepare  to  go  West. 
Symmes  issues  proposals  for  settlers. 
John  Brown,  first  Western  Representative,  goes  to  Congress. 
Fort  Franklin,  on  the  site  of  Franklin,  Pennsylvania,  built. 


MS. 


1788.     Indians  expected  to  make  a  treaty  at  Marietta. 

Denham  purchases  the  site  of  Losantiville,  (Cincinnati.) 

The  admission  of  Kentucky  debated  in  Congress. 

New  Englanders  of  Ohio  Company  land  at  Muskingum. 

Marietta  and  her  avenues  named  with  pomp  and  pageantry. 

Admission  of  Kentucky  refused  by  Congress. 

St.  Glair  reaches  the  North- Western  Territory. 

Sixth  Kentucky  convention  meets. 

First  law  of  North- Western  Territory  published. 

Symmes  starts  for  the  West. 

Losantiville  (Cincinnati)  planned  and  surveyed. 

First  Court  held  at  Marietta. 

Symmes  reaches  his  purchase;  is  oveijoyed. 

Another  Orand  Indian  council  in  the  North- West. 

Indians  forbid  treaties  vrith  separate  nations. 

Seventh  Kentucky  convention  meets. 

Columbia  settled  by  Stites  and  others. 

Doctor  Connolly  in  Kentucky  as  a  spy  and  British  agent. 

The  founder  of  Cincinnati  leaves  Maysville. 

Cincinnati  reached  according  to  McMillan. 

Virginia  passes  third  act  to  make  Kentucky  independent. 

Colonel  George  Morgan,  of  New  Jersey,  at  New  Madrid. 

Almanacs  first  printed  at  Lexington,  Kentucky. 

Great  emigration  West:  about  five  thousand  persons  pass  Fort  Harmar. 

Maysville,  Kentucky,  established  a  town. 


1789.     Treaty  of  Fort  Harmar  concluded. 

Wilkinson  goes  to  New  Orleans  again. 

Daniel  Story  first  clergyman  and  teacher  at  Marietta. 

Symmes'  settlement  threatened  by  Indians. 

The  force  sent  to  protect  Symmes  go  to  Losantiville. 

Major  Doughty  builds  Fort  Washington  at  Losantiville,  (Cincinnati.) 

Western  scouts  withdrawn  by  Virginia. 

Eighth  Kentucky  convention  meets. 

Governor  Miro  of  New  Orleans  writes  to  Sebastian. 

Congress  empowers  President  to  call  out  Western  militia. 

Presideht  authorizes  Governor  St.  Clair  to  call  out  militia. 


.*  > 


XXTlll  OHBOVOLOOIOAL    TABLI. 

1789,  Oeneral  Hmrmsr  reaohM  Fort  Wsahington  with  thne  hundred  troops. 
Thomu  Hatchina,  United  Statei:  Oeognpher,  died  »t  Pittaborgli. 

Fort  Steuben,  (or  blooldiouBe)  built  neu  Charleston,  on  upper  Ohio  river. 

1 790.  GoTomor  St.  Glair  arrives  at  LosmtiTille  and  names  it  OinoinnatL 
OoTemor  St.  Olair  descends  the  Ohio  to  Fort  Steuben,  (JeffersonTille.) 
OoTemor  St.  Clair  proceeds  to  Vinoennes. 

GoTenor  St.  Glair  crosses  prairies  to  Kaakaskia. 

Antoine  Gamelin  sent  to  upper  Wabash  Indiana. 

Indian  hostilities  take  place. 

St  Clair  calls  4ut  Western  militia. 

Ninth  Kentucky  oouTention  meets. 

Troops  gather  at  Fort  Washington,  (Cineinnati.) 

Harmar  leaves  Fort  Washington  and  marches  northward. 

Colonel  Hardin  with  the  advance  reaches  Miami  villages. 

Main  army  reaches  Miami  villages. 

Camp  at  Miami  village ;  men  beliave  unsoldier>like. 

Colonel  Trotter  is  sent  to  reconnoitre  the  Indian  haunts. 

Hardin  attacks  Indians ;  not  successAdly. 

Hardin  desires  another  trial  with  Indians;  is  again  defeated. 

Harmar  looses  all  confidence  in  the  militia. 

Harmar  dissatisfied  with  Colonel  Trotter. 

Harmar  marches  on  reti|m  to  Fort  Washington. 

Army  halts  at  old  Chillioothe ;  soldiers  disobedient. 

Militia  men  are  punished  by  whipping. 

Harmar  reprimands  Colonel  Trotter  and  Mi^or  McMuIlen. 

Mutiny  of  Kentucklons  quashed — army  proceeds  to  Fort  WasUngton. 

Western  inhabitants  petition  Congress  to  fight  Indians  in  their  own  way. 

Massey  and  others  contract  to  settle  Manchester. 


1791.    Big  Bottom  settlement  destroyed  by  Indians. 
Excise  laid  on  ardent  spirits  by  Congress. 
General  Charles  Scott  authorized  to  march  against  Indiana. 
Proctor  starts  on  his  Western  mission. 
Proctor  reaches  Buffalo  creek. 
Proctor  is  refused  a  vessel  to  cross  Lake  Erie. 
Family  of  Kirkpatricks  attacked  at  morning  worship  and  murdered  by  Indians 

in  Armstrong  county,  Pennsylvania. 
St.  Clair  at  Fort  WaRhington  preparing  his  expedition. 
Proctor  abandons  his  mission  and  returns. 
General  Charles  Scott  marches  against  Wabash  Indians. 
Meeting  at  Brownsville,  Pennsylvania,  against  excise. 
Wilkinson  marches  against  Eel  river  Indians. 

Excise  officers  of  Allegheny  and  Washington  counties,  Pennsylvania,  assailed. 
Meeting  at  Pittsburgh  to  oppose  excise  law. 
St.  Clair  commences  his  march  northward. 
St.  Clair  builds  Fort  Hamilton  on  Great  Miami. 
St.  Clair  and  Butler  disagree. 

St.  Clair  builds  Fort  Jefferson  in  North- Western  Territory. 
St.  Clair  marcbea  north,  towards  head  of  Manmee. 
St.  Clair  arrives  at  a  branch  of  Wabash,  supposed  to  be  the  St.  Mary's. 
St.  Clair  is  attacked  and  defeated.    Army  disorganised. 


•% 


OHBONOLOaiOAL   TABLB. 


ZXIX 


1791.  Portion  of  th«  may  retnnu  to  Fort  Waahingtpn. 
Fcoble  guriaons  are  left  at  Forts  Jeffenon  and  Hamilton. 

Terror  of  Indian  inTaeion  expreased  by  Weitem  PennsylTania  and  Virginia. 
Maaaaore  of  Jolly'a  family,  near  Wlieeling. 

1792.  Peaee  offered  by  the  United  States  to  Western  Indiana,  through  tiie  Seneeaa. 
Pond  and  Stedman  sent  West  as  peaoe-makers. 

Brant  invited  by  government  to  Philadelphia. 

WUkinson  sends  a  party  to  the  field  of  St.  Clair's  defeat 

Gallipolls  aettled  by  deluded  French  colonists. 

Iroquoia  ohiefa  visit  Philadelphia. 

Instructions  issued  to  Trueman. 

Kentucky  admitted  into  the  Union  as  a  State. 

Excise  law  amended,  though  not  to  satisfaction. 

Hendrick,  a  Stookbridge  Indian  chief,  sent  West 

Instructions  issued  to  RuAis  Putnam. 

Tmeman  and  Hardin  leave  Fort  Washington. 

Pennsylvania  purchases  from  Congress  the  Triangle  tract 

Gen.  Wayne  moves  westward. 

Brant,  pursuant  to  invitation,  visits  Philadelphia. 

Fire  lands  given  to  sufferers  by  Connecticut. 

Great  anti-excise  meeting  at  Pittsburgh. 

BuAu  Putnam  makes  treaty  with  Indians  at  Vincennes. 

Great  Indian  Council  at  "Orand  Olaize,"  (Fort  Defiance.) 

Adair  attacked  near  Fort  St.  Clair.  ^ 

OppoaiUon  to  excise  law  diminishes. 

United  States  troops  at  Legionville,  on  the  Ohio. 

1793.    United  States  Legion  goea  down  to  Cinoinnati. 
Last  Indian  depredation  in  Kentucky. 

Pickering  and  others  appointed  to  treat  with  Indians  at  Maumee. 
Unusual  preparations  for  a  council  and  treaty  at  Sandusky. 
Citisen  Genet  reaches  the  United  States. 
Commissioners  for  council  with  Indians  reach  Niagara. 
Genet  is  presented  to  Wasliington. 
First  Democratic  Society  in  Philadelphia. 
Commisnoners  correspond  with  Governor  Simcoe. 
Commissioners  meet  Brant  and  hold  a  council. 
Commissioners  at  Elliott's  house,  head  of  Lake  Erie. 
Indians  arrive  at  Elliott's,  and  meet  Commiasionerp. 
Indians  decline  meeting  Americans  at  Sandusky. 
Final  action  of  the  Commissioners  and  Indians. 
Wayne  leaves  Cinoinnati  with  his  legion. 
Wayne  encamps  at  Greenville. 
Wayne  is  joined  by  Kentuokians,  under  Scott 
Lowry  and  Boyd  attacked  near  Fort  St  Clair. 
French  emissaries  sent  West 
Field  of  St  Clair's  defeat  visited  by  Wayne. 
Fort  Recovery  built  on  St  Clair's  battle  ground. 
Western  people  dissatisfied  with  government 
Opposition  to  excise  feebler. 
First  session  of  Kentucky  Assembly  at  Frankfort 
Brant  gives  the  true  character  of  the  British. 


zxz 


OHRONOLOaiOAI.  TABLl. 


'1794.    Fort  boUt  «t  Le  Boeaf  (Wsterford.)  by  Hi^o'  I>«Bn7. 
Whisky  riots  re^omracnoe. 
Lord  Dorchester's  speech  to  IndiMU. 
The  Mingo  Creek  Assooiation  formed. 
Wayne  prepares  for  his  campaign. 
GoTemor  Bimoors  bdlds  a -fort  on  Manmee. 
Demooratie  Society  formed  at  Pittsburgh. 
Spaniards  offer  help  to  Indians, 
French  emissaries  forced  to  leaTO  the  West. 
Contest  respecting  Presqn'  Isle. 
Indians  attack  Fort  ReooTory. 
Suits  commenced  against  whisky  rioters.' 
Gathering  about  UsTille's  house. 
Neyille's  house  burnt. 
Meeting  at  Mingo  Creek. 
Mail  robbed  by  Bradford. 

Charles  Scott,  irith  fifteen  hundred  men,  joins  Wayne. 
Great  gathering  at  Braddock's  field. 
Washington  issues  proclamation  against  insurgents. 
Wayne  marches  toward  Maumee. 
Wayne  sends  his  last  message  to  Indians. 
Wayne  eommences  building  Fort  Defiance. 
Wayne  builds  Fort  Deposit. 
Wayne  meets  and  eonqiitos  Indians. 
Wayne's  correspondence  with  CoL  Campbell. 
Wayne  threatens  Fort  Miami. 
Wayne  returns  to  Fort  Defiance  and  finishes  it. 
Wayne  marches  to  head  of  Manmee. 
Fort  Wayne  built  at  bead  of  Maumee. 
Commissioners  of  gOTcmment  meet  whisky  insurgenta, 
British  try  to  proTont  Indians  making  peace. 
Vote  taken  upon  obedience  to  the  law  in  Pennsylvania. 
Vote  not  satisfactory  to  the  government. 
Washington  calls  out  militia  of  four  States. 
Gen.  Lee  marches,  with  militia,  against  insnrgMkta.  - 
The  most  guilty  malcontents  escape  by  flight. 
The  less  guilty  surrender  without  resistance. 
Indians  ask  for  peaoe  of  Col.  Hamtramok. 
Last  depredation  by  Indians  in  Western  '\nr(^nia. 
Sandy  Lake  Fort,  Minnesota,  erected. 


I 


I 


1 795.    Block-house  built  at  Presqu'  Isle  (Erie,)  by  Gen.  brine. 
Indians  sign  preliminaries  of  a  treaty. 
Prisoners  are  interchanged. 
Conneotiout  prepares  to  sell  her  reserre. 
Council  of  QreeuTille  opens. 
The  Baron  de  Carondelet  writes  to  Sebastian. 
Jay's  protracted  treaty  finished. 
Treaty  of  QreenTiUe  signed. 
Council  with  Indians  at  Greenville  closed. 
Grant  by  Congress  to  Gallipolis  settlers. 
Connecticut  sells  Western  Reserve  to  land  company. 


OHRONOLOaiOAL    TABLB.  XXXI 

1798.    Piaoknqr  eonoludM  » treaty  witfi  Spain. 

Dayton,  Ohio,  laid  ont  by  Imdlow.  ' 

1796.  Oliilliooflie,  OUo,  laid  oir  and  settled. 
Sebastian  Tisits  the  Sonth.West 
Cleveland,  Ohio,  laid  out  and  named.   ' 
British  surrender  posts  in  the  North- West 
Diffioolties  with  Spain  reoommenoe.  *     ^ 
Gen.  Wayne  died  at  Presqn' Isle,  (Erie.) 

First  paper  mannfaotoiy  iu  the  West. 
Dayton,  Ohio,  first  populated. 
Congress  donates  land  to  Ebeneser  Zane. 
Fort  Maiden,  Canada  West,  building  commenced. 
Tract  of  land  granted  to  the  Zanes< 

1797.  Poirer  rislts  Kentucky  and  writes  to  Sebastian. 
Daniel  Boone  moves  west  of  Mississippi. 
Occupying  claimant  law  of  Kentucky  passed. 
Cleveland,  Ohio,  first  populated.  ^ 
Brooke  county,  Yirginia,  erected. 

British  subjects  firem  Detroit  settie  near  Fort  Maiden. 

1798.  William  Henry  Harrison  made  Secretary  of  North-West  Territory. 
Alien  and  sedition  laws  passed. 

Nullifying  resolutions  in  Kentucky. 

Bepresentatives  for  North- Western  Territory  first  chosen. 

Washington  appointed  (a  second  time,)  commander-in-chief  of  American  army. 

Steubenville,  Ohio,  founded^-streets  surveyed  at  right  angles. 

Transylvania  University  established  at  Lexington,  Kentucky. 

Amhertsburg,  ac^aoent  to  Fort  Maiden,  settled  by  Britons  from  Detroit. 

1799.  Greensburg,  Pennsylvania,  incorporated  a  borough. 
Representatives  of  North-Westem  Territory  meet 
Bepresentatives  nominate  candidates  for  Council. 
Assembly  of  North-Westem  Territory  organise  at  Cincinnati. 

W.  H.  Harrison  appointed  delegate  in  Congress  from  North-West  Territory. 
Zanesville  Md  out  and  settted  on  Zane's  tract 


1800.    Great  increase  of  products  sent  ftrom  Ohio  river. 

Indiana  Territory  formed. 

Connecticut  yields  jurisdiction  of  her  reserve.  ' 

United  States  gives  Connecticut  patents  for  the  soil. 

Treaty  of  St  Udefonso. 

Assembly  of  North-West  Territory  meets  at  Chillicothe. 

First  missionary  in  Connecticut  Reserve. 

Lancaster,  Oldo,  surveyed  and  settled. 

Congress  authoriins  the  President  to  make  inquiry  for  copper-mines  in  North- 
West 

President,  John  Adams,  appoints  an  agent  to  examine  the  south  side  of  Lake 
Superior. 

A  number  of  new  counties  made  in  Western  Pennsylvania. 


zxzU 


OHBONOLOaiOAL  TABLI. 


1801.  W.  H.  HuTiaon  Appointed  OoTMraor  of  IndiuM  Torritorjr. 
St.  CUkir  ro-appointed  Ooronior  of  North-Woot  Ttnltotjr. 
LegitUtore  of  North-Wwt  Tonitory  kgftin  at  Oiaoiiuuti. 
WortUngtoB  made  agont  to  proonro  a  State  Oovemment  for  Ohio. 
Oaaoiubarf  ,  PeniujlTaiiia,  incorporated  a  boroogli. 

BeaTer,  Pennqjlrania,  incorporated  a  boroof^. 
Loniaiana  eeded  hj  Spain  to  Franoe. 

1802.  Uidwnity  at  Athene,  Ohio,  establlelied. 
Firet  bank  in  Kentucky. 

Congreaa  agree  that  Oliio  may  become  a  State. 

The  Spaniah  Intendant  fortrids  the  nae  of  N.  Orleans  hj  Americans. 

OonTention  meets  and  forms  a  constitution  for  Oltio. 

Constitution  for  Ohio  finished. 

CSncinnati  incorporated  a  borough. 

Jefferson  College,  PennsjrlTania,  chartered  and  organised. 

Conrention  at  Pittsburgh  to  form  an  exporting  company. 

AdTcnt  of  French  Swiss  to  Indiana. 

1803.  Congress  approbates  the  constitution,  and  declares  Ohio  a  State.  ' 
New  Orleans  made  flree  for  American  shipping. 

LiTingston  and  Monroe  in  France ;  purcliase  Louisiana. 

Lands  located  for  Miami  UniTcrsity. 

Miami  Exporting  Oompray  at  Cindnnati  chartered. 

United  States  Senate  ratify  the  purohase  of  Louisiana. 

Louisiana  giren  up  to  the  Americans. 

Xenia,  Ohio,  town  plat  surreyed. 

CoL  Hamtramok  died  at  Detroit. 

D.  Ooforth  disooTored  nuunmoth  skeleton  at  Big  Bone  Lick,  Kj. 


1804.  Fort  Dearborn  built  at  Chicago. 

Territory  of  Orleans  and  district  of  Upper  Louisiana  organised. 

Lewis  and  Clark  start  on  their  expedition. 

Immense  quantity  of  land  purchased  from  Sao  and  Fox  Indians. 

Ohio  University  chartered  by  State  leipslatnre. 

First  inhabitants  in  Xenia,  Ohio. 

Harmonic  Society  settie  in  Butler  county,  PennsyWania. 

Kittsnning,  PennsylTania,  surreyed  and  settled. 

1805.  Michigan  Territory  formed. 

Detroit,  (old  town,)  burnt  to  the  ground. 

Burr's  first  visit  to  the  West. 

General  Assembly  meet  in  Indiana  Territory. 

Teoumthe  and  the  Prophet  begin  to  influence  the  Indians. 

Indiana  sell  all  their  land  in  North-Eastem  Ohio. 

Pike  ascends  and  explores  the  Mississippi  at>0Te  St.  Anthony's. 

Pike  purcliases  land  for  military  stations  on  Upper  Mississippi. 

SteulMnyille,  Ohio,  incorporated  a  borough. 

1806.  Great  eclipse  of  the  sun,  June  16th. 
Burr  again  active;  writes  to  Wilkinson. 
Spaniards  cross  the  Sabine  river. 


OHBONOLOOIOAL  TABLB. 

1806.  Burr  «g»iii  go«t  West;  ia  »t  Htuimrgh. 
Lawii  and  OUrk  rttam  flram  Orvgon. 
Daview  triw  to  wrMt  Bnnr. 

SebMtUn  Amnd  guilty  by  Kcotmky  LtfiBtotnn. 

BtuT*!  mm  deMend  th«  Ohio  liTtr. 

Bnrr'a  boats  and  stores  amstsd. 

Burr  meets  his  men  at  the  month  of  Cumberland. 

Pike's  expedition  to  heads  of  Arkansas.  , , 

Washington  College,  Peaa^jlTania,  incorporated. 

1807.  Bnnr  jields  to  ciTil  anthorttj  of  Mississippi. 
Burr  escapes  and  is  seised. 

Burr's  trial  at  Biohmond. 

Petition  for  slavery  in  Indiana  territory. 

Bank  of  Kentucky  chartered. 

Brant,  the  celebrated  king  of  Mohawk  Indians,  died. 

Merriweather  Lewis  appointed  goTcmor  of  Upper  Louisiana. 

0.  0.  Moreau  arriTcd  at  Pittsburgh. 


zndU 


1808.  Bank  of  Marietta,  Ohio,  chartered. 
Bank  of  Chillicothe,  Ohio,  chartered. 
Tecumthe  and  the  Prophet  remoTO  to  Tippecanoe. 
Madison,  Indiana,  settled. 

BeT.  DaTid  ZebWger,  Moravian  ndssionary,  died,  aged  dghty-seren. 
Harrison's  first  interriew  with  Tecumthe. 

1809.  '^ncennes  is  four  weeks  without  a  mail. 
Illinois  Territory  formed. 

Miami  UniTersity  chartered. 

Settlement  made  at  Boone's  Lick,  MissourL 

Missouri  Fur  Company  formed  at  St.  Louis. 

Ck>TemOi  Lewis,  d!  Misaouri,  alarmed  at  Indians ;  calls  out  militia. 

1810.  Second  interriew  of  Harrison  with  Tecumthe. 

A  trapper  and  hunter,  named  Colter,  descended  Missouri  via  Jefferson  river,  three 

thousand  miles,  alone. 
Monks  of  La  Trappe  locate  at  the  Oreat  Mound  on  American  Bottom,  Illinois. 

1811.  Pittsburgh  Magasine  Almanac  published  by  Cramer,  Spear  and  Eiohbaum. 
Company  of  rangers  organised  in  Illinois. 

Mammoth  Cave  disoovered  in  Kentucky. 

Tecumthe  goes  to  the  South. 

Harrison  proposes  to  visit  Indians. 

Harrison  marches  toward  Tippecanoe. 

First  steamboat  (named  New  Orleans)  leaves  Pittsburgh. 

Battle  of  Tippecanoe. 

Oreat  earthquakes  begin. 

Western  people  generally  \i  consternation. 

Hudson's  Bay  Company's  grant  to  Lord  Selkirk. 

Meadville  Academy  incorporated  by  act  of  Assembly,  March  20. 

1812.  Oovemor  Meigs,  of  Ohio,  calls  for  1200  volunteers  or  militia. 
General  Hull  marches  flrom  Dayton,  Ohio. 


--«»— J*TK?: 


XXZiT 


OBBOVOIOOIOAL    VABLl. 


1812.    D«ol*ntion  of  wur  •gainit  Bnglftad. 

Britldi  at  Mklden  Informed  of  the  deoUuratloa  of  mur. 

Hull  enoounten  m  tedioiu  and  tbenme  manta  tliroag)i  the  foraat 

H'lll  arriTea  at  Manmee,  near  the  head  of  Lake  Erie. 

HoU  lende  men  and  goods  bjr  water  to  Detroit 

Hull  flret  informed  of  declaration  of  war. 

Auerioans  orow  to  Sandwich,  Canada. 

MaoUnao  enrpriaed  and  taken  hj  the  Britieh. 

American  army  returns  to  Detroit. 

Brook  reaches  Maiden,  and  advances  to  Sandwich. 

Brock  crosses  to  Detroit;  Hall  surrenders. 

A  detachment  of  Hall's  army  defeated  at  Brownstown. 

Massacre  of  troops  and  families  near  Chicago. 

Fort  Harrison  attacked  by  Indians. 
W.  H.  Harrison  appointed  commander  in  North-Weat 
Oovemor  Edwards  and  Oeneral  Hopkins'  plan  to  conqner  Indians. 
General  Hopkins  with  a  large  force  at  Vlncennes. 
Hopkins  marches  ap  Wabash  and  crosses  at  Fort  Harrison. 
Hopkins  enters  the  prairies,  and  marches  to  meet  Edwards. 
Hopkins'  o£Soers  are  disobedient,  rcTolt  and  retnm  to  Kentaclr.y . 
Edwards  attacks  the  Indians  on  Illinois  rirer. 
Hopkins  makes  an  expedition  to  Upper  Wabash. 
Lord  Selkirk  plants  colony  on  Red  river. 
.  Hopkins  attacks  Indians  on  Ponce  Passa  (Wild  Cat)  river. 
Generals  Winchester  and  Harrison  meet  at  Fort  Wayne. 
Winchester  marches  to  Fort  Defiance. 
Harrison  makes  head-qoarters  at  Franklinton,  Ohio. 
'  Col.  Campbell  attacks  Indians  on  Mississinew^. 
Inhabitants  at  river  Raisin  importone  Winchi  n  ;■  for  aid. 
Massacre  of  families  at  Pigeon  creek,  Scott  county.  Indiana,  by  Indians. 
Ohio  Legislatore  seleota  "High  Bank  "  of  Scioto  river  for  capital 
Little  Tartle,  the  ftunoos  Miami  Indian  war  chief,  died. 
Name  of  Upper  Lonisiana  changed  to  Missoori  Territory. 


1818.    Winchester  marches  down  Maamee  to  the  Rapids. 

Winchester  again  importnned  for  help;  sends  troops  to  Frenchtown. 

British  at  Frenchtown  first  defeated. 

Americans  defeated  at  Frenchtown  with  great  loss. 

Massacre  of  the  wounded  at  Frenohtown. 

Harrison  retreats  to  Portage  river. 

Harrison  retoms  to  Manmee  and  boilds  Fort  Meigs. 

Fort  Meigs  Itesieged. 

Oeneral  Clay  reaches  Fort  Meigs;  Dudley's  party  lost. 

British  return  to  Maiden. 

British  fleet  prepare  to  attack  Erie. 

Fort  Stephenson  besieged. 

Siege  of  Fort  Stephenson  raised. 

Perry's  vessels  first  leave  Erie  harbor.  ' 

Victory  by  Peny  on  Lake  Erie. 

British  troops  evacuate  Maiden ;  Citizens  remain  at  Amhertsburg. 

Americans  take  possession  of  Amhertsburg  and  make  it  head-quarters. 

American  Government  re-established  in  Lower  MicUgan. 


OHKONOLOeiOAL   TABLI. 


1818.    Battl*  of  tha  Thamaa  in  Oauda. 
BoflUo  Imrat  by  th*  Britlih. 
New  Albany,  Indian*,  fonnded. 
Vevsy,  Indiana,  aettled  bj  Dofoon. 
*  Monlu  of  La  Trappo  Imto  Dlinoia  and  ntium  to  Fmbm. 


1814.  Holmea'  oxpcdition  into  Canada. 
John  CloTOt  Symmea  died  at  CMndnnatl. 
Expedition  under  Oroghan  againat  Haoldnae. 

OoTeraor  Clark'a  expedition  to  PnMe  dn  OMen ;  Fort  Shelby  baQi 

Lieutenant  Campbell  aent  to  reinforee  Fort  Shelby. 

Campbell  attaolied  by  Indiana  at  Upper  Bapida. 

Campbell  la  defeated  and  retnma  to  St  Lonla. 

Fort  Wayne  rebuilt 

Mi^or  Taylor'a  expedition  on  Upper  Miaaiarippi. 

Mijor  Taylor  meeta  Indiana  at  Book  laland. 

Mi^or  Taylor  ia  attaoked  by  Indiana;  defeated  and  retroata. 

Second  grand  Indian  treaty  at  QreeuTille,  Ohio. 

M'Arthnr'a  expedition  into  Canada. 

Treaty  of  Ghent,  preliminariea  of  peace  with  En^and. 

Fort  Erie  taken  by  Oeneral  Brown. 

ETanarille,  Indiana,  anrToyed  and  aettled. 

Cleveland,  Ohio,  incorporated  a  Borough. 

1815.  Treaty  with  eight  Indian  tribea  at  Detroit 
Varioua  treaties  with  Indiana. 

Ohio  taxea  banking  capital 

1816.  Act  of  Congreaa  excluding  foreignera  from  Indian  trade. 
Pittsburgh  incorporated  a  eity. 

Columbus  made  capital  of  Ohio. 

Bank  of  Shawneetown  chartered. 

General  banking  law  of  Ohio  paaaed. 

Indiana  admitted  into  the  Union. 

Terre  Haute,  Indiana,  settlement  made. 

Richmond,  Indiana,  founded  and  settled  by  "Frienda  Society." 

Lord  Selkirk  conquers  North  West  Company,  takes  Fort  William. 

Explosion  of  the  Steam  Boat  Washington,  Point  Harman. 

1817.  First  Steam  Boat  at  St  Louia. 
Northwest  of  Oliio  purchased  firam  Indiana. 

United  States  Bonk  opens  branches  at  Cincinnati  and  CUllioothe. 
Allegheny  College  at  Meadville,  PennsylTania,  incorporated. 
Fort  Dearborn,  at  Chicago,  re-bnllt 
Butler,  PennsylTania,  incorporated  a  Borough. 

1818.  Illinois  becomes  a  State. 

General  St  Clair  died  at  his  residence  in  Westmoreland  county,  P». 

General  G.  B.  Clark  died  near  Lonisrille,  Kentucky. 

Bishop  Dubourg  arrirea  at  St  Xouia. 

First  Manufactory  of  fine  flour  at  Prairie  da  Chiea. 

Treaty  at  St  Mary's,  Ohio,  with  Wyandot,  Seneca  and  ShalraaeKI  ladians. 


ZXXVi  OBBOVOLOOIOAL   TABLl. 

1819.  Fint  BtMm  BmM  ob  th«  MlMonri  rivtr. 
Vint  BtMB  BMt  «n  Uk«  Bri*. 
HUiUry  p<wt  MtebUthed  at  Oonnoil  BInflW. 
Expedition  to  the  Yellow  Stone  riyer. 
CoBteet  of  Ohio  with  the  United  BUtee  BMik. 
Indlnn  trenty  «t  BdwerdsTiQe,  lUinoii. 
Oinoinnkti  ineorponted  •  eity. 

Ore»t  depression  in  finenoiel  effkin  in  PennsylTsnis. 

Vort  SnelUng  bvilt  st  month  of  St.  Peter's. 

Fort  Crawford  bnilt  nt  Pnirie  dn  Chien. 

Oitisens  of  Missonri  Territory  moTO  for  State  OoTemment 

1820.  Indiana  Legi'.latnre  appoint  commissioners  to  looate  seat  of  gOTemmeni 
NnlUflcati'.ii  resolntions  of  Ohio. 

Constitution  formed  for  Missouri  State. 
Congress  refiises  Missouri  Constitution. 
QoTemor  Cass  Tisits  Lake  Superior  and  Upper  Mississippi. 


1821.  Missouri  reoeiyed  into  the  Union  by  proclamation  of  President 
Indianapolis  made  permanent  seat  of  goremment  for  Indiana. 
Epidemic  Fever  at  St.  Louie,  Missouri,    (hreat  mortality. 
Kittanning,  PonnsylTania,  incorporated  a  Borough. 

1822.  Ohio  moves  in  relation  to  Schools  and  Canals. 

Population  of  St  Loots  diminished  by  sickness  and  financial  depression. 

1828.    Steam  Boat  Tennessee  sunk  near  Natches. 
Illinois  moves  in  relation  to  Canals. 
Commencement  of  stone  paving  streets  in  St  Louis. 

1824.  Slavery  contest  in  the  State  of  IHinois. 
Seminary  established  at  Bloomington,  Indiana. 
St.  Louis  revives  and  re-commeiA)e8  improvements. 

From  December  until  March,  1825,  mostly  warm  sunshine  weather  at  Cincinnati. 

1825.  Ohio  passes  Canal  and  School  Laws. 
Oovemor  Clark  held  council  with  Osage  Indians. 
Ckneral  James  Wilkinson  died. 

La  Fayette,  Indiana,  planned  and  surveyed. 

First  legislation  at  Indianapolis. 

Msj.  Oen.  La  Fayette  ascended  the  Ohio  river.     Steamboat  ''Mechanic"  sunk 

on  his  passage. 
United  States  grant  800,000  acres  of  land  to  Illinois  for  canal. 
La  Fayette,  Indiana,  begins  to  populate. 

1826.  First  steam  boat  on  Lake  Michigan. 
Kenyon  College  founded  at  Gambler,  Ohio. 
Western  Reserve  College,  at  Hudson,  Ohio,  chartered. 

1827.  Congress  donates  lands  for  Wabash  and  Erie  Canal. 
Fort  Leavenworth,  (Kansas,)  built  and  garrisoned. 
First  Seminary  built  and  opened  in  Ulinois. 


OHBONOLOOIOAL  TABLB. 


jszvii 


at  Cinoinnkti. 


lohanio"  sank 


1827.  Pint  Onunmar  8«hool  at  Booth  RMOvar,  IndlMia. 

From  Daoamtwr  ontU  Maroh,  1828,  nln  Ml  nwurly  timry  day. 

1828.  Eitraordinary  inortaM  of  lead  mining  at  Oalona,  llllnoli. 

1820.    81  abenrlUe  Female  Sominarjr  eatftbliihad. 
Fort  LMTenworth  threatanad  hj  Indiana. 

1880.  TfMty  with  Keokali  at  Prairie  da  OhlMi. 
Attempt  to  driTe  Blaek  Hawk  weat  of  MiMiMippi. 

1881.  Puniihment  by  hard  labor  and  Impriaonment  coounenoed  in  lUinoii. 
Black  Hawk  is  hoetile,  and  is  driTen  acroM  the  Hiniiaippi. 

Black  Hawk  War  oommenced. 

Legialatore  of  Indiana  authoriiea  making  Wabaah  and  Erie  Otnal. 

Ulinoii  militia  are  lent  againat  Black  Hawk. 

United  States  troops  sent  against  Black  Hawk. 

Blsok  H»wk  makes  treaty  at  Fort  Armstrong,  and  eonflrms  the  treaty  of  1804. 

1882.  Oreat  ilood  of  the  Ohio  riTer. 

Indianans  oommence  Erie  and  Wabash  CuiaL 

First  steamboat  at  Chicago. 

MaysTille,  Kentucky,  incorporated  a  city. 

College  edifice  at  South  Hanorer  erected  and  cliarter  obtidned. 

QranTille  (Baptist)  College,  Ohio,  chartered. 

Schoolcraft's  expedition  to  the  source  of  Mississippi. 

Indians  reassert  their  rights,  and  war  is  resumed. 

Black  Hawk,  in  great  force,  returns  east  of  Mississippi. 

Btillman  and  party  defeated  near  Rock  riyer. 

Black  Hawk  defeated  on  Wisconsin. 

Black  Hawk  defeated  on  Mississippi. 

Black  Hawk  deUrered  to  United  States  goTemmeat. 

Cholera  among  Scott's  troops  and  along  the  Lakee. 

Final  treaty  with  Sac  and  Fox  Indians. 

First  epidemic  Cholera  on  Ohio  and  Mississippi. 

Two  hundred  U.  S.  soldiers  died  of  cholera  at  Fort  Oratiot. 

1888.    First  settlement  made  in  Iowa. 

Extraordinary  meteoric  storm  in  Norember. 

Trouble  about  boundary  between  Ohio  State  and  Michigan  Territory. 

OoTcmor  of  Ohio  sends  militia  troops  to  the  l>order. 

Stookbridge  and  Brotherton  Indians  emigrate  to  linehigan  Territory. 

1884.    Jolm  O'Connor  oondraaned  and  executed  at  Du  Buque,  without  law. 
Oberlin  Institute,  Ohio,  chartered,  with  UuiTersity  pririlegea. 
Oasetteer  of  Illinois,  published  at  Jaduonrille. 
Termination  of  bank  charters  in  Ohio. 
Wabash  College,  Crawfordrille,  Indiana,  incorporated. 
Capitol  of  Indiana,  at  Indianapolis,  finished. 
Late  in  May  all  foliage  in  the  West  destroyed  by  frost. 

1886,    Wabash  College,  Crawfordrille,  Indians,  organised. 
Michigan  forma  a  Goastitatton  for  State  gOTemment 


^ 


nxviii 


CHBOVOLOaiOAL   TABLH. 


1886.    Oongren  reftues  the  Gonstitation,  bat  offers  terms. 
Oberlin  Institate  organised  u  a  College. 
Milwtookie,  Wisoonsiii,  surveyed.     (PreTlously  settled.) 

1886.  Madison,  Wlsoonsin,  planned  and  Sarveyed. 

Complanter,  Seneca  Indian  Chief,  died,  aged  about  one  hundred  years. 

The  conditions  offered  by  Congress  to  Michigan  r€|)ected. 

niinois  and  Michigan  Canal  commenced. 

Territory  offHsoonsln  (including  Iowa)  organised. 

Clereland,  Ohio,  incorporated  a  city. 

Mania  of  land  and  town  lot  trading  in  Chicago. 

American  Cannel  Coal  Company  chartered,  Indiana. 

Heatherly  War  in  Western  Missouri. 

Nicollet  explores  Mississippi  to  its  source.  > 

1887.  Michigan  complies  #ith  the  terms  ef  Congress,  and  becomes  a  State. 
Internal  improTcment  system  adopted  in  Illinois. 

Blots  at  Alton,  Clinois;  Rev.  Elijah  P.  Lovcgoy  killed. 
Chicago  is  incorporated  as  a  city. 
State  House  of  Missouri,  at  Jefferson  City,  burnt. 
Asbury  Uniyersity,  at  Green  Castle,  Indiana,  chartered. 
Explosion  of  the  steamer  *'Dn  Buque,"  off  Muscatine  bar. 
Steam  boat  "Ben  Sherrod"  burnt  on  Mississippi  river. 

1888.  Explosion  of  the  steam  boat  "Moselle,"  near  Cincinnati. 
Territory  of  Iowa  organised. 

Contest  with  Mormons  in  Missouri. 

Death  of  Qovemor  William  Clark  of  Missouri. 

Indiana  University,  at  Bloomington,  Indiana,  chartered. 

Financial  affairs  at  Chicago  in  desperate  condition. 

Exceeding  drought:  Ohio  river  scarcely  navigable  from  July  until  Jan.  1889. 

1888-89.  Trouble  between  Missouri  and  Iowa  Territory  about  boundary. 
Militia  forces  sent  to  the  border  by  each  government. 

1889.  Bank  Commissioners  appointed  in  Ohio. 
Mormons  retreat  to  Illinois,  and  locate  at  Commerce. 
Mormons  change  the  name  of  their  new  location  to  Nanvoo. 

The  first  steam  arrival  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie.     (The  "Lexington.") 
Stookbridge  and  Brothertown  Indians,  in  Wisconsin  Territory,  made  citiiena  of 
the  United  States. 

1889-40.  Iowa  City  located  and  made  seat  of  Oovemment. 

1840.    Presbyterian  Theological  Seminary  removed  to  New  Albany,  Indiana. 
Bloody  tragedy  at  Bellevue,  Iowa:  seven  men  killed. 
Great  political  excitement  in  the  presidential  canvass. 


1841.    Death  of  W.  H.  Harrison,  President  of  the  United  Statet. 
Public  improvements  cease  in  lUinois. 
Great  depression  in  financial  matters  throughout  the  West 
Smith  Maythe  and  layman  Oroueh  hung  without  trial  in  Kentucky. 


#'-.4- 


CHBONOLOOIOAL   TABLB. 


XXXIK 


1841.  Bethany  College  foaaded  by  Bev.  AleunderCampbeU,  D.D. 
Wabash  and  Erie  Canal  completed  to  La  Fayette. 

Lake  steam  boat  "Erie,"  burnt:  more  than  one  hundred  lives  lost 

1842.  Fort  Des  Moines,  Iowa  Territory,  built  and  garrisoned. 
Cincinnati  Astronomical  Socie^  founded. 

.  Col.  John  0.  Fremont's  expedition  left  St.  Louis. 

1842-8.  Excesdvely  cold  and  protracted  winter. 

1848.    Illinois  Banks  dosed  by  Legislature. 

Comer  stone  of  CincinnaU  Obseiratory  liud. 

Dreadful  Massacre  of  the  Chippewa  Indians  by  the  Sioux,  in  Minnesota. 

1844.    Steam  boat  "Shepherdess"  sunk  near  St.  Louis.        ^ 
Oreat  flood  of  Mississippi  and  Missouri  rivers. 
Steam  boat  navigation  over  the  American  Bottom. 
American  Bottom  submerged  sixty-five  miles. 
State  Constitution  formed  for  Iowa  not  accepted  by  Congress.     ' 
Capt.  J.  Allen  ascends  Des  Moines  river  to  its  source. 
Steam  host  "Lucy  Walker"  exploded  near  New  Albany. 

1846.    Banking  law  in  Ohio  for  State  and  independent  banks. 
Illinois  negotiates  with  bond-holders  to  finish  oanaL 
Conflagration  of  one-fourth  of  Pittsburgh. 
Wittemberg  College,  at  Springfield,  Ohio,  (diartered. 

1846.  Public  improvements  of  Illinois  resumed. 

Convention  in  Wisconsin  prepare  a  Constitution  for  State. 
dj.)     Constitution  for  Wisconsin  rejected  by  Congress. 

Milwaukie,  Wisconsin,  chartered  by  Territorial  Lepslatore. 
Meadville  Theological  School  incorporated. 

1847.  Collision  of  schooner  and  steam  boat  near  Conneaut,  Ohio. 
Convention  in  Illinois  forms  a  new  Constitution. 
Charter  of  Asbury  University,  Indiana,  amended. 
Friends'  High  School  established  at  Richmond,  Indiana. 
Explosion  of  steam  boat  *' A.  N.  Joh"9'an"  near  Manchester,  Ohio. 
Steam  t>oat  "Phoenix"  burnt  on  Lake  Micliigan. 


1848.  Constitution  of  Illinois  adopted  by  the  people. 
Michigan  and  Illinois  canal  completed. 

Wisconsin  forms  a  Constitution  which  is  accepted  by  Congress. 
California  gold  hunting  commences. 

1849.  Minnesota  Territory  organised. 

Cholera  is  again  epidemic  on  Mississippi  and  Ohio  rivers. 

Epidemic  cholera  and  great  fire  at  St.  Louis. 

O'Plain  river  (branch  of  Illinois,)  flowed  flrom  its  course. 

Pacific  Rail  Road  Convention  at  St.  Louis. 

Migration  to  Califomia,  via  Missouri  river,  commences. 


xl 


% 


tlHKOirOLOOTirAL  9ABLS. 


1849. 


Steam  bqat  "Viri^iiia"  exploded,  between  Wheeling  ud  StenbenTiUe. 
Ohio  mores  for  •  new  OonstitotioB. 


1860.  Bt.  BeT.  Benedict  Joseph  Flaget,  first  Catholic  Bishop  in  the  West,  died  at 

LonisTille,  Eentnckj. 
California  gold  hnnters  aaeend  Missoxiri  rirer  in  great  nnmbers. 
Dreadfiil  mortality  flrom  eholera  among  Califomia  emigrants  on  Missouri  river. 
Great  migration  to  Minnesota  Territory. 
First  steam  boat  aboTe  the  Falls  of  St  Anthony. 
Urbana  UniTersity,  Ohio,  ohartered. 

Steam  boat  "O.  P.  Griffith"  bnmt  on  Lake  Erie,  with  immense  lots  of  life. 
(Mo  elects  delegates  to  convention  for  new  Constitation. 

1861.  Gen.  Hugh  Brady  died  at  Petroit. 
New  Constitation  for  Ohio  formed. 

1868.    ColMon  on  rail  road  near  Chicago— many  Utcs  lost. 

1864.    Explosiein  of  steam  boat  "  Kate  Kearney"  at  St.  Louis.     - 
iLansas-Nebraska  bill  passed  by  Congress. 
Sommer  and  antomn  of  this  year  an  unprecedented  drouth. 
Epidemic  cholera  at  Pittsburgh. 
This  year  olosea  with  fearftal  forebodings  of  famine. 


1866.    Explosion  of  the  stean  boat  "Lexington"  on  Ohio  river.  J,^; 

From  May  until  Deeembor  of  this  year  the  Misdssippi  valley  was  visited  with 

an  unusual  quantity  of  rain. 
Agriculturists  r(|}oice  in  a  large  yield  of  the  fruits  of  their  toil. 

1866.    Josiah  Copley  reports  pra«ticaliility  of  improving  the  navigation  of  the  Ohio 
river,  by  means  of  dams  and  steam  boat  locks,  at  moderate  expense.        ,^ 
First  three  months  of  this  year  much  colder  than  usual. 
Lowest  water  ever  known  at  the  head  of  the  Ohio  river. 
Political  excitement  attending  the  Presidential  campaign  Intense. 


M' 


,  died  at 


n  riTer. 


^'V/i,; 


ANNALS  OF  THE  WESTr"^^^'"' 


4m^ 


Ufe. 


isit«d  with 

H 

>      • 

'  the  Ohio 

1 

»•        .s» 

^m 

■ ;  '■ 

'  1 

,  'i' 

PE  R  I  O  D    I. 

1512  —  1750. 

Thb  first  explorers  of  the  Mississippi  valley  were  Spaniards.'*' 
The  discoverj  of  America  by  Columbus,  in  1492,  awakened  among 
that  people,  in  an  unprecedented  degree,  a  spirit  of  adventure  and 
a  thirst  for  gold.  'Juan  Ponce  de  Leon  was  one  of  his  companions 
on  his  second  voyage,  and  afterward  the  conqueror  of  Porto  Rico. 
From  the  natives  of  that  island  he  learned  a  legend,  that,  with  the 
characteristic  credulity  of  that  age,  he  accepted  as  a  truth.  There 
existed,  said  they,  in  Bimini,  one  of  the  Lucayos,  a  Fountain  of 
Life.  He  who  drank  of  its  waters  was  proof  against  disease;  he 
who  bathed  in  it  was  endowed  with  perpetual  youth.  De  Leon 
was  inflamed  with  the  desire  of  discovering  and  bathing  in  this 
wondrous  fountain ;  and,  on  the  3d  of  March,  1512,  he  sailed  from 
Porto  Rico  in  seurch  of  the  island  that  contained  it.  After  a  long 
cruise,  on  Easter  Sunday,  or  Pascua  Florida,  he  discovered  a 
country  of  great  extent,  to  which,  in  honor  of  the  day,  or  from  the 
flowers  that  covered  the  forests,  he  named  Florida.  From  stress 
of  weather,  he  was,  however,  prevented  from  an  examination  of 
the  coast,  and  returned  to  Porto  Rico.  Still  the  desire  of  prose- 
cuting bis  discovery  remained,  and  after  much  delay  he  obtained 
authority  from  Charles  V.  to  conquer,  colonize,  and  govern  the 


w:i 


*  The  original  authorities  in  regard  to  the  Spanish  explorations  are: 

1.  Nanfragios  a  Alrar  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaoca. 

2.  A  narratiTe  of  the  expedition  of  Hernando  de  Soto,  by  Louis  Hemandei  de  Biedma, 

presented  to  the  king  and  oounoil  of  the  Indies,  in  1644. 

3.  A  narratiTe  of  the  expedition  of  Hernando  de  Soto  into  Florida,  by  a  gentleman 

of  Slvas,  1657. 

4.  A  letter  of  De  Soto  to  the  authorities  of  St.  Jago  de  Cuba,  July  9,  1689. 

5.  Tht  Florida  of  the  Inca,  by  the  Inca  Garoelaso  de  La  Vega,  Madrid,  1728. 

The  relation  of  Biedma,  the  narrative  of  the  gentleman  of  Elvas,  and  De  Soto's  letter, 
are  given  in  the  Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana,  by  B.  F.  French,  Fart  2. — Phila- 
delphia, 1860.  And  the  Florida  of  the  Inoa  is  abridged  in  Irving's  Conquest  of  Florida. 
PhHadelphia,  1886. 

4  (41) 


42 


EXPEDITION  OF  DE  AYLLON. 


1620. 


lauds  he  had  seen ;  and,  in  1521,  he  sailed  again  for  Florida.  But 
liis  landing  was  opposed ;  the  natives  attacked  the  strangers  with 
incredible  fary,  and  many  of  them  were  slain.  The  remainder  were 
driven  to  their  vessels,  and  Ponce  de  Leon  returned  with  the  wreck 
of  his  expedition,  mortally  wounded,  to  Cuba  to  die. 

The  natives  indeed  had  good  cause  for  their  hostiliiy.  For  in 
the  meanwhile  they  had  learned  much  of  the  spirit  of  the  Spaniards. 
In  1516,  Diego  Miruelo  visited  the  coast,  and  in  trade  with  the 
natives  obtained  a  considerable  quantity  of  gold,  and  on  his  return 
i^pread  abroad  reports  of  the  wealth  of  the  interior.  Meanwhile, 
the  newly  opened  mines  of  Mexico  demanded  slaves,  and,  in  1520, 
Vasquez  de  Ayllon  was  sent  out,  with  two  vessels,  to  seek  a  supply. 
Approaching  the  coast,  in  the  latitude  of  32°,  he  landed  in  a  region 
called  by  the  natives  Chicorea,  at  the  mouth  of  a  river  he  named 
Jordan,  perhaps  the  Savannah  or  the  Cambahee.  The  natives,  at 
lirst  distrustful,  were  reassured  by  presents,  and  enticed  on  board 
to  trade.  Soon  they  began  to  throng  the  ships,  and  the  perfidious 
Spaniards  seized  upon  all  within  reach,  and  sailed  for  St.  Domingo. 
Disaster  followed  the  crime ;  one  of  ths  vessels  was  lost,  the  other 
arrived,  but  the  victims  of  their  treachery,  with  the  characteristic 
tipirit  of  the  Indian,  proudly  disdained  to  live  slaves,  refused  food, 
and  died.  De  Ayllon  returned  to  Spain,  received  authority  from 
Charles  V.  to  conquer  and  govern  the  region  he  had  visited ;  and, 
in  1525,  he  fitted  out  an  expedition,  and  returned  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Jordan.  The  Indians  planned  the  destruction  of  the  Spaniards, 
but  concealed  their  purpose.  Two  hundred  of  them  were  decoyed 
to  a  village,  on  pretense  of  a  feast ;  De  Ayllon,  with  a  small  force, 
remained  to  guard  the  ships.  All  of  the  party  were  massacred ; 
the  guard  was  attacked— of  these  a  few  only  escaped  to  St. 
Domingo.  De  Ayllon  himself  was  either  slain  in  the  affray,  or 
died  afterv^ard  of  his  wounds  and  of  grief. 

The  post  of  adelantado,  or  governor  of  Florida,  was  next  con- 
ferred on  Famphilo  de  !N'arvaez.  He  organized  an  expedition  for 
its  conquest,  sailed  from  Cuba,  and  on  the  12th  of  April,  1528, 
unchored  in  a  bay  afterward  named  the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo,  or 
Tampa  Bay ;  aud  landed  with  a  force  of  four  hundred  men  and 
forty-five  horses.  Here  he  took  formal  possession  of  the  country 
in  the  name  of  his  master,  dismissed  his  vessels  to  await  his  return, 
and,  despite  the  remonstrances  of  Alvar  Nunez  Oabeza  de  Yacca, 
plunged  into  an  unknown  and  savage  wilderness.    The  Indians, 


1520. 


1628. 


EXPEDITION  OF  NARVAEZ. 


48 


I.  But 
irs  with 
er  were 
e  wreck 


For  in 
•aniards. 
jvith  the 
is  return 
lanwhile, 
,  in  1520, 
a  supply. 
I  a  region 
Die  named 
latives,  at 
on  board 
perfidious 
Domingo, 
the  other 
racteristic 
need  food, 
)rity  from 
Lted;  and, 

mouth  of 

Ipaniards, 
•e  decoyed 

lall  force, 

lassacred ; 

id   to   St. 

affray,  or 


next  cou- 

^dition  for 

pril,  1628, 

.  Santo,  or 

men  and 

^e  country 

ais  return, 

I  de  Vacca, 

Le  Indians, 


m 

M 


whom  the  Spaniards  had  captured  and  compelled  to  serve  as  guides, 
lured  them  on  v.  ith  the  pretense  that  there  was  to  the  north  a  great 
country  called  Appalachee,  extremely  fertile,  and  abounding  in  gold, 
that  was  to  their  imaginations  another  Mexico,  and  opened  to  them 
the  prospect  of  another  conquest.    For  many  days  they  traversed 
trackless  forests  and  swamps,  through  matted  thickets  and  over 
rapid  rivers,  and  continually  exposed  to  the  assaults  of  lurking 
savages.  At  length  they  arrived  at  the  city  of  Appalachee,  probably 
in  southern  Georgia;  but  it  was  only  a  village  of  two  huudred  and 
and  forty  wigwams,  and  its  inhabitants  had  fled  at  their  approach. 
Disappointed,  disheartened,  and  suffering  for  food,  their  treacherous 
guides  next  pointed  them  to  the  village  of  Auto,  nine  days'  journey 
to  the  south ;  where  there  was  abundance  of  maize  and  of  fish. 
Thither  they  directed  their  couroe ;  but  their  way  was  obstructed 
by  deep  lagoons,  dismal  swamps  and  impenetrable  forests.  Hordes 
of  savages  hung  on  their  rear,  that,  to  their  imaginations,  appeared 
of  gigantic  size,  armed  with  enormous  bows.    At  length,  after 
incredible  hardships,  they  reached  the  village  of  Ante,  located  per- 
haps near  the  present  bay  of  St.  Mark ;  but  it  was  deserted  and 
burnt,  and  only  a  little  maize  was  left  to  the  Spaniards  to  appease 
their  hunger.    A  day's  march  further  they  reached  the  sea;  but 
they  had  marched  eight  hundred  miles,  and  it  was  impossible  to 
retrace  their  steps,  or  to  find  their  vessels.    As  a  last  resource,  they 
determined  to  build  five  small  barks,  with  which  to  escape  from  the 
coast.    All  their  iron  implements,  even  to  their  stirrups  and  spurs, 
were  made  into  nails  and  tools.    Their  shirts  were  made  into  sails, 
their  cordage  was  made  of  bark  interwoven  with  horse-hair ;  while 
their  horses  served  them  for  food.    At  length,  on  the  22d  of  Sep- 
tember, they  launched  their  barks  and  sailed  down  the  coast,  suffer- 
ing every  extremity  of  hunger  and  thirst.    Three  of  the         ols 
foundered  in  a  storm;  the  remaining  two,  after  many  days  of  fruit- 
less coasting,  were  anchored  near  the  shore ;  one  of  them,  with 
Narvaez  on  board,  was  driven  to  sea  by  a  sudden  gale,  and  lost. 
There  survived  of  this  expedition  only  Alvar  Nunez  and  four  of 
his  companions.    They  traversed,  according  to  their  own  account, 
the  northern  parts  of  Florida,  crossed  the  Mississippi,  traveled  over 
the  plains  and  deserts  of  northern  Texas  to  the  Rocky  mountains ; 
passing  from  tribe  to  tribe,  often  as  slaves,  enduring  the  greatest 
hardships,  till  at  length  they  reached  the  settlement  of  Corapos- 
tella;   from  whence   Alvar  IS'unez  proceeded  to  Mexico,   and 
thence  to  Lisbon,  where  he  arrived,  in  1637,  nearly  ten  years 
after  his  first  embarkation  with  Narvaez. 


44 


EXPEDITION  OF  DB  SOTO. 


1588. 


The  report  carried  back  by  Alvar  Nunez  to  Spain  of  the  ill-fated 
expedition  of  Narvaez,  in  calmer  times  would  have  quenched  the 
thirst  for  discovery.  It  however  only  inflamed  it.  The  examples 
of  Mexico  and  of  Peru  had  created  the  belief  that  the  New  World 
was  all  occupied  with  barbarian  empires,  wealthy  and  weak ;  and 
the  conquests  of  Cortez  and  of  Pizarro  had  wakened  among 
the  cavaliers  of  Spain  an  ambition  to  follow  their  footsteps,  and  a 
thirst  for  glory  and  gold.  Florida,  which  then  included  all  the 
North  American  coast  known  to  them,  was  the  next  great  field  of 
discovery ;  and  the  popular  belief  clung  to  the  idea  that  Naivaez, 
in  his  long  wanderings,  had  been  skirting  along  the  borders  of  rich 
barbarian  empires,  waiting  only  a  conqueror. 

Hernando  de  Soto,  then  at  the  court  of  Charles  V.,  was  fired  with 
the  representations  of  Nunez,  and  inflamed  with  the  desire  of  rival- 
ing the  glory  of  the  conqueror  of  Peru,  whose  standard  he  had 
followed.  He  had  been  the  lieutenant  of  Pizarro  in  the  Peruvian 
couqr  '>!st,  and  acquired  there  experience  in  barbarian  war,  a  passion 
for  military  adventure  and  boundless  wealth.  His  experience,  his 
connections,  his  position  and  his  wealth,  all  fitted  him  for  the  post; 
and  accordingly  he  asked  leave  to  conquer  Florida  at  his  own  cost. 
It  was  granted;  and  the  title  of  Adelantado  of  Cuba  and  of  Florida 
was  conferred  on  him.  The  most  extensive  and  costly  arrangements 
were  made  for  a  voyage  of  discovery  and  of  conquest.  The  cavaliers 
of  Spain  and  Portugal,  clad  in  silk  and  steel,  repaired  to  his  standard. 
Priests  and  monks,  intent  on  extending  the  power  of  the  church, 
joined  his  ranks ;  miners  and  chemists  were  provided  to  opep  and 
work  the  mines ;  and  with  an  armament  of  nine  hundred  and  sixty 
men,*  in  ten  vessels,  the  most  powerful,  the  most  confident,  and 
the  best  appointed  that  had  ever  embarked  for  the  New  World,  De 
Soto  sailed  from  Spain,  on  the  6th  of  April,  1538,  for  Cuba. 

There  a  year  was  spent  in  preparation  for  the  great  expedition. 
Every  thing  that  was  necessary  for  conquest  or  colonization  was 
provided.  Men  and  implements  for  working  in  wood  and  iron, 
materials  for  assaying  metals,  cattle  and  swine  to  stock  their  colony, 
bloodhounds  for  capturing  slaves,  chains  for  confining  them,  arms 
and  armor,  the  most  costly  and  effective,  were  all  provided  and 
prepared.  And  with  this  great  equipment  the  expedition  sailed 
from  Havana,  on  the  12th  of  May,  1539,  and  on  Whitsunday,  the 
25th  of  May,  they  anchored  in  a  bay  named,  from  that  circum- 


i 


*  Biodma  sajs  there  landed  six  hundred  and  twenty  men. 


1589. 


EXPEDITION  OF  DB  SOTO. 


46 


stance,  Espirita  Santo.  Here  they  landed,  and  De  Soto  took  formal 
possession  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  the  emperor.    No  Indians 
were  to  be  seen,  and  the  Spaniards  encamped  securely  on  the  shore ; 
but  during  the  night  they  were  attacked  with  great  fury,  defeated 
and  driven  to  their  vessels.  De  Soto  again  disembarked  his  troops, 
and  marching  cautiously,  encamped  in  a  village  six  miles  from  the 
shore,  which  was  deserted  at  his  approach.    Ilirrihigua,  its  chief, 
was  implacably  hostile.    Narvaez  had  cut  off  his  nose,  and  caused 
his  mother  to  be  torn  in  pieces  before  him  by  his  dogs.    De  Soto 
sought,  by  messages  and  presents,  to  appease  him,  but  in  vain. 
"I  want  none  of  their  speeches;  bring  me  their  heads,"  he  replied. 
Leaving  here  a  garrison,  and  having  recovered  Ortiz,  a  companion 
of  Narvaez,  and  having  captured  a  number  of  Indians  for  guides, 
he  set  forth  for  the  village  of  Aceura.    The  route  of  the  Spaniards 
lay  through  tangled  thickets,  deep  morasses,  and  quaking  prairies. 
At  length  they  came  to  a  deep  river,  bordered  by  an  impassable 
swamp,  perhaps  the  Withlacoochee,  and  here  the  Indians  that 
beset  them  dispute<^.  their  passage ;  but  after  three  days'  fighting, 
and  incredible  hardships,  they  forced  a  passage,  and  reached  the 
village.  It  was  deserted,  and  the  Spaniards,  harassed  day  and  night 
by  the  savages,  set  out  ng^ln  to  seek  the  country  of  Ocali,  where 
there  was,  they  heard,  ^^lorpetual  spring,  and  whose  warriors  wei'e 
cased  in  gold.    But  they  were  disappointed,  and  passed  on  to  what 
they  heard  was  the  great  and  rich  province  of  Appalachec.    Vita- 
chuco,  one  of  the  chiefs  of  that  region,  was  hostile ;  but  he  was 
won  by  the  presents  and  promises  of  De  Soto,  and  came  with  his 
warriors  and  people  to  make  a  display  of  his  power  and  magnifi- 
cence.   In  the  midst  of  the  rejoicing  and  parade,  the  treacherous 
Spaniards  seized  the  chief,  attacked,  slaughtered  and  dispersed  his 
unsuspecting  people.    Thence  they  marched  to  the  north,  crossed 
the  "  Great  Morass," — ^where  ]S"arvaez  had  been  finally  defeated  and 
driven  back  to  the  sea — doubtless  the  Okeefinokee  swamp,  and, 
after  an  obstinate  bf*ttle  for  two  days  with  the  Indians,  encamped 
for  the  winter  at  the  Anhayca,  the  chief  village  of  Appalachee, 
neariy  one  hundred  leagues  north  from  the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo. 
The  winter  was  spent  in  continual  contests  with  the  Indians. 
Early  in  March,  1640,  they  set  out  for  the  country  of  Cofachiqui, 
perhaps  on  the  Savannah  river.  The  country  was  fertile,  the  Indians 
were  friendly,  their  queen  received  them  with  great  hospitality; 
above  all,  they  received  "  fourteen  bushels"  of  pearls,  and  they 
were  assured  that  there  were  enough  of  them  in  the  neighboring 
villages  to  load  all  their  horses.    Here  the  Spaniards  wished  to 


4G 


EXPEDITION  OF  DE  SOTO. 


1640. 


Stop  and  form  a  colony,  but  De  Soto  refused  his  consent,  seized 
his  unsuspecting  hostess  and  set  out  to  the  west,  traversed  the 
Cherochee  country,  passed  through  the  country  subject  to  the 
chief  of  Cosa,  and  reached  the  territories  of  Tuscaloosa.  Tus- 
caloosa was  the  great  chieftain  of  the  south-west.  He  was  of 
gigantic  size,  of  high  spirit,  and  ruled  over  a  confederacy  of 
tribes.  He  received  the  strangers  with  kindness;  and  they  in 
turn  seized  him  as  a  hostage,  to  secure  the  submission  of  his  people, 
and  marched  on  till  they  reached  his  principal  town,  Mauvile,  now 
Mobile.  Here  many  thousand  Indians  assembled  to  rescue  their 
chief,  and  expel  the  invaders.  The  Spaniards  were  suddenly 
attacked  with  great  fury ;  the  battle  lasted  all  day ;  the  town  was 
burned,  eighty-three  Spaniards,  with  forty-two  horses,  were  slain,  a 
great  number,  including  De  Soto  himself,  were  wounded ;  several 
thousand  Indians  perished.  But  for  the  armor  and  fire-arms  of 
t])e  Spaniards,  none  of  them  would  have  escaped.  All  their  ammu- 
nition and  baggage  were  lost ;  but  what,  even  in  this  extremity, 
concerned  them  most,  all  their  wine  and  flour  were  gone,  and  it 
was  no  longer  possible  to  celebrate  the  mass. 

At  this  juncture  it  was  ascertained  that  their  ships  bad  returned 
to  the  bay  of  Achusi,  or  Fensacola  bay;  and,  weary  of  their 
misfortunes,  the  Spaniards  determined  to  abandon  the  country 
and  return  home.  De  Soto  was  rendered  desperate  by  his 
misfortunes,  and  foresaw  in  this  spirit  of  his  men  the  ruin  of 
his  hopes;  and,  determined  to  die  rather  than  to  return,  he 
broke  up  his  encampment  and  turned  to  the  north-west,  and, 
after  a  long  march,  encamped  at  the  village  of  Chicasaw.  The 
Indians  there  were  peaceable,  but  the  characteristic  cruelty  of  the 
Spaniards  could  not  be  restrained ;  and  the  Indians,  in  revenge 
for  the  massacres,  mutilations,  and  enslavement  of  their  people, 
assembled,  attacked  and  burned  their  camp.  Forty  men  were 
slain,  fifty  horses,  the  remainder  of  their  baggage,  the  greater  part 
of  their  arms  and  clothing  were  destroyed.  After  this  disaster, 
tbey  removed  and  fortified  themselves  for  the  winter  at  Chicacilla. 
Early  in  the  spring  they  resumed  their  march,  and,  after  much  suf- 
fering and  many  disasters,  reached  a  great  river,  named  by  them  the 
Eio  Qrandc,  by  the  Indians,  Cbucugua,  Tumaliseu,  Tapata,  Mico, 
and,  at  its  mouth,  Ri.  It  was  well  described  by  the  old  chronicler, 
*'The  river  in  this  place  was  a  half  league  from  one  shore  to 
the  other,  so  that  a  man  standing  still  could  scarce  be  discerned 
from  the  opposite  shore.  It  was  of  great  depth,  of  wonderful 
rapidity,  and  very  muddy ;  and  was  always  filled  with  floating  trees 


1542. 


EXPEDITION   OF  OB  SOTO. 


47 


and  timber,  carried  down  by  the  force  of  the  current."  Here  the 
Spaniards  prepared  boats,  and  crossed  the  Mississippi;  and,  after 
wandering  through  the  territories  of  various  tribes,  the  most  of 
whom  were  hostile,  encamped  for  the  winter  at  Utianque,  on  thfr 
Arkansas,  near  the  western  border  of  that  State. 

De  Soto's  spirit  was  broken  by  misfortune,  and,  in  utter  despair  of 
finding  either  the  gold  or  the  glory  he  coveted,  he  resolved  to  seek 
again  the  Mississippi,  and,  if  possible,  the  sea.  Accordingly,  early 
in  the  spring  he  set  out,  and,  after  long  and  tedious  marches,  reached 
the  great  river  at  Guachoya,  about  twenty  miles  below  the  mouth  of 
the  Arkansas.  Thence  he  sent  a  party  to  seek  the  sea.  After  an 
absence  of  eight  days,  they  returned  and  reported  that  they  had 
advanced  only  fifteen  leagues,  on  account  of  the  great  windings  of 
the  river,  and  the  swamps  and  torrents  with  which  it  was  bordered. 
Their  report  broke  the  spirit  of  De  Soto.  Despair  seized  his  mind, 
disease  attacked  his  frame,  and,  on  the  21st  of  May,  1542,  he  died, 
and  his  body  was  sunk  in  the  Mississippi.  Luis  de  Moscoso  suc- 
ceeded to  the  command.  Hearing  vague  rumors  of  Spaniards  to 
the  west,  he  set  out  in  June,  with  the  remains  of  the  army,  to  the 
westward,  in  the  hope  of  reaching  Mexico.  For  three  months  they 
wandered,  and  passed  at  length  over  immense  plains,  covered  with 
bufialoes,  to  a  desert  at  the  base  of  a  range  of  high  mountains. 
Wearied  and  dispirited,  they  turned  their  course,  and  reached  the 
Mississippi  above  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas.  Here  they  wintered 
again,  and  prepared  to  descend  the  stream  in  the  spring  to  the  sea. 
Timber  was  found  in  the  forests.  All  their  iron  implements,  even 
to  the  fetters  of  their  slaves,  were  wrought  into  nails.  Grass  served 
them  for  ropes.  And  thus  they  built  seven  small  vessels,  and,  on 
the  2d  of  July,  1648,  they  embarked  and  followed  the  river,  for 
twenty  days,  to  its  mouth,  continually  harassed  by  the  Indians ; 
and  thence  sailed  along  the  coast  fifty  days,  to  the  westward,  and 
at  length  arrived  at  the  Spanish  settlement  of  Panuco. 

And  thus  ended  the  great  expedition.  De  Soto  wandered  over 
a  great  part  of  the  continent  in  quest  of  wealth  and  fame ;  and 
found  nothing  so  great  as  his  grave.  Of  that  chosen  band  of  cava- 
liers, so  brilliant  and  so  confident,  that  followed  him,  scarcely  three 
hundred,  naked,  battered  and  famishing,  returned  to  ask  the  charity 
of  their  countrymen.  The  career  of  Spanish  conquest  to  the  north- 
ward was  effectually  checked.  And  but  for  the  motives  that  reli- 
gious and  national  hatred  supplied,  Florida  might  ha^e  remained 
unoccupied  and  unexplored.    To  furnish  an  asylum  for  his  perse- 


48 


BETTLEMENT  OF  FLORIDA. 


1562. 


cuted  coantrymen  of  the  Refonned  faith,  Admiral  Coligni  projected 
a  colony  in  the  New  World;  and,  on  the  18th  of  February,  1562, 
he  sent  out  John  Ribault,  with  a  colony  of  French  Calviniets.* 
A  settlement  was  made  below  the  Cambahee,  named  Carolana; 
and  Ribault,  leaving  his  colony,  returned  to  France.  Discontent 
sprung  up,  a  mutiny  ensued,  and  the  settlement  was  abandoned. 
Two  years  later,  another  colony  was  sent  out  under  the  worthy 
Laudonnierre ;  and,  on  the  river  of  May,  with  psalms  and  thanks- 
giving, they  laid  the  foundations  of  what  they  hoped  would  be  a 
secure  retreat  for  the  people  of  God.  But  the  information  was 
conveyed  to  Spain  that  a  band  of  heretics  had  located  themselves 
within  the  limits  of  the  empire ;  and,  in  1565,  Pedro  Melendez  de 
Aviles  was  sent  out  by  the  king,  with  orders  to  exterminate  them. 
On  St.  Augustine's  day  he  landed  on  the  coast,  built  a  fort  that  yet 
perpetuates,  in  the  name  of  the  chief  city  of  Florida,  the  day  of  its 
foundation,  and  from  thence,  marching  secretly  and  rapidly  by 
land,  he  surprised  the  Huguenot  settlement  of  Carolana,  and  mas- 
sacred the  inhabitants,  without  distinction  of  age  or  sex.  Ribault 
was  at  sea;  when  he  returned  he  was  induced,  with  his  companions, 
to  surrender,  upon  the  faith  of  the  oath  of  Melendez.  They  gave 
up  their  arms,  and  were  massacred.  The  crime  was  soon  avenged. 
Dominic  de  Gourges,  a  Catholic  of  Gascony,  once  himself  the 
victim  of  Spanish  cruelty,  burned  with  the  desire  of  avenging  his 
countrymen.  For  this  purpose  he  fitted  out  an  expedition,  ap- 
proached the  coast,  surprised  and  stormed  the  Spanish  forts,  put 
their  inhabitants  to  the  sword,  and  hanged  their  leaders  on  the 
same  trees  on  which  some  of  the  French  had  been  hanged.  Me- 
lendez returned,  repaired  his  posts,  fortified  St.  Augustine,  and 
governed  his  colony  for  ten  years. 

For  a  century  the  Spaniards  made  no  fhrther  progress  in  the 
colonization  of  Florida.  A  few  scattered  missions,  indeed,  were 
established,  and  a  religious  province,  named  St.  Helena,  was  char- 
tered by  the  Holy  See,  and  placed  under  the  care  of  the  Franciscan 
monks.  The  whole  of  Florida,  with  its  vague  limits,  was  attached 
to  Mexico;  but  of  the  results  of  the  great  expeditions,  and  of  the 
great  sacrifices,  of  the  heroic  age  of  Spanish  enterprise,  there 
remained  only  the  colony  of  St.  Augustine. 


*  A  catalogue  of  the  anthorities  in  regard  to  the  Huguenot  and  Spanish  Bottlomenta 
in  Florida,  may  be  found  in  Sparks'  American  Biography. 


"* 


1608. 


SETTLKMENT  OF  CANADA. 


The  French  made  early  and  more  auooeBsful  attempts  to  explore 
and  colonize  the  New  World.*  In  1585,  James  Cartier  entered 
and  explored  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  Isle  of  Orleans;  and,  six 
years  later,  in  conjunction  with  Roberval,  led  out  a  colony  to  that 
region,  which  he  named  Kew  France.  It  failed,  and  for  sixty 
years  no  further  effort  at  colonization  in  America  was  made ;  but, 
in  1608,  Samuel  Ghamplain  brought  out  a  colony  to  the  Isle  of 
Orleans,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  the  city  of  Quebec,  and,  five 
years  later,  of  Montreal.  In  the  same  year  of  his  arrival,  Gham- 
plain, to  secure  the  friendship  of  the  Indians  inhabiting  the  banks 
of  the  St.  Lawrence,  accompanied  them  in  an  expedition  against 
their  enemies,  on  the  shores  of  the  lake  that  bears  his  name.  The 
allies  gained  a  victory  over  their  foes ;  and  that  event  secured  for 
three  generations  the  alliance  of  the  Algonquins,  and  the  implac- 
able  hatred  of  the  Iroquois.  This  fact  determined  the  course 
of  French  exploration.  The  Iroquois  confederacy,  powerful  in 
their  union,  and  more  powerful  from  the  firearms  they  obtained 
from  the  Dutch,  effectually  barred  the  progress  of  tbe  French 
traders  and  missionaries  to  the  south,  while  their  alliance  with  the 
Algonquins  of  the  cast,  secured  to  them  the  friendship  of  the 
Algonquins  of  the  west.  Accordingly,  very  early  explorations 
were  made  in  the  direction  of  the  great  western  lakes. 

In  1616,  Le  Caron,  a  Franciscan,  the  companion  of  Ghamplain, 
penetrated  the  wilderness  to  the  waters  of  Lake  Huron ;  and,  along 
with  Yiel  and  Sagard,  labored  for  ten  years  as  a  missionary  among 
the  tribes  there  and  on  the  Niagara.  The  purposes  of  Ghamplain 
were  more  religious  than  commercial;  he  esteemed  "the  salvation 
of  a  soul  worth  more  than  the  conquest  of  an  emphrei' '  his  charter  r»> 
cognized  the  Indian  convert  as  a  citizen  of  France,  and  the  Francis- 
cans were  chosen  to  conduct  his  missions.  As  elsewhere,  however, 
the  more  active  order  of  the  Jesuits  took  possession  of  the  missions, 
and,  in  1684,  Breboeuf  and  Daniel,  and  later,  Lallemand,  passed  by 
way  of  the  Ottawa  to  Lake  Huron  and  to  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie,t  and 
established  at  St.  Joseph,  St.  Louis,  and  St.  Ignatius,  villages  of 
Ghristian  Hurons.  In  1640,  Raymbault  and  Pigart  followed,  and 
in  the  next  year  roamed  as  missionaries  with  the  Hurons  of  Lake 
Nipissing.  Later  in  the  same  year,  Baymbault  and  Jogues  passed, 
in  a  birch  canoe,  around  the  north  shore  of  Lake  Huron  to  the 
Sault  Ste.  Marie,  met  there  a  council  of  the  Ghippewas,  and  learned 


*  Bancroft,  vol.  3. 

*  P»Ub  of  the  river  St.  Mary's,  between  Lakes  Superior  and  Horon. 


50 


EXPLORATIONS  OF  THE  FRBNCU. 


1660. 


of  the  Nadonessies  or  the  Sioux,  who  dwelt  eighteen  dajs'  journey 
west  of  the  great  lake.  But  the  path  of  those  early  miasionaries 
was  beset  with  peril  nnd  suflering.  In  the  next  year,  Jogues  and 
Bressani  were  captured  by  the  Iroquoia,  and  tortured;  in  1648, 
St.  Joseph  was  destroyed,  and  Daniel  alain;  and,  in  1649,  St. 
Louis  and  St.  Ignatius  were  taken,  and  Brebceuf  and  Lallemand 
burned  by  the  same  relentless  foes.  But  the  French  enterprise 
and  the  Catholic  zeal  were  not  checked.  In  1660,  Rene  Mesnard 
was  sent  out  to  the  far  west.  He  passed  around  the  south  shore  of 
Lake  Superior,  gathered  a  church  at  the  bay  of  St.  Theresa,  and 
on  his  way  from  thence  to  the  bay  of  Chegoimegon,  was  lost  in 
the  forest,  at  the  portage  of  Eewenaw ;  and  his  cassock  and  bre- 
viary were  found  long  after  among  the  Sioux. 

Meanwhile,  a  change  was  made  in  the  government  of  the  colony. 
The  company  of  the  hundred  associates,  that  had  ruled  it  since 
1682,  resigned  its  charter ;  new  France  passed  to  the  company  of 
the  West  Indies.  In  1665,  Tracy  was  made  viceroy,  Courcelles 
governor,  and  Talon  intendent.*  The  Jesuit  missions  were  taken 
under  the  care  of  the  new  government ;  and  Claude  AUouez  was 
sent  out  in  the  same  year,  by  way  of  the  Ottawa,  to  the  far  west. 
Reaching  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  he  passed  around  the  south  shore  of 
Lake  Superior,  and  landed  at  the  bay  of  Chegoimegon.  There,  at 
the  chief  village  of  the  Chippewas,  he  established  a  mission,  and 
made,  on  behalf  of  the  colony,  an  alliance  with  them,  the  Pottawatta- 
mies.  Sacs  and  Foxes,  and  the  Illinois,  against  the  Iroquois.  In 
the  next  year,  he  passed  with  the  Ottawas  to  the  north  shore,  and 
at  the  western  extremity  of  the  lake  met  the  Sioux,  and  from  them 
learned  of  a  great  river  flowing  to  the  south,  which  they  called 
"  Messipi."  Thence  he  returned  to  Quebec  to  seek  more  laborers. 
In  1668,  Claude  Dablon  and  Jaques  Marquette  repaired  to  the 
Sault,  and  established  the  mission  of  Ste.  Marie ;  and  during  the 
next  five  years  Allouez,  Dablon  and  Marquette  explored  the 
regions  south  of  Superior,  and  west  of  Michigan,  and  established 
the  missions  of  Chegoimegon,  St.  Marie,  Mackinaw,  and  Green 
Bay.  The  purpose  of  exploring  the  Mississippi  sprang  from  Mar- 
quette himself;  but  it  was  furthered  by  the  plans  of  the  intendent 
Talon,  to  extend  the  power  of  France  to  the  west.  In  1670, 
Nicholas  Perot  was  sent  to  the  west  to  propose  a  congress  of  the 
tribes  of  the  lakes.    In  May,  1671,  the  great  council  was  held  at 


*  The  duties  of  intendent  included  a  supervision  of  the  policy,  justice,  and  finance  of 
the  province. 


1678. 


EXPEDITION  OF  MARQUETTE. 


61 


Sault  Ste.  Marie;  the  cross  was  set  up,  bj  its  side  a  column  inscribed 
with  the  lilies  of  the  Bourbons,  the  Vexilla  Regis  was  chanted,  and 
the  nations  of  the  north-wcDt,  with  all  the  pomp  of  the  feudal  age, 
wore  taken  into  the  alliance  and  under  the  protection  of  France. 
Talon  was  not  satisfied  with  mere  display.  There  were  three 
opinions  in  regard  to  the  course  of  the  great  river,  of  which  AUouez 
had  heard — that  it  ran  to  the  south-east  into  ihe  Atlantic,  below 
Virginia — that  it  floNved  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico — and  that  it 
emptied  into  the  Gulf  of  California,  and  opened  a  highway  to 
China  and  the  East.  To  determine  this  problem,  to  secure  the 
lands  through  which  it  flowed  to  France,  and  thus  to  signalize  the 
close  of  his  administration,  Talon  approved  the  purpose  of  Mar- 
quette, and  directed  him,  with  M.  Joliet,  of  Quebec,  to  explore  the 
Mississippi. 

On  the  18th  of  May,  1678,*  Marquette,  Joliet  and  five  voy- 
ageurs  embarked  in  two  birch  canoes  at  Mackinaw,  and  passed 
down  the  lake.  The  first  tribe  they  visited  were  the  FoUes 
Aviones,  or  nation  of  Wild  Oats,  now  known  as  the  Menom- 
onies,  living  around  the  north  shore  of  the  Bay  of  Puans,  or 
Green  Bay.  These  Indians,  with  whom  Marquette  was  previously 
acquamted,  were  informed  of  their  plan  of  exploration  and  beg- 
ged them  to  desist.  There  were  Indians,  they  said,  on  that  great 
river,  who  would  cut  off  their  heads  without  the  least  cause ; 
warriors  who  would  seize  them;  monsters  who  would  swallow 
them,  canoes  and  all;  even  a  demon,  who  shut  the  way,  and  buried 
in  the  waters  that  boil  about  him,  all  who  dared  draw  nigh;  and,  if 
these  dangers  were  passed,  there  were  heats  there  that  would 
infallibly  kill  them.f  "I  thanked  them  for  their  good  advice," 
says  Marquette,  "but  I  told  them  I  could  not  follow  it;  since  the 
salvation  of  souls  was  at  stake,  for  which  I  should  be  oveijoyed  to 
give  my  life."  Passing  through  Green  Bay,  they  entered  Fox 
river,  and  toiling  over  stones  which  cut  their  feet,  as  they  dragged 
their  canoes  through  its  strong  rapids,  reached  a  village  where 
lived  in  union  the  Miamis,  MascoutenB,^  and  "Kikabeux"  (Kicka- 


*  Marquette's  Journal  in  French's  Historical  collections  of  Louisiana,  Part  2. 

f  Tue  allusion  here  is  to  the  legend  of  the  Piata— or  the  monster  bird  that  devoured 
men,  of  which  some  rude  Indian  paintings  were  seen  thirty  years  since  on  the  cliffs 
above  the  city  of  Alton ;  and  Indians  as  they  passed  in  their  canoes  made  offerings,  by 
dropping  tobacco  and  other  articles,  valuable  in  thoir  estimation,  in  the  river. 

X  In  Charlevoix's  time  those  occupied  the  country  from  the  Illinois  to  the  Fox  river 
of  Wisconsin,  and  from  Lake  Michigan  to  the  Mississippi. — See  his  Map. 


52 


EXPEDITION  OF  MARQUETTE. 


1678. 


poos.)  Here  Allouez  had  preached,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  town 
there  was  a  cross,  on  which  hung  pkins,  and  belts,  and  bows,  and 
arrows,  which  ^*  these  good  people  had  offered  to  the  great  Manitou, 
to  thank  him  because  he  had  taken  pity  on  them  during  the  winter, 
and  had  given  them  an  abundant  chase."  Beyond  this  point  no 
Frenchman  had  gone;  here  was  the  bound  of  discovery;  and  much 
did  the  savages  wonder  at  the  hardihood  of  these  seven  men,  who, 
alone  in  two  bark  canoes,  were  thus  fearlessly  passing  into  unknown 
dangers.  On  the  10th  of  June,  they  loft  this  wondering  and  well- 
wishing  crowd,  and,  with  two  Indian  guides  to  lead  them  through 
the  lakes  and  marshes  of  tnat  region,  started  for  the  river,  which, 
as  they  heard,  rose  about  three  leagues  distant,  and  fell  into  the 
Mississippi.  These  guides  conducted  them  to  the  portage,  and 
helped  them  to  carry  their  canoes  across  it;  then,  returning, 
left  them  "alone  amid  that  unknown  country,  in  the  hands  of 
God." 

"With  prayers  to  the  mother  of  Jesus  they  strengthened  their 
souls,  and  committed  themselves,  in  all  hope,  to  the  current  of  the 
westward-flowing  river,  the  "  Ouisconsin"  (Wisconsin) ;  *a  sand- 
barred  stream,  hard  to  navigate,  but  full  of  islands  covered  with 
vines,  and  bordered  by  meadows,  and  groves,  and  pleasant  slopes. 
Down  this  they  floated  until,  upon  the  17th  of  June,  they  entered 
the  Mississippi,  "with  a  joy,"  says  Marquette,  "that  I  cannot  ex- 
press." Quietly  floating  down  the  great  river,  they  remarked  the 
deer,  the  buffaloes,  the  swans — "wingless,  for  they  lose  their 
feathers  in  that  country" — the  great  fish,  one  of  which  had  nearly 
knocked  their  canoe  into  atoms,  and  other  creatures  of  air,  earth 
and  water,  but  no  men.  At  last,  however,  upon  the  21st  of  June, 
they  discovered,  upon  the  western  bank  of  the  river,  the  footprints 
of  some  fellow  mortals,  and  a  little  path  leading  into  a  pleasant 
meadow.  Leaving  the  canoes  in  charge  of  their  followers,  Joliet 
end  Father  Marquette  boldly  advanced  upon  this  path  toward,  as 
they  supposed,  an  Indian  village.  After  walking  for  two  leagues, 
they  came  to  a  cluster  of  villages  along  the  banks  of  a  river,  then 
called  the  Moingona,  now  probably  the  Des  Moines.*  Making 
their  presence  known  by  a  loud  cry,  they  were  met  by  four  old 
men,  who  presented  to  them  the  calumet,  and  escorted  them  to 
their  chief.    Here  they  made  known  the  purpose  of  their  voyage, 


*  It  is  not  certain  that  the  Moingona  was  the  Des  Moines.    If  it  was,  the  points  of 
their  landing  was,  from  Marquette's  description,  nearly  opposite  the  city  of  Nauvoo. 


1678. 


EXPEDITION  OF  MARQUETTE. 


68 


and  the  chief  begged  them  to  desist,  on  account  of  the  dangers  of 
the  voyage.  "  I  told  him,"  says  Marquette,  "  that  we  did  not  fear 
death,  and  that  I  would  esteem  it  a  happiness  to  lose  my  life  in  the 
service  of  God,  at  which  he  seemed  to  be  much  surprised."  They 
were  then  entertained  with  a  feast  and  the  dance  of  the  calumet, 
spent  the  night  with  the  chief,  and  were  escorted  by  nearly  six 
hundred  persons  to  their  canoes.  These  Indians  called  themselves 
Illinois,  in  their  language,  men  ;  the  name  of  their  tribe  was  Peru- 
raca,  and  their  language  was  a  dialect  of  the  Algonquin.  Mar- 
quette, like  all  the  early  travelers,  describes  the  Illinois  as  remark- 
ably handsome,  well-mannered,  and  kindly,  even  somewhat  effemi- 
nate. Leaving  these  savages,  the  adventurers  passed  the  rocks 
upon  which  were  painted  those  monsters  of  whoso  existence  they 
had  heard  on  Lake  Michigan,  and  soon  found  themselves  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Pekitanoni,  or  Missouri  of  our  day ;  the  character  of 
which  is  well  described — ^muddy,  rushing,  and  noisy.  They  next 
passed  a  dangerous  rock  in  the  river,*  and  then  came  to  the  Oua- 
bouskigou,  or  Ohio,  a  stream  which  makes  but  a  small  figure  in 
Father  Marquette's  map,  being  but  a  trifling  water-course  compared 
to  the  Illinois.  From  the  Ohio,  our  voyagers  passed  with  safety, 
except  from  the  musquitoes,  into  the  neighborhood  of  the  "Akam- 
scas,"  or  Arkansas.  Here  chey  were  attacked  by  a  crowd  of  war- 
riors, and  had  nearly  lost  their  lives;  but  Marquette  resolutely 
presented  the  peace-pipe,  and  some  of  the  old  men  of  the  attacking 
party  were  softened,  and  saved  them  from  harm.  "  God  touched 
their  hearts,"  says  the  pious  narrator.  The  next  day  the  French- 
men went  on  to  "Akamsca,"t  where  they  were  received  most 
kindly,  and  feasted  with  great  friendship.  These  Indians  cooked 
in  and  eat  from  earthenware,  and  were  amiable  and  unceremonious, 
each  man  helping  himself  from  the  dish  and  passing  it  to  his 
neighbor.  From  this  point,  Joliet  and  Marquette  determined  to 
return  to  the  north,  as  dangers  increased  toward  the  sea,  and  no 
doubt  could  exist  as  to  the  point  -^vhere  the  Mississippi  emptied,  to 
ascertain  which  was  the  great  object  of  their  expedition.  Accord- 
ingly, on  the  17th  of  July,  they  left  Akamsca;  retraced  their  path 
with  much  labor  to  the  Illinois,  through  which  they  soon  reached 
the  lake;  and  "nowhere,"  says  Marquette,  "did  we  see  such 


*  Tho  Grand  Tower,  nbout  one  hnndred  miles  below  St.  Louis. 

f  Tlie  Akamsca,  or  Arkansas,  was  an  Indian  village  on  tho  west  side  of  tlie  Missis- 
sippi, about  36  niiloB  above  t'lo  mouth  of  the  Arkansas. — Charlevoix  Lettert,  p.  806. 


51 


DEATH  OF  MARQUETTE. 


1676. 


gronnds,  meadows,  woods,  stags,  buffaloes,  deer,  wild-cats,  bastards, 
swans,  ducks,  paroquets,  and  even  beavers,"  as  on  the  Illinois  river. 

In  September,  the  party,  without  loss  or  injury,  reached  Creen 
Bay,  and  reported  their  discovery;  one  of  the  most  important  of 
that  age,  and  one  which  opened  up  the  great  valley  to  the  enter- 
prise of  their  countrymen.  That  consideration,  however,  did  not 
influence  the  mind  of  Marquette.  "If,"  says  he,  "my  perilous 
journey  had  been  attended  with  no  other  advantage  than  the  salva- 
tion of  one  soul,  I  would  think  my  peril  sufficiently  rewarded.  I 
preached  the  Gospel  to  the  Illinois  of  Peruraca  for  three  days  to- 
gether. My  instructions  made  such  an  impression  upon  this  poor 
people,  that,  as  soon  as  we  were  about  to  depart,  they  brought  to 
me  a  dying  child  to  baptize,  which  I  did  about  half  an  hour  before  he 
died,  and  which,  by  a  special  providence,  God  was  pleased  to  save." 

Afterward,  Marquette  returned  to  the  Illinois,  by  their  request, 
and  ministered  to  them  until  1675.  On  the  18th  of  May,  in  that 
year,  as  he  was  passing  with  his  boatmen  up  Lake  Michigan,  he 
proposed  to  land  at  the  mouth  of  a  stream  running  from  the  penin- 
sula, and  perform  mass.  Leaving  his  men  with  the  canoe,  he  went 
a  little  way  apart  to  pray,  they  waiting  for  him.  As  much  time 
passed,  and  he  did  not  return,  they  called  to  mind  that  he  had  said 
something  of  his  death  being  at  hand,  and  anxiously  went  tq  seek 
him.  They  found  him  dead :  where  he  had  been  praying  he  had 
died.  The  canoe-men  dug  a  grave  near  the  mouth  of  the  stream, 
and  buried  him  in  the  sand.  Here  his  body  was  liable  to  be  ex- 
posed by  a  rise  of  water ;  and  would  have  been  so,  had  not  the 
river  retired,  and  left  the  missionary's  grave  in  peace.  Charlevoix, 
who  visited  the  spot  some  fifty  years  afterward,  found  that  the 
waters  had  forced  a  passage  at  the  most  difficult  point,  and  had 
cut  through  a  bluff,  rather  than  cross  the  lowland  where  that  grave 
was.  The  river  is  called  Marquette.*  While  the  simple-hearted 
and  true  Marquette  was  pursuing  his  labors  of  love  in  the  west, 
two  men,  differing  widely  from  him  and  each  other,  were  preparing 
to  follow  in  his  footsteps,  and  perfect  the  discoveries  so  well  begun 
by  him  and  the  Sieur  Joliet.  These  were  Robert  de  la  Salle  and 
Louis  Hennepin. 

Robert,  Chevalier  de  la  Salle,  was  a  native  of  Kouen,  in  Nor- 
mandy. He  was  educated  in  a  seminary  of  the  Jesuits,  and 
probably  being  designed  for  the  church,  received  no  share  of  his 


*  Charlevoix,  p.  222 


1675. 

istards, 
iS  river. 

C  reen 
•tant  of 
5  enter- 
did  not 
perilous 
le  salva- 
[•ded.    I 
days  to- 
;hi8  poor 
jught  to 
jefore  he 
to  save." 

request, 
r,  in  that 
tiigan,  he 
he  penin- 
1,  he  went 
uch  time 

had  said 
it  tQ  seek 
he  had 
le  stream, 

;o  be  ex- 
not  the 

larlevoix, 
that  the 
and  had 

Ihat  grave 

ie-hearted 

the  west, 
ireparing 

jell  begun 
alle  and 


I,  in  Nor- 
lits,  and 
Hre  of  his 


1678. 


LA   SALLE   IN  CANADA. 


65 


.M 


father's  estate.  For  some  unknown  reason  he  left  the  seminary, 
with,  however,  the  approbation  of  his  su^  jriors,  came  to  Canada 
about  the  year  1667,  and  engaged  in  the  fur  trade.  But  his  active 
mind  was  busied  with  speculations  far  beyond  the  details  of  his 
business.  It  was  the  belief  of  that  age  that  a  passage,  through  the 
American  continent,  might  be  found  to  China  and  the  East,  and 
La  Salle's  mind  was  so  tilled  with  the  idea,  and  with  the  hope  of 
realizing  it,  that  his  trading  post  on  the  island  of  Montreal  was 
named  La  Chine.  And  thus  he  was  occupied  with  great  thoughts 
of  discovery  when  Marquette  and  Joliet  returned.  At  once  La 
Salle  received  from  them  the  idea,  that,  by  following  the  great 
river  northward,  or  by  turning  up  some  of  the  streams  which  joined 
it  from  the  westward,  his  aim  might  be  certainly  and  easily  gained. 
He  applied  to  Frontenac,  then  governor-general  of  Canada,  laid 
before  him  an  outline  of  his  views,  dim  but  gigantic,  and,  as  a  first 
step,  proposed  to  rebuild  of  stone,  and  with  improved  fortifications, 
Fort  Frontenac,  upon  Lake  Ontario,  a  post  to  which  he  knew  the 
<rovernor  felt  all  the  afiection  due  to  a  namesake.  Frontenac  entered 
.  irmly  into  his  views.  He  saw  that  in  La  Salle's  suggestion, 
.vhich  was  to  connect  Canada  with  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  by  a  chain 
of  forts  upon  the  vast  navigable  lakes  and  rivers  which  bind  that 
country  so  wonderfully  together,  lay  the  g,  rm  of  a  plan  which 
might  give  unmeasured  power  to  France,  and  unequaled  glory  to 
himself,  under  whose  administration  he  fondly  hoped  all  would  be 
realized.  He  advised  La  Salle,  therefore,  to  go  to  the  king  of 
France,  to  make  known  his  project,  and  ask  for  the  royal  patronage 
and  protection ;  and,  to  forward  his  suit,  gave  him  letters  to  the 
great  Colbert,  minister  of  finance  and  marine.  Accordingly,  in 
1675,  he  returned  to  France ;  his  plan  was  approved  by  the  minis- 
ter, to  whom  he  presented  Frontenac's  letter;  La  Salle  was  made  a 
chevalier;  was  invested  with  the  seigniory  of  Fort  Catarocouy  or 
Frontenac,  upon  condition  he  would  rebuild  it ;  and  received  from 
all  the  first  noblemen  and  princes  assurances  of  their  good-will  and 
aid.  Returning  to  Canada,  he  labored  diligently  at  his  fort  till  the 
close  of  1677,  when  he  again  sailed  for  France  with  news  of  his 
progress.  Colbert  and  his  son,  Seignelay,  now  minister  of  marine, 
once  more  received  him  with  favor,  and,  at  their  instance,  the  king 
granted  new  letters  patent  with  new  privileges.  His  mission  having 
sped  so  well,  on  the  14th  of  July,  '1678,  La  Salle,  with  his  lieuten- 
ant, Tonti,  an  Italian,  and  thirty  men,  sailed  again  from  Rochelle 
for  Quebec,  where  they  arrived  on  the  16th  of  September;  and, 
after  a  few  days'  stay,  proceeded  to  Fort  Frontenac. 


56 


EXPKDITIOX  OF  LA  SALLE. 


1678. 


Here  was  quietly  working,  though  in  no  quiet  spirit,  the  rival 
and  co-laborer  of  La  Salle,  Louis  Hennepin,  a  Franciscan  friar,  of 
the  RecoUet  variety ;  a  man  full  of  ambition  to  be  a  great  disco  ^erer ; 
daring,  hardy,  energetic,  vain  and  self-exaggerating,  almost  to 
madness;  and,  it  is  feared,  more  anxious  to  advance  his  own  selfish 
ends  than  the  truth.  He  had  in  Europe  lurked  behind  doors,  he 
tells  us,  that  he  might  hear  sailors  spin  their  yams  touching  foreign 
lands;  and  he  profited,  it  would  seem,  by  their  instructions.  He 
came  to  Canada  when  La  Salle  returned  from  his  first  visit  to  the 
court,  and  had,  to  a  cerhvii>  extent,  prepared  himself,  by  journeying 
among  the  Iroquois,  for  bolder  travels  in  the  wilderness.  Having 
been  appointed  by  his  religious  superiors  to  accompany  the 
expedition  which  was  about  to  start  for  the  extreme  West,  under 
La  Salle,  Hennepin  was  in  readiness  for  him  at  Fort  Frontenac, 
where  he  arrived,  probably,  in  October,  1678. 

The  Ohevalier's  first  step  was  to  send  forward  men  to  prepare 
the  minds  of  the  Indians  along  the  lakes,  for  his  coming,  to  soften 
their  hearts  by  well-chosen  gifts  and  words,  and  to  pick  up  peltries, 
beaver-skins,  and  other  valuables;  and,  upon  the  18th  of  November, 
1678,  he  himself  embarked  in  a  little  vessel  of  ten  tons,  to  cross 
Lake  Ontario.  This,  says  one  of  his  chroniclers,  was  the  first  ship 
that  sailed  upon  that  fresh  water  sea.  The  wind  was  strong  and 
contrary,  and  four  weeks  nearly  were  passed  in  beating  up  the 
little  distance  between  Kingston  and  Niagara.  Having  forced 
their  brigantine  as  far  toward  the  Falls  as  was  possible,  our  travel- 
ers landed ;  built  some  magazines  with  difficulty,  for  at  times  the 
ground  was  frozen  so  hard,  that  they  could  drive  their  stakes  or 
posts  into  it  only  by  first  pouring  upon  it  boiling  water;  and  then 
madia  acquaintance  with  the  Iroquois,  of  the  village  of  Niagara, 
upon  Lake  Erie.  Not  far  from  this  village,  La  Salle  founded  a 
second  fort,  upon  which  he  set  his  men  to  work;  but  finding  the 
Iroquois  jealous,  he  gave  it  up  for  a  time,  and  merely  erected 
temporary  fortifications  for  his  magazines;  and  then,  leaving 
orders  for  a  new  ship  to  be  built,*  he  returned  to  Fort  Frontenac, 
to  forward  stores,  cables,  and  anchors  for  his  forth-coming  vessel. 
Through  tiie  hard  and  cold  winter  days,  the  frozen  river  lying 
before  them  "like  a  plain,  paved  with  fine  polished  marble,"  some 
of  his  men  hewed  and  hammered  upon  the  timbers  of  the  Griffin, 
as  the  great  bark  was  to  be  named,  while  others  gathered  furs  and 


*The  keel  was  laid  by  La  Salle,  on  the  26tli  of  January,  1679,  at  the  month  of  Cayuga 
creek,  on  the  American  side  of  the  Niagara,  about  six  miles  above  the  great  Falls. 


1670. 


EXPEDITION   OF   LA  SALLE. 


67 


skins,  or  sued  for  the  good  will  of  the  bloody  savages  amid  whom 
they  were  quartered;  and  all  went  merrily  until  the  20th  of 
January,  1679.    On  that  day  the  Chevalier  arrived  from  below. 
The  vessel  in  which  his  valuables  had  been  embarked,  was  wrecked 
through  the  bad  management  of  the  pilots;  and  though  the  more 
important  part  of  her  freight  was  saved,  much  of  her  provision 
went  to  the  bottom.    During  the  winter,  however,  a  quantity  of 
furs  was  collected,  with  which,  early  in  the  spring  of  1769,  the 
(  lumander  returned  to  Fort  Frontenac  to  get  another  outfit,  while 
Tonti  was  sent  forward  to  scour  the  lake  coasts,  muster  together 
the  men  who  had  been  sent  before,  collect  skins,  and  explore  the 
country.    In  thus  coming  and  going,  buying  and  trading,  the 
summer  of  this  year  passed  away,  and  it  was  the  7th  of  August 
before  the  Griffin  was  ready  to  sail.    Then,  with  Te  Deums  and 
the  discharge  of  arquebuses,  sbo  began  her  voyage  up  Lake  Erie. 
Over  Lake  Erie,  through  the  strait  beyond,  across  the  lake  they 
named  St.  Clair,  and  into  Huron,  the  voyagers  passed  most  happily. 
In  Huron  they  were  troubled  by  storms,  dreadful  as  those  upon 
the  ocean,  and  were  at  last  forced  to  take  refuge  in  the  road  of 
Michilimackinac.    This  was  upon  thtj  27th  of  August.    At  this 
place  La  Salle  remained  until  the  middle  of  September,  founded  a 
fort  there,  and  sent  men  therefrom  in  various  directions  to  examine 
the  country.    He  then     ent  on  to  Green  Bay,  the  "Bale  des 
Puaus,"  of  the  French ;  and,  finding  there  a  large  quantity  of  skins 
and  furs  collected  for  him,  he  determined  to  load  the  Griffin^ 
and  send  her  back  to  ^Niagara.     Accordingly  upon  the  18th  of 
September,  she  was   dispatched   under  the  charge  of  a  pilot, 
supposed  to  be  competent  and  trustworthy,  while  La  Salle  himself, 
with  fourteen  men,  proceeded  up  Lake  Michigan,  paddling  along 
its  shores  in  the  most  leisurely  manner;  Tonti,  meanwhile,  was 
sent  to  find  stragglers,  with  whom  he  was  to  join  the  main  body  at 
the  head  of  the  lake. 

From  the  19th  of  September  till  the  Ist  of  November,  the  time 
was  occupied  by  La  Salle  in  his  voyage  up  the  sea  in  question. 
On  the  day  last  named,  he  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  the 
Miamis,  or  St.  Josephs,  as  it  is  now  called.  Here  he  built  a  fort 
and  remained  for  nearly  a  month,  when  hearing  nothing  from  his 
Griffiriy  he  determined  to  push  on  before  it  was  too  late. 

On  the  3d  of  December,  having  mustered  all  his  forces,  thirty 

laborers  and  three  monks,  after  having  left  ten  men  to  garrison  the 

fort.  La  Salle  started  again  upon  "his  great  voyage  and  gloriouK 

undertaking."     Ascending  the  St.  Josephs  river  in  the  south- 

5 


^^fl^;- 


68 


EXPEDITION  OF  LA  SALLE. 


1680. 


western  part  of  Michigan  to  a  point  where,  hj  a  short  portage,  they 
passed  to  the  "  The-a-ki-ki,"  now  corrupted  into  Kankakee,  a 
main  branch  of  the  Illinois  river.  Proceeding  slowly,  the  better 
to  observe  the  country,  about  the  last  of  December,  they  reached  a 
village  of  the  Illinois  Indians,  perhaps  near  the  Buffalo  Rock,  in 
La  Salle  county,  Illinois,  containing  some  five  hundred  cabins,  but, 
at  that  moment,  no  inhabitants.  The  Siour  La  Salle,  being  in 
great  want  of  bread-stuffs,  took  advantage  of  this  absence  of  the 
Indians  to  help  himself  to  a  sufficiency  of  maize,  of  which  large 
quantities  were  found  hidden  in  holes  under  the  huts  or  wigwams. 
This  done,  the  voyagers  betook  themselves  to  the  stream  again, 
and  toward  evening  on  the  4th  of  January,  1680,  fell  into  a  lake 
which  must  have  been  the  lake  of  Peoria.  Here  the  natives  were 
met  with  in  large  numbers,  but  they  were  gentle  and  kind,  and 
having  spent  some  time  with  them.  La  Salle  determined  in  that 
neighborhood  to  build  another  fort,  for  he  found  that  already  some 
of  the  adjoining  tribes  were  trying  to  disturb  the  good  feeling 
which  existed;  and,  moreover,  some  of  his  own  men  were  dis- 
posed to  complain.  A  spot  upon  rising  ground,  near  the  river, 
was  accordingly  chosen,  about  the  middle  of  January,  and  the  fort 
of  Crevecceur*  (Broken  Heart,)  commenced;  a  name  expressive  of 
the  very  natural  anxiety  and  sorrow,  which  the  loss  of  the  Griffin, 
his  consequent  impoverishment,  the  danger  of  hostility  on  the  part 
of  the  Indians,  and  of  mutiny  on  the  part  of  his  men,  might  well 
cause  him.  * 

Nor  were  his  fears  by  any  means  groundless.  In  the  first  place, 
his  discontented  followers,  and  afterward  emissaries  from  the 
Mascoutens,  tried  to  persuade  the  Illinois  that  he  was  a  friend  of 
the  Iroquois,  their  most  deadly  enemies;  and  that  he  was  among 
them  for  the  purpose  of  enslaving  them.  But  La  Salle  was  an 
honest  and  fearless  man,  and,  as  soon  as  coldness  and  jealousy 
appeared  on  the  part  of  his  hosts,  he  went  to  them  boldly  and 
asked  the  cause,  and  by  his  frank  statements,  preserved  their  good 
feeling  and  good-will. 

Meanwhile  the  winter  wore  away,  and  the  prairies  were 
beginning  to  look  green  again ;  but  La  Salle  heard  no  good  news, 
received  no  reinforcement ;  his  property  was  gone,  his  men  were 
fast  deserting  him,  and  he  had  little  left  but  his  own  strong  heart. 
The  second  year  of  his  hopes,  and  toils,  and  failures,  was  half  gone, 
and  he  further  from  his  object  than  ever;  but  still  he  had  that 


*  The  sito  of  Crerecooar  is  unknown. 


1680. 


1680. 


EXPEDITION  OF  LA  SALLE. 


59 


ge,  they 
:akee,  a 
,e  better 
Bached  a 
Rock,  in 
)iu8,  but, 
being  in 
je  of  the 
icli  large 
vigwams. 
m  again, 
ito  a  lake 
ives  were 
kind,  and 
d  in  that 
$ady  some 
>d  feeling 
were  ^s- 
the  river, 
id  the  fort 
ireesive  of 

le  Griffin, 
in  the  part 

light  well 

• 

irst  place, 
[from  the 
,  friend  of 
^as  among 
le  was  an 
jealousy 
Dldly  and 
Iheir  good 

ties  were 

^od  news, 

len  were 

Itng  heart. 

lalf  gone, 

ihad  that 


strong  heart ;  and  it  was  more  than  men  or  money.  He  saw  that 
he  must  go  back  to  Canada,  raise  new  means,  and  enlist  new  men ; 
but  he  did  not  dream  therefore,  of  relinquishing  his  projects.  On 
the  contrary,  he  determined,  that  while  he  was  on  his  return,  a 
small  party  should  go  to  the  Mississippi  and  explore  that  stream  . 
toward  its  source;  and  that  Tonti,  with  the  few  men  that  remained, 
should  strengthen  and  extend  his  relations  among  the  Indians. 

For  the  leader  of  the  Mississippi  exploring  party,  he  chose 
Father  Louis  Hennepin ;  and,  having  furnished  him  with  all  the 
necessary  articles,  started  him  upon  his  voyage  on  the  last  day  of 
February,  1680. 

Having  thus  provided  against  the  entire  stagnation  of  discovery 
during  his  forced  absence.  La  Salle  at  once  betook  himself  to  his 
journey  eastward;  a  journey  scarce  conceivable  now,  for  it  was  to 
be  made  by  land  from  Fort  Crevecoeur  round  to  Fort  Frontenac, 
a  distance  of  at  least  twelve  hundred  miles,  at  the  most  trying 
season  of  the  year,  when  the  rivers  and  the  lakes  would  be  full  of 
floating  ice,  and  ofler  to  the  traveler  neither  the  security  of  winter, 
nor  the  comfort  of  summer.  But  the  chevalier  was  not  to  be 
daunted  by  any  obstacles ;  his  affitirs  were  in  so  precarious  a  state 
that  he  felt  he  must  make  a  desperate  effort,  or  all  his  plans  would 
be  forever  broken  up;  so  through  snow,  ice  and  water,  he  found 
his  way  along  the  southern  borders  of  Lakes  Michigan,  Erie  and 
Ontario,  and  at  last  reached  his  destination.  He  found,  as  he 
expected,  every  thing  in  confusion;  his  Griffin  was  lost,  his  agents 
had  cheated  him,  his  creditors  had  seized  his  goods.  Had  his 
spirit  been  one  atom  less  elastic  and  energetic,  he  would  have 
abandoned  the  whole  undertaking;  but  La  Salle  knew  neither  fear 
nor  despair,  and  by  mid-summer  he  was  once  more  on  his  way  to 
rejoin  his  little  band  of  explorers  on  the  Illinois.  This  pioneer 
body,  meanwhile,  had  suffered  greatly  from  the  jealousy  of  the 
neighboring  Indians,  and  the  attacks  of  bands  of  Iroquois,  who 
wandered  all  the  way  from  their  homes  in  New  York,  to  annoy 
the  less  warlike  savages  of  the  prairies.  Their  sufferings,  at  length, 
in  September,  1680,  induced  Tonti  to  abandon  his  position,  and 
seek  the  lakes  again,  a  point  which,  with  much  difficulty,  he  effected. 
When,  therefore.  La  Salle,  who  had  heard  nothing  of  all  these 
troubles,  reached  the  posts  upon  the  Illinois,  in  December,  1680, 
or  January,  1681,  he  found  them  utteriy  deserted;  his  hopes  again 
crushed,  and  all  his  dreams  again  disappointed.  There  was  but 
one  thing  to  be  done,  however,  tq  turn  back  to  Canada,  enlist  more 
men,  and  secure  more  means ;  thisJbe  did,  and  in  June,  1681,  had 


60 


EXPEDITION  OF  LA  8ALLB. 


1681. 


the  pleasure  to  meet  his  comrade,  LieutenaDt  Tonti,  at  Mackinaw, 
to  whom  he  spoke  with  the  same  hope  Mid  courage  which  he 
had  exhibited  at  the  outset  of  his  enterprise. 

Hennepin  meanwhile  left  Fort  Oreveccsur,  on  the  29t2i  of 
February,  1680.  In  seven  days  he  reached  the  Mississippi,  and 
paddling  up  its  icy  stream,  as  he  best  could,  by  the  11th  of  April 
had  gone  no  fhrthor  than  the  Wisconsin.  Here  he  was  taken 
prisoner  by  a  band  of  northern  Indians,  who  treated  him  and  his 
comrades  with  considerable  kindness,  and  took  them  up  the  river 
until  about  the  Ist  of  May,  when  they  reached  the  Falls  of 
St.  Anthony,  which  were  then  so  named  by  Hennepin,  in  honor  of 
his  patron  saint.  Here  they  took  to  the  land,  and  traveling  nearly 
two  hundred  miles  towards  the  northwest,  brought  him  to  their 
villages.    These  Indians  were  the  Sioux. 

Here  Hennepin  and  his  companions  remained  about  three 
months,  treated  kindly  and  trusted  by  their  captors;  at  the  end  of 
that  time,  he  met  with  a  band  of  Frenchmen,  headed  by  one  Sieur 
de  Luth,  who,  in  pursuit  of  trade  and  game,  had  penetrated  thus 
far  by  the  route  of  Lake  Superior ;  and,  with  these  fellow  ooun^- 
men,  the  Franciscan  returned  to  the  borders  of  civilized  life,  in 
November,  1680,  just  after  La  Salle  had  gone  back  to  the 
wilderness.  Hennepin  soon  after  went  to  France,  where,  in  1684, 
he  published  a  work  narrating  his  adventures. 

This  volume,  called  **  A  Description  of  Louisiana,"  he,  thirteen 
years  afterward,  enlarged  and  altered,  and  published  with  the  title 
"New  Discovery  of  a  Vast  Country  situated  in  America,  between 
New  Mexico  and  the  Frozen  Ocean."  In  this  new  publication,  he 
claimed  to  have  violated  La  Salle's  instructions,  and,  in  the  first 
place,  to  have  gone  dmon  the  Mississippi  to  its  mouth,  before 
ascending  it.  His  claim  was  doubted,  and  examination  has  proved 
it  to  be  a  complete  fable — the  materials  being  taken  from  Le 
Clercq's  account  of  the  voyage  of  La  Salle,  published  in  1691.  Le 
Clercq's  account  is  derived  from  the  letters  of  Father  Zenobe 
Mambre,  who  was  with  La  Salle  on  his  voyage. 

To  return  again  to  the  chevalier  himself,  he  met  Tonti,  at 
Mackinaw,  in  June,  1681 ;  thence  he  went  down  the  lakes  to  Fort 
Frontenac,  to  make  the  needful  preparations  for  prosecuting  his 
western  discoveries ;  in  August,  1681,  he  was  on  his  way  up  the  lakes 
again,  and  on  the  8d  of  November  at  the  St.  Josephs,  as  full  of 
confidence  as  ever.  The  middle  of  December  had  come,  however, 
before  all  were  ready  to  go  forward ;  and  then,  with  twenty-three 
Frenchmen,  eighteen  eastern  Indians,  ten  Indian  women,  and  three 


1682. 


BXPQDITIOX  OF  LA  SALLE. 


01 


children,  he  started,  not  as  before  by  the  way  of  the  Eaukakee,  but 
by  the  Chicago  river,  traveling  on  foot,  and  with  the  baggage  on 
sledges.  It  was  upon  the  5th  or  6th  of  January,  1682,  that 
the  band  of  escplorers  left  the  borders  of  Lake  Michigan,  crossed 
the  portage,  passed  down  to  Fort  Crevecoeur,  which  they  found  in 
good  condition,  and  on  the  6th  of  February  were  upon  the  banks 
of  the  MississtppL  On  the  18th  they  commenced  their  downward 
passage,  but  nothing  of  interest  occurred  until,  on  the  26th  of  the 
month,  at  the  Chickasaw  Bluffi,  a  Frenchman  named  Prudhomme, 
who  had  gone  out  with  others  to  hunt,  was  lost ;  a  circumstance 
which  led  to  the  erection  of  a  fort  upon  the  spot,  named  from  the 
missing  man,  who  was  found,  however,  eight  or  nine  days  after- 
ward. Pursuing  their  course,  they  at  length,  upon  the  6th  of  April, 
1682,  discovered  the  three  passages  by  which  the  Mississippi  dis- 
charges its  water  into  the  gulf. 

'<  A  process  verbal,"  in  the  French  archives,  describes  the  cere- 
mony with  which  possesBion  was  taken  of  the  country,  in  the  name 
of  the  French  king.  It  thus  proceeds:  "We  landed  on  the  bank 
of  the  most  western  channel,  about  three  leagues  from  its  mouth. 
On  the  7th,  M.  de  la  Salle  went  to  reconnoitre  the  shores  of  the 
neighboring  sea,  and  M.  de  Tonti  likewise  examined  the  great 
middle  channel.  They  tbund  these  two  outlets  beautiful,  large  and 
deep.  On  the  8th,  we  re-ascended  the  river,  a  little  above  its  con- 
fluence with  the  sea,  to  find  a  dry  place,  bej  ond  the  reach  of  inun- 
dations. The  elevation  of  the  If orth  Pole  was  here  about  twenty- 
seven  degrees.  Here  we  prepared  a  column  and  a  cross,  and  to  the 
said  column  we  affixed  the  arms  of  France,  with  this  inscription : 


LOUIS  LB  GEAND,  ROI  DB  VRAKCB  ET  DE  NAVABRE,  REONB, 
LB  NBUVIEME  AVBIL,  1682. 

The  whole  party,  under  arms,  chaunted  the  Te  Deunij  the  Exaudiat, 
the  Domine  salmmfac  Begem  ;  and  then,  after  a  salute  of  firearms 
and  cries  of  Vive  le  JRoi,  the  column  was  erected  by  M.  de  la  Salle, 
who,  standing  near  it,  said  with  a  loud  voice  in  French : 

** '  In  the  name  of  the  most  high,  mighty,  invincible,  and  victo- 
rious prince,  Louis  the  Great,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  France 
and  of  Navarre,  Fourteenth  of  that  name,  this  ninth  day  of  April, 
one  thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty-two,  I,  in  virtue  of  the  com- 
mission of  his  migesty,  which  I  hold  in  my  hand,  and  which  may 
be  seen  by  all  whom  it  may  concern,  have  taken,  and  do  now  take, 
in  the  name  of  his  mtgesty  and  of  his  successors  to  the  crown, 


09 


EXPEDITION  OF  LA  SALLE. 


1682. 


posBeesion  of  this  country  of  Lonisiana,  the  boss,  harbors,  ports, 
bajB,  adjacent  straits ;  and  all  the  nations,  people,  provinces,  cities, 
towsB,  villages,  mines,  minerals,  fisheries,  streams  and  rivers,  com- 
prised lu  the  extent  of  the  said  Louisiana,  from  the  month  of  the 
great  river  St.  Lonis,  on  the  eastern  side,  otherwise  called  Ohio, 
Alighin,  Bipore  or  Chukagona,  and  this  with  the  consent  of  the 
Ghaounons,  Chickachaws,  and  other  people  dwelling  therein,  with 
whom  we  have  made  alliance;  as  also  along  the  river  Colbert,  or 
Mississippi,  and  rivers  which  discharge  themselves  therein,  from 
its  source  beyond  the  country  of  the  Kious  or  Nadouessious,  and 
this  with  their  consent,  and  with  the  consent  of  the  Montantees, 
Illinois,  Mesigameas,  Natches,  Eoroas,  which  are  the  most  con- 
siderable nations  dwelling  therein,  with  whom  also  we  have  made 
alliance,  either  by  ourselves  or  by  others  in  our  behalf,'"  as  far  as 
its  mouth  at  the  sea,  or  Gulf  of  Mexico,  about  the  twenty-seventh 
degree  of  the  elevation  of  the  North  Pole,  and  also  to  the  mouth 
of  the  river  of  Palms ;  upon  the  assurance,  which  we  have  received 
from  all  these  nations,  that  we  are  the  first  Europeans  who  have 
descended  or  ascended  the  said  river  Colbert ;  hereby  protesting 
against  all  those  who  may  in  future  undertake  to  invade  any  or  all 
of  these  countries,  people  or  lands,  above  described,  to  the  preju- 
dice of  the  right  of  his  majesty,  acquired  by  the  consent  of  the 
nations  herein  named.  Of  which,  and  of  all  that  can  be  needed, 
I  hereby  take  to  witness  those  who  hear  me,  and  demand  an  act  of 
the  Notary,  as  required  by  law.' 

"  To  which  the  whole  assembly  responded  with  shouts  of  Vive  le 
Boi,  and  with  salutes  of  firearms.  Moreover,  the  said  Sieur  de  la 
Salle  caused  to  be  buried  at  the  foot  of  the  tree,  to  which  the  cross 
was  attached,  a  leaden  plate,  on  one  side  of  which  were  engraved 
the  arms  of  France,  and  the  following  Latin  inscription : 

LVDOVICVS  MAQNVS  REGENT. 
NONO  APBILIS  CIO  100  LXXXII. 
ROBERTVS  CAVELLIER,  CVM   DOMINO  DE  TONTT,   LEGATO,  R.   P.   ZENOBI 
MEMBRE,  RECOLLECTO,  ET  VIOINTI  GALLI8  PRIMVS  HOC  FLVMEN,  INDE  AB 
ILINEORVM  PAGO,  ENAVIGAVIT,  EJVSQVE  OPTIVM  FECIT  PERVIVVM,  NONO 
APRILIS,  ANNI  CI3  TOO  LXXXII. 


*  Thero  is  an  obscurity  in  this  ennmeration  of  places  and  Indian  nations,  irhiRh  may 
be  ascribed  to  an  ignorance  of  the  geography  of  the  country ;  but  it  soemfl  to  be  the 
design  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  to  take  possession  of  the  whole  territory  watered  by  the 
Mississippi  from  its  mouth  to  its  source,  and  by  the  streams  flowing  into  it  on  both 
sides. — Sparks. 


1682. 


EXPEDITION   OF  LA  8ALLB. 


68 


After  which  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  said,  that  his  majesty,  as  eldest 
son  of  the  church,  wcii'd  annex  no  country  to  his  crown  without 
making  it  his  chief  care  to  establish  the  Christian  religion  therein, 
and  that  its  symbol  must  now  be  planted ;  which  was  accordingly 
done  at  once,  by  erecting  a  cross,  before  which  the  Vexilla  and  the 
Domine  salvumfae  Hegem  were  sung.  Whereupon  the  ceremony 
was  concluded  with  cues  of  Vive  U  Hoi. 

<<  Of  all  and  every  of  the  above,  the' said  Sieur  de  la  Salle  having 
required  of  us  an  instrument,  we  have  delivered  to  him  the  same, 
signed  by  us,  and  by  the  undersigned  witnesses,  this  ninth  day  of 
April,  one  thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty-two. 

LA  METAIBE,  Notary. 

Db  la  Salle,  Jaques  Gauchois, 

P.  Zenobb,  Recollect  Missionary^      Pierrb  You, 

Henry  db  Tonty, 

Francois  db  Boisrondbt, 

Jean  Bourdon, 

Sieur  d'Autray, 


Giles  Mbucrat, 
Jean  Michel,  Surgeon, 
Jean  Mas, 
Jean  Duliqnon, 


Nicholas  db  la  Salle." 

Thus  was  the  foundation  fairly  laid  for  the  claim  of  France  to 
the  Mississippi  valley,  according  to  the  usages  of  European  powers. 
But  La  Salle  and  his  companions  could  not  stay  to  examine  the 
land  they  had  entered,  nor  the  coast  they  had  reached.  Provisions 
with  them  were  exceedingly  scarce,  and  they  were  forced  at  once 
to  start  upon  their  return  for  the  north.  This  they  did  without 
serious  trouble,  although  somewhat  annoyed  by  the  savages,  until 
they  reached  Fort  Prudhomme,  where  La  Salle  was  taken  violently 
sick.  Finding  himself  unable  to  announce  his  success  in  person, 
the  chevalier  sent  forward  Tonti  to  the  lakes,  to  communicate  with 
Count  de  Frontenac :  he  himself  was  able  to  reach  the  fort  at  the 
mouth  of  the  St.  Josephs,  toward  the  last  of  September.  From 
that  post  he  sent  with  his  dispatches  Father  Zenobe,  to  represent 
him  in  France,  while  he  pursued  the  more  lucrative  business  of 
attending  to  his  fur  trade,  in  the  north-west,  and  completing  his 
long-projected  Fort  of  St.  Louis,  upon  the  high  and  commanding 
bluff  of  the  Illinois,  now  known  aa  Rock  Fort;  a  bluff  two  hundred 
and  fifty  feet  high,  and  accessible  only  on  one  side.*    Having  seen 


*  There  is  an  uncertainty  in  regard  to  the  site  of  Rook  Fort.  Buffalo  Rock,  three 
ir;)'3  below  Ottawa,  on  the  north  side  of  the  river,  is  about  fifty  or  sixty  feet  high,  and 
contains  about  600  acres.  Starved  Rock,  three  miles  above  La  Salle,  so  named  from 
the  tradition  that  a  bond  of  Illinois  Indians  were  starved  there  by  their  enemies,  is  on 


64 


EXPUDITIU.N  OF   LA   8ALLB. 


1684. 


this  completed,  and  the  necessary  steps  taken  to  preserve  a  good 
understanding  with  the  Indians,  and  also  to  keep  up  a  good  trade 
with  them,  in  the  autumn  of  1688  the  chevalier  sailed  for  his  native 
land,  which  he  reached  December  18th. 

At  one  time  he  had  thought  probably  of  attempting  to  establish 
a  colony  on  the  Mississippi,  by  means  of  supplies  and  persons  sent 
from  Canada ;  but  further  reflection  led  him  to  believe  his  true 
course  was  to  go  from  France  to  the  month  of  the  Mississippi,  with 
abundant  means  of  settling  and  securing  the  country ;  and  to  obtain 
the  necessary  ships,  stores,  and  emigrants,  was  the  main  purpose 
of  his  visit  to  Europe.  But  he  found  his  fair  fame  in  danger,  in 
the  court  of  his  king.  His  success,  his  wide  plans,  and  his  over- 
bearing character  were  all  calculated  to  make  him  enemies ;  and 
among  the  foremost  was  La  Barre,  who  had  succeeded  Frontenac 
as  i^'overnor  of  Canada.  Notwithstanding  the  influence  of  these, 
through  the  notoriety  acquired  by  the  publication  of  Hennepin's 
book,  and  especially  by  means  of  his  own  address  and  perseverance. 
La  Salle  overcame  the  obstacles  in  his  way,  secured  the  friendship 
of  the  minister  Seignelay,  and  the  favor  of  the  king ;  and  received 
the  grant  of  a  fleet  to  transport  a  colony  to  America,  and  take  pos- 
session of  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  on  behalf  of  tho  crowu. 

On  the  24th  of  July,  1684,  twenty-four  vessels  sailed  from 
Kochelle  to  America,  f6ur  of  which  were  for  the  discovery  and 
settlement  of  the  famed  Louisiana.  These  four  carried  two 
hundred  and  eighty  persons,  including  the  crews;  there  were 
soldiers,  artificers,  and  volunteers,  and  also  "some  young  women." 
No  doubt  this  brave  fleet  started  full  of  light  hearts,  and  vast, 
vague  hopes;  but  it  had  scarcely  sailed  when  discord  began;  for 
La  Salle  and  the  commander  of  the  fleet,  M.  de  Beaiyeu,  were 
well  fitted  to  quarrel  one  with  the  other,  but  never  to  work  together. 
In  truth.  La  Salle  seems  to  have  been  no  wise  amiable,  for  he  was 
overbearing,  harsh,  and  probably  selfish  to  the  full  extent  to  be 
looked  for  in  a  man  of  worldly  ambition.  However,  in  one  of  the 
causes  of  quarrel  which  arose  during  the  passage,  he  acted,  if  not 
with  policy,  certainly  with  boldness  and  humanity.  It  was  when 
they  came  to  the  Tropic  of  Cancer,  where,  in  those  times,  it  was 
customary  to  dip  all  green  hands,  as  is  still  sometimes  done  under 
the  Equator.    On  this  occasion  the  sailors  of  La  Salle's  little 


the  south  side  of  the  Illinois  riyer,  and  ninety  or  «ne  hundred  feet  high,  and  aooessible 
only  on  one  side.  There  are  no  other  points  along  the  rirer  that  will  meet  the  descrip- 
tion of  Rook  Fort.  Distances  and  measurements  were  orerrated  by  the  early  French 
explorers. 


1«JH5. 


BXPKDITION  or  LA  BALLS. 


65 


iiquadron  promiaed  themselves  rare  sport  and  much  plunder,  grog, 
and  other  good  thinge,  the  forfeit  paid  by  those  who  do  not  wish  a 
rtoosoning;  bnt  all  these  expectations  were  stopped,  and  hope 
turned  into  hate,  by  the  express  and  emphatic  statement  on  the 
part  of  La  Salle,  that  no  man  under  his  command  should  be  ducked, 
whereupon  the  commander  of  the  fleet  was  forced  to  forbid  the 
ceremony. 

With  such  beginnings  of  bickering  and  dissatisfaction,  the 
Atlantic  was  crossed,  and  upon  the  20th  of  December,  the  island 
of  St.  Domingo  was  reached.  Here  certain  arrangements  were  to 
be  made  with  the  colonial  authorities;  b?Tt,  as  they  were  a'vay,  it 
became  necessary  to  stop  there  for  a  time.  And  a  sad  time  it  was. 
The  fever  seized  the  new-comers;  the  sh.ps  wore  crowded  with 
aick;  La  Salle  himself  was  brought  to  the  verge  (»f  the  grave;  and 
when  he  recovered,  the  first  news  that  greeted  him,  t-  is  that  of  his 
four  vessels,  the  one  wherein  he  had  embarked,  his  storei  *.nd 
implements,  had  been  taken  by  the  Spaniards.  The  sick  ir  j  had 
to  bestir  himself  thereupon  to  procure  new  supplies?  and  while  ho 
was  doing  so,  his  enemies  were  also  bestirring  them'  aivt^)  to  seduce 
his  men  from  him,  so  that  with  death  and  desertion,  he  was  likely 
to  have  a  small  crew  at  the  last.  But  energy  did  much ;  and,  on 
the  25th  of  November,  the  first  of  the  remaining  vessels,  she  that 
was  **  to  carry  the  light,"  sailed  for  the  coast  of  America.  In  her 
went  La  Salle  and  the  historian  of  the  voyage,  JoutpK 

For  a  whole  month  were  the  diconsolate  sailors  sailing,  and 
sounding,  and  stopping  to  take  in  water  and  shoot  alligators,  and 
drifting  in  utter  uncertainty,  until,  on  the  28th  of  December,  the 
main  land  was  fairly  discovered.  But  "there  beiitg,"  as  Joutel 
says,  "  no  man  among  them  who  had  any  knowledge  of  that  bay," 
and  there  being  also  an  impression  that  uoj  must  steer  very  much 
to  the  westward  to  avoid  the  currents,  it  < .  ..^  uo  wonder  they  missed 
the  Mississippi,  and  wandered  far  beyond  it,  not  knowing  where 
they  went.  At  last,  La  Salle,  oat  of  patience,  determined  to  land 
some  of  his  men,  and  go  along  th<^<  shore  toward  the  point  where 
he  believed  the  mouth  of  th'  'IdiBsissippi  to  be,  and  Joutel  was 
appointed  one  of  the  commanders  of  this  exploring  party.  They 
started  on  the  4th  of  Februaiy,  and  traveled  eastward  three  days, 
when  they  came  to  a  great  stream  which  they  could  not  cross. 
Here  they  made  fire  signals,  and,  on  the  18th,  two  of  the  vessels 
came  in  sight ;  the  mouth  of  the  river,  or  entrance  of  the  bay,  for 
such  it  proved  to  be,  was  forthwith  sounded,  and  the  barks  sent  in 
to  be  under  shelter.    But  La  Salle's  old  fortune  was  at  work  here 


66 


EXPEDITION  OF  LA  SALLE. 


1686. 


again;  the  vessel  which  bore  his  provisions  and  most  valuable 
stores,  was  run  upon  a  shoal  by  the  grossest  neglect,  or,  as  Joutel 
thinks,  with  malice  prepense ;  and  soon  after,  the  wind  coming  in 
strong  from  the  sea,  she  fell  to  pieces  in  the  night,  covering  the 
bay  with  casks  and  packages,  which  could  not  be  saved,  or  were 
worthless  when  drawn  from  the  salt  water.  From  this  untimely 
fate  La  Salle  rescued  but  a  small  part  of  his  second  stock  of 
indispensables.  As  if  to'  add  to  the  misfortunes  of  the  colonists 
just  at  this  juncture,  Beaujeu  set  sail  and  returned  to  France,  leaving 
to  them  eight  pieces  of  cannon,  but  without  balls;  and  without 
even  provisions  for  their  sustenance.  Leaving  his  people  under 
the  protection  of  a  rude  fortification,  made  of  the  timbers  of  their 
vessel.  La  Salle  explored  the  surrounding  region  and  the  streams 
that  emptied  into  the  bay,  in  the  hope  that  some  of  them  might 
prove  the  outlet  of  the  Mississippi.  He  was  disappointed,  but  found 
on  a  river  he  named  the  Vaches,  a  fit  location  for  a  fort.  To  this 
point  the  camp  was  removed;  and,  after  incredible  labor,  a 
fortification,  sufficient  to  protect  them  from  the  Indians,  was 
made  of  timbers  dragged  for  a  league  over  the  plain  by  the  men. 
The  fort  was  named  St.  Louis,  and  was  located  at  the  head  of 
Matagorda  Bay. 

"  As  soon  as  the  work  was  somewhat  advanced,"  M.  de  la  Salle 
gave  Joutel  orders  to  finish  it;  left  him  the  command  of  it  and 
about  one  hundred  men ;  he  took  the  rest  of  his  people  and  embarked 
on  the  river,  with  the  resolution  of  going  up  as  high  as  he  could. 
Joutel  stayed  but  a  short  time  after  him  in  the  fort  which  had  been 
begun ;  every  night  the  savages  were  roving  in  the  neighborhood; 
the  French  defended  themselves,  but  with  losses  that  weakened 
them.  On  the  14th  of  July,  Joutel  received  an  order  from  M.  dc 
la  Salle  to  join  him  with  all  his  people.  Many  good  stout  men 
had  been  killed  or  taken  by  the  Indians;  others  were  dead  with 
fatigue,  and  the  number  of  sick  increased  every  day;  in  a  word, 
nothing  could  be  more  unhappy  than  M.  de  la  Salle's  situation. 
He  was  devoured  with  grief,  but  he  dissimulated  it  pretty  well ;  by 
which  means  his  dissimulation  degenerated  into  a  morose  obstinacy. 
As  soon  as  he  saw  all  his  people  together,  he  began  in  good  earnest 
to  think  of  making  a  settlement,  and  fortifying  it.  He  was  the 
engineer  of  his  own  fort,  and  being  always  the  first  to  put  his  hand 
to  work,  everybody  worked  as  well  as  he  cor  Id  to  follow  his  ex- 
ample.   Nothing  w^  wanting  but  to  encourage  this  good  will  of 


*  BosBu'g  statement  in  Dillon's  Indiana. 


1687. 


EXPEDITION  OF  LA  SALLE. 


6T 


the  people ;  but  M.  de  la  Salle  had  not  sufficient  command  of  his 
temper.  At  the  very  time  when  his  people  spent  their  force  with 
working,  and  had  but  just  as  much  as  was  absolutely  necessary  to 
live  upon,  he  could  not  prevail  on  himself  to  relax  his  severity  a 
little,  or  alter  his  inflexible  temper,  which  is  never  seasonable, 
and  less  so  in  a  new  settlement. 

"It  is  not  sufficient  to  have  courage,  health,  and  watchfulness,  to 
make  any  undertaking  succeed.  Many  other  talents  are  requisite. 
Moderation,  patience,  and  disinterestedness  are  equally  necessary. 
M.  de  la  Salle  punished  the  least  of  faults  with  severity,  and  seldom 
any  word  of  comfort  came  from  his  mouth  to  those  who  suffered 
with  the  greatest  constancy.  He  had,  of  course,  the  misfortune  to 
see  all  his  people  fall  into  a  state  of  languor  and  despondency, 
which  was  more  the  effect  of  despair  than  of  excess  of  labor  or 
scantiness  of  good  nourishment.  Having  given  his  last  orders  at 
his  fort,  he  resolved  to  advance  into  the  country,  and  began  to 
march  on  the  12th  of  January,  1687,  with  M.  de  Cavelier,  his  bro- 
ther, Moranget  and  the  young  Cavelier,  his  nephews.  Father  Anas- 
tasius,  a  Franciscan  friar,  Joutel,  Duhaut,  L'Archeveque,  De  Marne, 
a  German,  whose  name  was  Hiens,  a  surgeon  named  Liotot,  the 
pilot  Tessier,  Saget,  and  an  Indian  who  was  a  good  huntsman.  As 
they  advanced  further  into  the  country  they  found  it  inhabited ; 
and  when  they  were  but  forty  leagues  from  the  nation  of  the  Cenis, 
they  heard  that  there  was  a  Frenchman  among  those  Indians.  It 
was  a  sailor  from  Lower  Bretany,  who  had  lost  himself  when  M. 
de  la  Salle  first  came  down  the  Mississippi.  Joutel  went  to  fetch 
him  from  among  those  Indians.  He  only  quitted  them  to  be  wit- 
ness of  a  crime. 

"March  17th,  Moranget  being  on  a  hunting-party,  and  having,  as 
it  is  said,  abused  with  words,  Duhaut,  Hiens,  and  the  surgeon 
Liotot,  those  three  men  resolved  to  get  rid  of  him  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible, and  to  begin  with  the  servant  of  M.  de  la  Salle,  and  his 
Indian  huntsman,  who  was  called  Kika,  who  both  accompanied 
Moranget,  and  could  have  defended  him.  They  communicated 
their  design  to  L'Archeveque  and  the  pilot,  Tessier,  who  approved 
of  it,  and  desired  to  take  part  in  the  execution.  They  did  not 
speak  of  it  to  the  Sieur  de  Marne,  who  was  with  them,  and  whom 
they  wished  to  have  been  able  to  get  away.  The  next  night,  while 
the  three  unhappy  victims  whom  they  would  sacrifice  to  revenge, 
slept  very  quietly,  Liotot  gave  each  of  them  several  blows  with  the 
hatchet  on  the  head.  The  Indian  and  the  servant  died  imme- 
diately.   Moranget  raised  himself  so  as  to  sit  upright,  without 


08 


BXPEDITION   OF  LA   SALLE. 


1687. 


speaking  a  word,  and  the  murderers  obliged  the  Sieur  de  Marne  to 
dispatch  him,  threatening  to  kill  him,  too,  if  he  refused;  thus, 
by  making  him  an  accomplice  of  their  crime,  they  wanted  to 
secure  themselves  against  his  accusing  them.  The  first  crime  is 
always  followed  by  uneasiness.  The  greatest  villains  find  it  diffi- 
cult to  conquer  it.  The  murderers  conceived  that  it  would  not  be 
easy  to  escape  the  just  vengeance  of  M.  de  la  Salle,  unless  by  mur- 
dering him ;  and  this  they  resolved  upon,  after  deliberating  on  the 
means  of  effecting  it.  They  thought  the  safest  way  was  to  meet 
him  and  surprise  all  that  accompanied  him ;  and  so  open  them- 
selves a  way  for  the  murder  which  they  intended  to  perpetrate. 
80  strange  a  resolution  could  only  be  inspired  by  that  blind  despair 
which  hurries  villains  into  the  abyss  which  they  dig  for  themselves. 
An  unexpected  incident  became  favorable  to  them,  and  delivered 
into  their  hands  the  prey  which  they  sought  for.  A  river  that 
separated  them  from  the  camp,  and  which  was  considerably  in- 
creased since  they  passed  it,  kept  them  two  days;  this  retardment, 
which  at  first  seemed  an  obstacle  to  their  project,  facilitated  the 
execution  of  it.  M.  de  la  Salle  wondering  that  his  nephew,  Mo- 
ranget,  did  not  return,  nor  either  of  the  two  men  that  were  with 
him,  determined  to  go  and  seek  them  himself.  It  was  remarked 
that  he  was  uneasy  when  ho  was  going  to  set  out,  and  inquired, 
with  a  kind  of  uncommon  concern,  whether  Moranget  had  quar- 
reled with  any  one.  He  then  called  Joutel,  and  entrusted  him 
with  the  command  of  his  camp,  ordering  him  to  go  his  rounds 
in  it  from  time  to  time,  and  to  light  fires,  that  the  smoke  might 
bring  him  on  his  road  again,  in  case  he  should  lose  his  way.  He 
likewise  bid  him  give  nobody  leave  to  absent  himself.  He  set  out 
on  the  20th,  attended  by  Father  Anastasius  and  an  Indian. 

''As  he  approached  the  place  where  the  assassins  had  stopped,  he 
.saw  some  vultures  soaring  pretty  near  the  spot,  and  concluded  that 
there  was  some  carrion :  he  fired  his  gun ;  and  the  conspirators, 
who  had  not  yet  seen  him,  guessing  that  it  was  he  who  was  coming, 
got  thf 'r  arms  in  readiness.  The  river  was  between  him  and  them. 
Buhaut  and  L'Archeveque  crossed  it,  and  seeing  M.  de  la  Salle 
advancing  slowly,  they  stopped.  Duhaut  hid  himself  in  the  long 
grass,  with  his  gun  cocked;  L'Archeveque  advanced  a  little  more ; 
and  a  moment  after,  M  de  la  Salle  knowing  him,  asked  him  where 
his  nephew  was.  He  answered  that  he  was  lower  down.  At  the 
same  instant  Duhaut  fired.  M.  de  la  Salle  received  the  shot  in  hi": 
head,  and  fell  down  dead.  It  was  the  20th  of  March,  1687,  that 
this  murder  was  committed,  near  the  Ceuis.    Father  Anastasiun, 


L687. 


1687. 


EXPEDITION   OF  LA  SALLE. 


69 


oe  to 
thus, 
ed  to 
me  is 

difla- 
lotbe 

inur- 
jnthe 
,  meet 
thetn- 
etrate. 
iespair 
iselveB. 
livered 
er  that 
,bly  in- 
rdment, 
ited  the 
9W,  Mo- 
ere  with 
jmarked 

iquired, 

id  quar- 

tted  him 

rounds 

might 

ly.    He 

Bet  out 

pped,  he 
led  that 
piratore, 
■coming, 
Id  them, 
(la  Salle 
^he long 
more; 
.  where 
1  At  the 
U  in  his 
l87,  that 
listasius, 


seeing  M.  da  ^a  Salle  drop  down  at  his  feet,  expected  that  the  mur- 
derers  wovld  not  spare  him,  though  they  should  have  no  other 
view  in  it  than  to  get  rid  of  a  witness  of  their  crime.  Duhaut 
came  near  to  quiet  him,  and  told  him  that  what  they  had  done  was 
an  act  of  despair,  and  that  they  had  long  thought  of  revenging 
themselves  on  Moranget,  who  had  endeavored  to  ruin  them.  Father 
Anastasius  informed  M.  Cavolier  of  his  brother's  death.  That 
gentleman  told  them  that  if  it  was  their  intention  to  kill  him  like- 
wise, he  would  forgive  them  his  death  beforehand ;  and  he  only 
demanded,  as  a  favor,  a  quarter  of  an  hour  to  prepare  himself  for 
death.  They  replied  that  he  had  nothing  to  fear,  and  that  nobody 
complained  of  him.  Joutel  was  not  then  in  the  camp.  L'Archeveque, 
who  was  his  friend,  ran  to  inform  him  that  his  death  was  certain, 
if  he  showed  any  resentment  of  what  had  happened,  or  if  he  pre- 
tended to  take  advantage  of  the  authority  with  which  M.  de  la 
Salle  had  invested  him.  Joutel,  who  was  of  a  very  gentle  temper, 
answered  that  they  should  be  content  with  his  conduct,  and  that 
he  believed  that  they  ought  to  be  pleased  with  the  manner  in  whieVi 
ho  Lud  hitherto  behaved ;  and  then  he  returned  to  the  camp.  As 
soon  as  Duhaut  saw  Joutel,  he  called  out  to  him  that  every  one 
should  command  by  turns.  He  had  already  taken  all  the  authority 
into  his  hands,  and  the  first  use  he  made  of  it,  was  to  make  himself 
master  of  the  magazine.  He  divided  it  afterward  with  L'Arche- 
veque, saying  that  every  thing  belonged  to  him.  There  were  about 
thirty  thousand  livres  worth  of  goods,  and  near  twenty-five  thousand 
livres  both  in  coin  and  in  plate.  The  assassins  had  force  and  bold- 
ness on  their  side ;  they  had  shown  themselves  capable  of  the 
greatest  crimes ;  accordingly  they  met  with  no  resistance  at  first. 
They  soon  divided  and  quarreled  among  themselves.  They  found 
difficulties  in  dividing  the  treasure ;  they  came  to  blows,  and  Heius 
lired  his  pistol  at  Duhaut's  head,  who  reeled,  and  fell  four  yards 
from  the  place  where  he  stood.  At  the  same  time,  Rutel,  the  sailor 
whom  Joutel  fetched  from  the  Oenis,  fired  a  gun  at  Liotot.  That 
wretch  lived  yet  several  hours,  though  he  had  three  balls  in  his 
body.  So  the  two  assassins,  one  of  M.  de  la  Salic,  and  the  other 
of  his  nephew,  Moranget,  were  themselves  the  victims  of  that  spirit 
of  fury  which  they  had  inspired  into  this  unhappy  colony.  The 
Indians  knew  not  what  to  think  of  these  murders.  They  were  quite 
scandalized  by  them.  They  w^ere  in  the  right,  and  could  with  motit 
reason  treat  those  Frenchmen  as  barbarians,  than  we  had  to  con- 
sider them  as  such.  Be  that  as  it  will,  such  was  the  tragic  death 
of  Robert  Cavelier  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  a  man  of  abilities,  of  a  great 


70 


EXPEDITIOX  OF  LA  SALLE. 


1688. 


extent  of  genius,  and  of  a  courage  and  firmness  of  mind  which 
might  have  carried  him  to  something  very  great,  if,  with  these  good 
qualities,  he  had  known  how  to  get  the  better  of  his  sullen,  morose 
mind,  to  soften  his  severity,  or  rath  "'  the  roughness  of  his  temper, 
and  check  the  haughtiness  with  which  he  treated  not  only  those 
who  depended  entirely  upon  himself,  but  even  his  associates." 

As  soon  as  the  Indians  along  the  coast  learned  the  death  of  La 
Salle,  they  attacked  the  fort  and  massacred  all  the  colonists,  except 
three  sons  and  a  daughter  of  Talon,  and  a  young  man  named  Bre- 
men. All  of  these,  except  one  of  the  sons  of  Talon,  were  after- 
ward rescued  by  the  Spaniards.  Talon  and  Munier  were  recovered, 
and  employed  afterward  as  interpreters  for  the  Spanish  missiona- 
ries. L'Archeveque  and  Qrollet  were  captured  by  the  Spaniards, 
and  condemned  to  the  mines  of  New  Mexico;  Anastasius,  the 
brother  and  the  nephew  of  La  Salle,  Joutel,  and  Tessier  set  out  in 
May  for  the  Illinois,  and  in  July  reached  a  French  station  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Arkansas ;  on  the  14th  of  September  they  reached  Fort 
St  Louis,  and  in  the  next  spring  passed  on  to  Quebec  and  sailed 
to  France,  where  they  arrived  on  the  9th  of  October,  1688. 

When  La  Salle  sailed  for  France,  in  1688,  Tonti  was  left  in  com- 
mand of  Fort  St.  Louis.  In  the  fall  of  1684,  he  was  informed  that 
La  Salle  had  sailed  from  Rochelle,  for  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  with  a  company  of  forty  men  he  went  down  the  Mississippi  to 
the  gulf,  and  waited  for  La  Salle  till  the  spring  of  1685.*  Hearing 
nothing  of  La  Salle  or  of  the  colonists,  that  were  hopelessly  wan- 
dering along  the  shores  of  Texas,  he  returned ;  and  on  his  arrival 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas,  he  says :  "  My  French  companions, 
delighted  with  the  beauty  of  the  climate,  asked  my  permission  to 
settle  there.  As  our  intention  was  only  to  civilize  and  humanize 
the  savages,  by  associating  with  them,  I  readily  gave  my  consent 
I  formed  the  plan  of  a  house  for  myself  at  the  Arkansas ;  I  left  ten 
Frenchmen  of  my  company  there,  with  four  Indians,  to  proceed 
with  the  building,  and  I  gave  them  leave  to  lodge  there  themselves, 
and  to  cultivate  as  much  of  the  land  m  they  could  clear.  This  little 
colony  has  since  then  so  incrers:^'  uud  multiplied,  that  it  has 
become  a  resting-place  for  the  Prenchmen  w^ho  travel  in  that 
couutry."t  When  Joutel  and  his  companions  arrived  at  Fort  St. 
Louis,  Tonti  was  absent  on  an  expedition  against  the  Iroquois.  On 
bis  return,  they  concealed  from  him  the  fact  of  the  death  of  La 
Salle,  and  presenting  a  letter  with  his  signature,  requesting  the 


maine( 
Ulinoij 
Missisa 
Chicka 

Wlei 
news  of 
Europe 
burg  wa 
the  ambi 
tics  by  ti 
under  t 
Louis  fo 
contend 
Holland, 
battle  wa 
and  the  1 
Charleroy 
victory  in 
winden  at 
Luxember 
War  exten 
JPrench  wii 
ofpopulati 
America  si 
America  w 
prosecuted 
two  of  the 


*  American  State  Papers,  toI.  xii,  p.  90.         f  Tonti's  Narrative,  Paris,  1697. 


1688. 


THE  WAR  OP  THE  ALLIANCE. 


71 


of  La 
jxcept 
dBre- 

after- 
>vered, 
ssiona- 
aiards,  , 
us,  the 
t  out  in 

at  tbe 
ledFort 
I  sailed 

iu  com- 
ned  that 
sissippi, 
isippi  to 
;earing 
y  wan- 
arrival 
panions, 
ission  to 
umanize 
consent, 
left  ten 
proceed 
mselves, 
his  little 
i  it  has 
in  that 
[Fort  St. 
m&.  On 
ih  of  La 
iting  the 


delivery  to  them  of  money  or  goods,  received  from  the  unsus- 
pecting commandant  furs  to  the  value  of  four  thousand  livres,  and 
other  effects.  After  they  had  gone.  Couture,  to  whom  they  had 
communicated  the  facts,  in  regard  to  the  failure  of  the  expedition 
and  the  death  of  La  Salle,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas,  came  up 
to  Fort  St.  Louis.  Surprised  and  grieved  at  his  revelations,  Tonti, 
early  in  1689,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  an  expedition  to  rescue 
the  colonists  at  the  Fort  St.  Louis  on  Matagorda  Bay.  He  marched 
through  the  country  of  the  Cenis  Indians  until  within  seven  days' 
march  of  the  Spaniards,  when  some  of  his  men  deserted,  and  he 
was  obliged  to  return,  after  an  absence  of  ten  months.  He  re- 
mained several  years  at  Fort  St.  Louis  as  commandant  of  the 
Illinois,  joined  afterward  Iberville,  in  1700,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  two  years  later  was  employed  on  a  mission  to  the 
Chickasaws,  but  of  his  subsequent  histoiy  nothing  is  known. 

When  Joutel  and  his  companions  arrived  in  France,  with  the 
news  of  the  failure  6i  the  expedition  and  of  the  death  of  La  Salle. 
Europe  was  on  the  eve  of  a  general  war.*  The  League  of  Augs- 
burg was  formed,  in  1687,  by  the  princes  of  the  empire,  to  restrain 
the  ambition  of  Louis  XIV.,  and,  in  1688,  he  commenced  hostili- 
ties by  the  capture  of  Philipsburgh.  England,  in  the  next  year, 
under  the  government  of  William  III.,  joined  the  alliance ;  and 
Louis  found  himself  compelled,  with  only  the  aid  of  the  Turks,  to 
contend  with  the  united  forces  of  the  Empire,  of  England,  Spain, 
Holland,  Denmark,  Sweden  and  Savoy.  And  yet  the  tide  of 
battle  wavered.  In  1689,  the  French  were  defeated  at  Walcourt, 
and  the  Turks  at  Widdin ;  in  1690,  the  French  were  victorious  at 
Charleroy  and  Beachy  Head,  and  the  Turks  at  Belgrade.  In  1691, 
victory  inclined  to  the  French;  in  1692,  the  victories  of  Neer- 
winden  and  Heidelberg  were  achieved ;  but  in  1693,  Louvois  and 
Luxemberg  were  dead,  and  Namur  surrendered  to  the  allies.  The 
war  extended  to  the  New  World  ;t  and  was  maintained  by  the 
French  with  more  than  equal  success,  in  proportion  to  the  disparity 
of  population  and  resources.  In  1688,  a  census  of  all  French  North 
America  showed  only  a  population  of  11,249;  the  English  in  North 
America  were  twenty  times  that  number.  At  first  the  war  was 
prosecuted  with  vigor.  In  1689,  De  Ste.  Helene  and  D'Iberville, 
two  of  the  sons  of  Charles  le  Morne,  crossed  the  wilderness  and 


*  Russell's  Modern  Europe,  vol.  2. 

f  Bancroft's  Ilistorj  of  the  United  State?,  vol.  3, 


I^j.-  -. 


72 


EXPEDITION  OF  D  IBERVILLE. 


1G98. 


reduced  the  English  forts  on  Hudson's  Bay.  But  in  August  of  the 
same  year  the  Iroquois,  the  hereditary  allies  of  the  English,  cap- 
tured and  burned  Montreal.  Frontenac,  then  absent  on  an  expe- 
dition by  sea  to  reduce  New  York,  was  recalled,  Fort  Frontenac 
was  abandoned,  no  French  posts  between  Trois  Rivieres  and 
Mackinaw  remained,  and  the  West  was  only  saved  by  the  Jesuit 
missionaries.  To  recover  their  influence  over  the  Indians,  and  to 
avenge  their  losses,  three  expeditions  were  planned.  De  Mantet, 
De  Ste.  Helene  and  D'Iberville  led  a  war  party,  in  January,  1690, 
twenty-two  days  through  the  snow,  from  Montreal  to  Schenectady. 
The  village  was  surprised  and  burned,  its  people  were  massacred 
or  carried  to  Canada;  a  few  only  escaped  to  Albany.  From  Trois 
Rivieres,  Hertel  led  a  party  to  Salmon  Ffills,  destroyed  the  village, 
and  carried  away  fifty-fotir  women  and  children  captives;  and 
Portneuf,  from  Quebec,  surprised  and  destroyed  the  settlement  nt 
Casco  Bay.  On  the  other  hand,  Nova  Scotia  was  reduced  by  the 
colonies;  an  expedition  to  Montreal  proceeded  to  Lake  Champlain, 
but  failed  through  the  dissensions  of  its  leaders;  and  an  expedition 
of  thirty-four  ships  from  Boston  appeared  before  Quebec,  but  failed 
through  the  incompetence  of  Sir  William  Phipps.  In  the  succeed- 
ing years  a  border  warfare,  with  various  successes,  was  maintained 
along  the  whole  line  of  the  English  and  French  colonies.  The 
peace  of  Ryswick,  in  1697,  closed  the  war,  and  France  retained 
Hudson's  Bay,  and  all  the  places  of  which  she  was  in  possession  in 
1688 ;  but  the  boundaries  of  the  English  and  French  claims  were 
left  in  dispute. 

The  conclusion  of  peace  left  the  French  court  at  liberty  to  pur- 
sue its  scheme  of  colonization  in  the  Mississippi  valley;  and,  in 
1698,  D'Iberville,  who  had  distinguished  himself  by  the  conquest  of 
Hudson's  Bay,  and  afterward  at  the  massacre  of  Schenectady,  was. 
through  the  influence  of  Count  Ponchartrain,  appointed  governor, 
and  De  Bienville,  his  brother,  intendant  of  Louisiana ;  and,  on  the 
24th  of  September,  they  set  sail  from  Rochelle,  with  four  vessels 
and  two  hundred  colonists,  for  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi ;  and, 
on  the  24th  of  January,  1699,  they  anchored  at  the  island  of  St. 
Rose.  From  thence  they  sailed  to  Dauphin  island,  and  afterward 
landed  at  Ship  island,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Pascagoula  river.  From 
thence  D'Iberville  and  De  Bienville,  with  ten  barges  and  forty- 
eight  men,  explored  the  coast,  and,  on  the  2d  of  March,  they  entered 
the  "  Hidden  River,"  (Mississippi).  The  appearance  of  the  moutli 
diftered  from  what  D'Iberville  had  been  led  to  expect,  and  he 
doubted  whether  he  had  really  reached  the  great  river  of  the  West. 


>;'^ 


1699. 


THE  BNQLISH  CLAIM  THB  MISSISSIPPI. 


of  the 
b,  cap- 
i  expe- 
ntenac 
es  and 

Jesuit 
and  to 
Mantet, 
f,  1690, 
icctady. 
Qssacred 
(in  Trois 
)  village, 
'68 ;  and 
ement  nt 
d  by  the 
lamplain, 
xpedition 
but  failed 
B  Bucceed- 
laintained 
ies.    The 
5  retained 
seseion  in 

lima  were 

•ty  to  pur- 
j^;  and,  in 
inquest  ot 
tady,  was. 
governor, 
nd,  on  the 
)ur  vessel*' 
ippi;  and, 
md  of  St. 
afterward 
rer.    From 
land  forty- 
ey  entered 
Itho  moutli 
it,  and  ho 
the  "West, 


but  all  doubt  was  dispelled  when,  after  reaching  an  Indian  village 
at  Pascagoula,  he  was  shown  a  letter  left  by  Tonti,  in  1685,  for  La 
Salle ;  and,  after  proceeding  up  the  river  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  Red 
river,  he  returned  by  the  way  of  the  lakes  he  named  Maurepas  and 
Ponchartrain,  to  Ship  Island;  establiahef'.  bis  colony  at  Biloxi, 
fifteen  miles  north  of  the  island,  and  leaving  it  in  command  of 
Bienville,  returned  to  France. 

In  September,  1699,  De  Bienville  went  round  to  explore  the  mouths 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  take  soundings.    Engaged  in  this  business, 
he  had  rowed  up  the  main  entrance  some  twenty-five  leagues, 
when,  unexpectedly,  and  to  his  no  little  chagriu,  a  British  corvette 
came  in  sight,  a  vessel  carrying  twelve  cannon,  slowly  creeping  up 
the  swift  current.    M.  Bienville,  nothing  daunted,  though  he  bad 
but  his  leads  and  lines  to  do  battle  with,  sent  a  message  on  board 
that  if  this  vessel  did  not  leave  the  river  without  delay,  he  had 
force  enough  at  hand  to  make  her  repent  it.    This  had  its  effect ; 
the  Britons  turned  and  stood  to  sea  again,  growling  as  they  v^-^nt, 
and  saying  that  they  had  discovered  that  country  fifty  years  before, 
that  they  had  a  better  right  to  it  than  the  French,  and  would  soon 
make  them  know  it.    The  bend  in  the  river  where  this  took  place 
is  still  called  "  English  turn."    This  was  the  first  meeting  of  those 
rival  nations  in  the  Mississippi  valley,  which,  from  that  day,  was  a 
bone  of  contention  between  them  till  the  conclusion  of  the  French 
war  of  1756.    Nor  did  the  matter  rest  long  with  this  v^sit  front  the 
corvette.    Englishmen  began  to  pass  over  the  mountains  from 
Carolina,  and  trading  with  the  Ohicachas,  or  Ghickasaws  of  our 
day,  stirred  them  up  to  acts  of  enmity  against  the  French. 

When  D'Iberville  returned  from  France,  in  January,  1700,  and 
heard  of  this  encroachment  of  the  English,  he  again  took  formal 
possession  of  the  Mississippi  valley  in  the  name  of  the  king ;  and 
built,  for  the  protection  of  the  river,  a  small  fort  about  fifty-four 
miles  above  its  mouth.  Meanwhile  Tonti  arrived,  in  February, 
from  the  Illinois,  and,  in  company  with  him,  D'Iberville  explored 
the  river  as  far  as  the  villages  oiiLa  Natchez,  where,  on  an  elevated 
bluff,  he  selected  a  location  for  the  future  capital  of  his  colony,  and 
surveyed  the  site  of  a  fort  to  be  named  Rosalie,  in  honor  of  the 
Countess  of  Ponchartrain,  which  was  afterward  built:  in  1714.  In 
1702,  the  head  quarters  of  the  colony  were  removed  to  the  Bay  of 
Mobile ;  a  fort  was  built  on  its  western  shore,  and  the  Perdido  was 
agreed  on  as  the  boundary  between  the  French  claims  in  Louisiana 
and  the  Spanish  in  Florida ;  and  on  the  west  the  French  claims 
extended  to  the  Bay  of  St.  Bernard.  Explorations  were  made 
6 


74 


DBATH  OF  D'IBBRVILLB. 


1706. 


along  the  Mississippi  and  its  branches ;  treaties  were  made  with 
the  Indian  tribes ;  bat,  from  sickness  and  hardships,  little  progress 
in  settlement  was  made,  and,  in  1705,  the  colony  was  reduced  to 
one  hundred  and  fiilfcy  persons.    In  1706,  D'Iberville  died,  at 
Havana,  and  the  colony  remained  under  the  direction  of  Bienville 
until  1711.    At  that  time  it  had  increased  to  three  hundred  and 
eighty  persons,  settled  at  Ship  Island,  Oat  Island,  Biloxi,  and 
Mobile ;  but  deprived  of  the  aid  of  the  mother  country,  little  pro- 
gress was  made.    In  that  year  Louisiana,  which  had  previously 
been  politically  a  dependence  of  Canada,  was  erected  into  a  royal 
province,  and  D'Artaguette  appointed  commissary.    During  all 
this  period  the  colony  was  left  to  its  own  resources.    France  was 
engaged  in  a  continental  war.    In  1701,  Louis  violated  the  treaty 
of  Ryswick,  by  acknowledging  the  pretender  James  as  the  lawful 
king  of  England,  war  was  declared,  an  alliance  was  formed  between 
the  Empire,  Holland,  England,  Savoy  and  Portugal  against  France; 
the  object  of  which  was  declared  to  be,  besides  the  protection  of 
England  and  Holland,  to  prevent  a  union  of  the  Spanish  and 
French  crowns,  and  thus  hinder  the  French  from  possessing  the 
Spanish  colonies  in  America.    The  war  was  marked  by  a  constant 
success  of  the  allies;  the  great  ministers  of  Louis  were  gone,  and 
the  great  battles  of  Blenheim,  in  1704,  Bamillies,  in  1706,  and 
Malplaquet,  in  1709,  completely  humbled  the  pride  and  prostrated 
the  power  of  France.    In  America  a  border  war  raged  all  along 
the  extended  frontiers  of  the  English  and  French  colonies,  marked 
as  usual  by  massacres  and  cruelties,  but  distinguished  by  no  suc- 
cesses farther  than  the  conquest  of  Nova  Scotia,  in  1710.    The 
treaty  of  Utrecht,  in  1718,  closed  the  war;  England  gained  the 
assiento,  the  monopoly  of  the  slave  trade,  and  in  America,  Hudson's 
Bay,  Newfoundland  and  Nova  Scotia.   A  pledge  was  extorted  that 
France  should  never  molest  the  Five  Nations,  subject  to  the 
dominion  of  Great  Britain;  but,  notwithstanding  the  advice  of 
William  Penn,  no  settlement  of  boundary  between  the  British  colo- 
nies and  French  Louisiana  was  made. 

Immediately  after  the  suspension  of  hostilities,  the  French  court, 
in  the  belief  that  a  private  man  of  means  and  energy  could  do  more 
for  the  advancement  of  the  colony  than  the  government,  granted, 
on  the  14th  of  September,  1712,  the  monopoly  of  Louisiana  to 
Anthony  Grozat,'*'  for  fifteen  years;  and  the  ownership  of  any 


*  OUlon's  Indian*,  p.  88. 


1706. 

with 

ogress 

aed  to 

ed,  at 

enville 

id  ttnd 

:i,  and 

tie  pro- 

viously 

a  royal 

ring  all 

nee  was 

e  treaty 

e  lawful 

between 

France; 

action  of 

QiBh  and 

jsing  the 

constant 

5one,  and 

706,  and 

jrostrated 

all  along 

),  marked 
no  Buc- 

110.  The 
kined  the 
[Hudson's 
»rted  that 
st  to  the 
[vice  of 
Ltish  colo- 

ich  court, 

do  more 

granted, 

lisiana  to 

|p  of  any 


1717. 


THB  MISSISSIPPI  SCHEME. 


76 


mines  he  might  open.  Orozat,  with  whom  was  associated  Cadillac, 
•  the  founder  of  Detroit,  and  governor  of  Louisiana,  relied  mainly 
upon  two  things  for  success  in  his  speculation ;  the  one,  the  dis- 
covery of  mines ;  the  other,  a  lucrative  trade  with  New  Mexico. 
In  regard  to  the  first,  after  many  years'  labor,  he  was  entirely  dis- 
appointed ;  and  met  with  no  better  success  in  his  attempt  to  open 
a  trade  with  the  Spaniards,  although  he  sent  to  them  both  by  sea 
and  land.  Crozat,  therefore,  being  disappointed  in  his  mines  and 
his  trade,  and  having  withal  managed  so  badly  as  to  diminish  the 
colony,  at  last,  in  1717,  resigned  his  privileges  to  the  king  again, 
leaving  in  Louisiana  not  more  than  seven  hundred  souls.* 

Then  followed  the  enterprises  of  the  far-famed  Mississippi  Com- 
pany, or  Company  of  the  West,  established  to  aid  the  immense 
banking  and  stock-jobbing  speculations  of  John  Law,  a  gambling, 
wandering  Scotchman,  who  seems  to  have  been  possessed  with 
the  idea  that  wealth  could  be  indefinitely  increased  by  increasing 
the  circulating  medium  in  the  form  of  notes  of  credit.  The  public 
debt  of  France  was  selling  at  60  to  70  per  cent,  discount;  Law  was 
authorized  to  establish  a  bank  of  circulation,  the  shares  in  which 
might  be  paid  for  in  public  stock  at  par;  and  to  induce  the  public 
to  subscribe  for  the  bank  shares,  and  to  confide  in  them,  the  Com- 
pany of  the  West  was  established  in  connection  with  the  bank, 
having  the  exclusive  right  of  trading  in  the  Mississippi  country 
for  twenty-five  years,  and  with  the  monopoly  of  the  Canada  beaver 
trade.  This  was  in  September,  1717.  In  1718  the  monopoly  of 
tobacco  was  also  granted  to  this  favored  creature  of  the  State ;  in 
1719,  the  exclusive  right  of  trading  in  Asia  and  the  East  Indies ; 
and  soon  after,  the  farming  of  the  public  revenue,  together  with  an 
extension  of  all  these  privileges  to  the  year  1770;  and,  as  if  all  this 
had  been  insufficient,  the  exclusive  right  of  coining  for  nine  years 
was  next  added  to  the  immense  grants  already  made  to  the  Com- 
pany of  the  We8t.t  Under  this  hot-bed  system,  the  stock  of  the 
company  rose  to  500,  600,  800, 1000, 1500,  and  at  last  2050  per 
cent  This  was  in  April,  1720.  At  that  time  the  notes  of  the  bank 
in  circulation  exceeded  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  and  this 
abundance  of  money  raised  the  price  of  every  thing  to  twice  its 
true  value.  Then  the  bubble  burst ;  decree  after  decree  was  made 
to  uphold  the  tottering  fabric  of  false  credit ;  but  in  vain.    In 


*  By  Louisiana  here  is  to  be  understood  Looisiana  proper ;  not  the  Illinoia  conntry 
commonly  inolnded  at  that  period, 
t  After  1719,  called  the  Company  of  the  Indies. 


76 


8ETTLKMENT  OF  NEW  ORLEANS. 


1718. 


January,  1720,  Law  had  been  made  minister  of  finance,  and  as 
such  he  proceeded  first,  to  forbid  all  persons  to  have  on  hand  more 
than  about  one  hundred  dollars  in  specie ;  any  amount  beyond  that 
must  be  exchanged  for  paper,  and  all  payments  for  more  than 
twenty  dollars  were  to  be  made  in  paper ;  and  this  proving  insuffi- 
cient, in  March,  all  payments  over  two  dollars  were  ordered  to  be 
in  paper,  and  he  who  dared  attempt  to  exchange  a  bill  for  specie 
forfeited  both.  Human  folly  could  go  no  further ;  in  April  the 
stock  began  to  fall ;  in  May  the  company  was  regarded  as  bankrupt, 
the  notes  of  the  bank  fell  to  ten  cents  on  the  dollar,  and  though  a 
decree  made  it  an  offense  to  refuse  them  at  par,  they  were  soon 
worth  little  more  than  waste  paper. 

Under  the  direction  of  a  company  thus  organized  and  controlled, 
and  closely  connected  with  a  bank  so  soon  ruined,  but  little  could 
bo  hoped  for  a  colony  which  depended  on  good  management  to 
develop  its  real  resources  for  trade  and  agriculture.*  In  1718, 
colonists  were  sent  from  Europe,  and  New  Orleans  laid  out  with 
much  ceremony  and  many  hopes;  but  in  January,  1722,  Charlevoix 
writing  thence,  says:  "If  the  eight  hundred  fine  houses,  and  the 
five  parishes,  that  were  two  years  since  represented  by  the  journals 
as  existing  here,  shrink  now  to  a  hundred  huts,  built  without  order, 
a  large  wooden  magazine,  two  or  three  houses  that  would  do  but 
little  credit  to  a  French  village,  and  haif  of  an  old  store-house, 
which  was  to  have  been  occupied  as  a  chapel,  but  from  which  the 
priests  soon  retreated  to  a  tent,  as  preferable ;  if  all  this  is  so,  still 
how  pleasant  to  think  of  what  this  city  will  one  day  be,  and,  instead 
of  weeping  over  its  decay  and  ruin,  to  look  forward  to  its  growth 
to  opulence  and  power."t  And  again,  "The  best  idea  you  can 
form  of  New  Orleans,  is  to  imagine  two  hundred  persons  sent  to 
build  a  city,  but  who  have  encamped  on  the  river-bank,  jus:  hel- 
tered  from  the  weather,  and  waiting  for  houses.  They  have  a 
beautiful  and  regular  plan  for  this  metropolis ;  but  it  will  prove 
harder  to  execute  than  to  draw."|  Such,  in  substance,  were  the 
representations  and  hopes  of  the  wise  historian  of  New  France, 
respecting  the  capital  of  the  colony  of  Law's  great  corporation : 
and  it  may  be  certain  that  with  the  chief  place  in  such  a  condition, 


*  A  set  of  regulations  for  govoniing  the  oompany,  passed  in  1721,  may  be  found  in 
Dillon's  Indiana,  pp.  41  to  44. 
t  Charlevoix,  iii.  430— ed.  1744. 
X  CharleToiz,  iii.  441— ed.  1744. 


1729. 


MASSACRE  OF  THE  NATCHEZ. 


77 


not  much  bad  been  done  for  tbe  pennanent  improvement  of  the 
country  about  it.  The  truth  was,  the  same  prodigality  and  folly 
which  prevailed  in  France  during  the  government  of  John  Law, 
over  credit  and  commerce,  found  their  way  to  his  western  posses- 
sions ;  and  though  the  colony  then  planted  survived,  and  the  city 
then  founded  became  in  time  what  had  been  hoped,  it  was  long 
before  the  influence  of  the  gambling  mania  of  1718,  '19  and  '20 
passed  away.  Indeed  the  returns  from  Louisiana  never  repaid 
the  coat  and  trouble  of  protecting  it,  and,  in  1782,  the  company 
asked  leave  to  surrender  their  privileges  to  the  crown,  a  favor 
which  was  granted  them. 

But  though  the  Company  of  the  "West  did  little  for  the  enduring 
welfare  of  the  Mississippi  valley,  it  did  something ;  the  cultivation 
of  tobacco,  indigo,  rice  and  silk  was  introduced,  the  lead  mines  of 
Missouri  were  opened,  though  at  vast  expense  and  in  hope  of  find- 
ing silver;  and,  in  Illinois,  the  culture  of  wheat  began  to  assume 
some  degree  of  stability  and  of  importance.  In  the  neighborhood 
of  the  river  Easkaskia,  Charlevoix  found  three  villages,  and  about 
Fort  Chartres,  the  head-quarters  of  the  company  in  that  region, 
the  French  were  rapidly  settling. 

All  the  time,  however,  during  which  the  great  monopoly  lasted, 
was  in  Louisiana  a  time  of  contest  and  trouble.  The  English,  who 
from  an  early  period  had  opened  commercial  relations  with  the 
'Chickasaws,  through  them  constantly  interfered  with  the  trade  of 
the  Mississippi.  Along  the  coast  from  Pensacola  to  the  Rio  del 
Norte,  Spain  disputed  the  claims  of  her  northern  neighbor :  and  at 
length  the  war  of  the  Natchez  struck  terror  into  the  hearts  of  both 
white  and  red  men.  Amid  that  nation,  D'Iberville  had  marked 
out  Fort  Bosalie,  in  1700,  and  fourteen  years  later  its  erection  had 
been  commenced.  The  French,  placed  in  the  midst  of  the  natives, 
and  deeming  them  worthy  only  of  contempt,  increased  their 
demands  and  injuries  until  they  required  even  the  abandonment  of 
the  chief  town  of  the  Natchez,  that  the  intruders  might  use  its  site 
for  a  plantation.  The  inimical  Chickasaws  heard  the  murmurs  of 
their  wronged  brethren,  and  breathed  into  their  ears  counsels  of 
vengeance ;  the  sufferers  determined  on  the  extermination  of  their 
tyrants.  On  the  28th  of  November,  1729,  every  Frenchman  in 
that  colony  died  by  the  hands  of  the  natives,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  two  mechanics.  The  women  and  children  also  were 
spared.  It  was  a  fearful  revenge,  and  fearfully  did  the  avengers 
suffer  for  tlieir  murders.    Two  months  passed  by,  and  the  French 


78 


WAR  WITH  THE  CHICK  >AVn'. 


1786. 


and  Ghoctawa  In  one  day  took  sixty  ol'  t\eir  scalp*;  in  throe 
months  they  were  driven  from  their  country,  and  scatlerdd  among 
the  neighboring  tribes ;  and  within  two  years  the  remnants  of  the 
nation,  chiefs  and  people,  were  sent  to  St.  Domingo  and  sold  into 
slavery.  So  perished  this  ancient  and  peculiar  race,  in  the  same 
year  in  which  the  Company  of  the  West  yielded  its  grants  into  the 
the  royal  hands. 

When  Louisiana  came  again  into  the  charge  of  the  government 
of  France,  it  was  determined,  as  a  first  step,  to  strike  terror  into 
the  Chickasaws,  who,  devoted  to  the  English,  constantly  interfered 
\vith  the  trade  on  the  Mississippi.  For  this  purpose  the  forces  of 
New  France,  from  New  Orleans  to  Detroit,  were  ordered  to  meet 
in  the  country  of  the  inimical  Indians,  upon  the  10th  of  May,  1786, 
to  strike  a  blow  which  should  be  final.  D'Artagnette,  governor  of 
Illinois,  with  the  young  and  gallant  Vincennes,  leading  a  small 
body  of  French,  and  more  than  a  thousand  northern  Indians,  on 
the  day  appointed,  was  at  the  spot;  but  Bienville,  who  had 
returned  as  the  king's  lieutenant  to  that  southern  land  which  he  had 
aided  to  explore,  was  not  where  the  commanders  from  above  expected 
to  meet  him.  During  ten  days  they  waited,  and  still  saw  nothing, 
heard  nothing  of  the  forces  from  the  south.  Fearful  of  exhausting 
the  scant  patience  of  his  red  allies,  at  length  D'Artagnette  ordered 
the  onset;  a  first  and  a  second  of  the  Chickasaw  stations  were 
carried  successfully,  but  in  attacking  a  third,  the  French  leader 
fell ;  when  the  Dlinois  saw  their  commander  wounded,  they  turned* 
and  fled,  leaving  him  and  Vincennes,  who  would  not  desert  him, 
in  the  hands  of  the  Chickasaws.  Five  days  afterward,  Bienville 
and  his  followers,  among  whom  were  great  numbers  of  Choctaws, 
bribed  to  bear  arms  against  their  kinsmen,  came  up  the  stream  of 
the  Torabecbee;  but  the  savages  were  on  their  guard,  English 
traders  had  aided  them  to  fortify  their  position,  and  the  French  in 
vain  attacked  their  log  fort.  On  the  20th  of  May,  D'Artaguette 
had  fallen ;  on  the  27th,  Bienville  had  failed  in  his  assault ;  on 
the  81st,  throwing  his  cannon  into  the  river,  he  and  his  white 
companions  turned  their  prows  to  the  south  again.  Then  came 
the  hour  of  barbarian  triumph,  and  the  successful  Chickasaws 
danced  around  the  flames  in  which  were  crackling  the  sinews  of 
D'Artaguette,  Vincennes,  and  the  Jesuit  Senat,  who  stayed  and 
died  of  his  own  free-will,  because  duty  bade  him. 

Three  years  more  passed  away,  and  again  a  French  army  of 
nearly  four  thousand  white,  red  and  black  men,  was  gathered 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  to  chastise  the  Chickasaws. 


1760. 


CONDITION  or  LOUISIANA. 


79 


From  the  summer  of  1789  to  the  spring  of  1740,  this  body  of  men 
sickened  and  wasted  at  Fort  Asstimption,  upon  the  site  of  Memphis. 
In  March  of  the  last  named  year,  without  a  blow  struck,  peace  wat 
concluded,  and  the  province  of  Louisiana  once  more  sunk  into 

inactivity. 

There  remains  little  that  is  interesting  in  the  history  of  Lower 
Louisiana.  An  idea  of  its  condition,  in  1760,  may  be  inferred  firom 
a  letter  of  the  Jesuit  Vivier,  written  on  November  7th  of  that  year, 
lie  says : 

"For  fifteen  leagues  above  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  one 
sees  no  dwellings,  the  ground  being  too  low  to  be  habitable. 
Thence  to  Now  Orleans  the  lands  are  partially  occupied.  New 
Orleans  contains,  black,  white  and  red,  not  more,  I  think,  than 
twelve  hundred  persons.  To  this  point  come  all  kinds  of  lumber, 
brick,  salt-beef,  tallow,  tar,  skins  and  bear's  grease;  and  above  all, 
pork  and  flour  from  the  Illinois.  These  things  create  some 
commerce;  forty  vessels  and  more  have  come  hither  this  year. 
Above  New  Orleans,  plantations  are  again  met  with;  the  most 
considerable  is  a  colony  of  Germans,  some  ten  leagues  up  the  river. 
At  Point  Coupee,  thirty-five  leagues  above  the  German  settlement, 
is  a  fort.  Along  here,  within  five  or  six  leagues,  are  not  less  than 
sixty  'habitations.'  Fifty  leagues  farther  up  is  the  Natchez  post, 
where  we  have  a  garrison  who  are  kept  prisoners  by  their  fear  of 
the  Chickasaws  and  other  savages.  Here  and  at  Point  Coupee, 
they  raise  excellent  tobacco.  Another  hundred  leagues  brings  us 
to  the  Arkansas,  where  we  have  also  a  fort  and  garrison,  for  the 
benefit  of  river  traders.  There  were  some  inhabitants  about  here 
formerly,  but  in  1748  the  Chickasaws  attacked  the  post,  slew 
many,  took  thirteen  prisoners,  and  drove  the  rest  into  the  fort. 
From  the  Arkansas  to  the  Illinois,  near  five  hundred  leagues,* 
there  is  not  a  settlement.  There  should,  however,  be  a  good  fort 
on  the  Ouabache  (Ohio,)  the  only  path  by  which  the  English  can 
reach  the  Mississippi.  In  the  Illinois  are  numberless  mines,  but 
no  one  to  work  them  as  they  deserve.  Some  individuals  dig  lead 
near  the  surface,  and  supply  the  Indians  and  Canada.  Two 
Spaniards,  now  here,  who  claim  to  be  adepts,  say  that  our  mines 
are  like  those  of  Mexico,  and  that  if  we  would  dig  deeper,  we 
should  find  silver  under  the  lead;  at  any  rate  the  lead  is  excellent. 


^Diatanoes  are  overratod  in  all  tho  old  French  journals.     Tho  distance,  in  fact,  wus 
about  500  English  miles,  instead  of  French  leagues. 


80 


DIFFERENT  ROUTBS  TO  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 


1679. 


«.. 


There  are  also  in  this  eountiy,  copper  mines,  beyond  doubt,  as 
from  time  to  time  large  pieces  are  found  in  the  streams."  * 

Upper  Louisiana,  or  the  Iliinois,  was  probably  occupied  by  the 
French  without  interruption,  from  the  time  of  the  first  visit  of 
La  Salle,  in  1679.t  Of  necessity,  their  missions  and  settlements 
were  formed  along  the  routes  of  travel  between  Canada  and  the 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  The  only  mode  of  communication  used, 
was  by  canoes;  and  of  consequence  only  the  navigable  rivers, 
tributary  to  the  Mississippi  and  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  interlocking 
each  other,  were  explored. 

From  the  hostility  of  the  Lroquois,  the  earliest  missionaries  and 
traders  were  cut  off  from  the  Lakes  Ontario  and  Erfe ;  and  their 
route  to  Superior  and  Green  Bay  was,  from  Montreal,  up  the 
Ottowa  river  to  Lake  ISTipissing,  and  down  the  French  river  to 
Lake  Huron. 

The  route  followed  by  Marquette,  was  from  Mackinaw  to  Green 
Bay;  thence  up  the  Fox  river  of  Wisconsin,  to  Winnebago  Lake ; 
thence  up  the  Wapacca  to  a  portage  in  Portage  County, 
Wisconsin,  to  the  Wisconsin  river  and  to  the  Mississippi. 

The  route  followed  by  La  Salle,  was  from  Niagara  up  Lakes 
Erie,  St.  Clair  and  Huron,  to  Mackinaw;  thence  down  Lake 
Michigan  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  Joseph's,  up  that  river 
to  a  portage  of  three  miles,  in  St.  Joseph's  county,  Indiana, 
to  the  Eankakee  river;  thence  down  to  the  Blinois,  and  to  the 
Mississippi. 

Another  route  was  established  about  1716,  from  the  head  of 
Lake  Erie  up  the  Maumee  to  the  site  of  Fort  Wayne ;  thence  by  a 
portage  to  the  Wabash ;  thence,  by  way  of  that  river,  to  the  Ohio 
aud  Mississippi.  At  a  later  period  another  route  was  opened.  It 
passed  from  Lake  Erie  at  Presquille,  over  a  portage  of  fifteei  miles 
to  the  head  of  French  creek,  at  Waterford,  Pa.;  thence  down  that 
stream  to  the  Allegheny,  and  to  the  Ohio. 

Along  these  lines  the  French  posts  were  confined,  and,  as  there 
were  no  agricultural  commuuities,  except  the  Illinois  settlement, 
in  the  West  during  the  whole  period  of  the  French  occupation,  tho 
posts  were  either  trading  stations  or  forts,  built  for  the  protection  of 
the  traders,  or  to  secure  the  French  ascendency  over  the  Indians. 


*Lettro8  Edifiantes,  (Paris,  1781,)  tH.  79  to  106. 

f  There  Is  no  certainty,  however,  of  any  Bettloment  previous  to  1712. 


1742. 


SBrrLBMENT  OF  VINOBNNES. 


81 


At  the  most  northern  point  of  the  Southern  peninsula  of 
Michigan,  and  nine  miles  south-west  of  the  Island  of  that  name,  La 
Salle  founded  Fort  Mackinaw,  in  1679. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Joseph's  ri^  er  hd  built  Fort  Miami,  in 
1679 ;  which  was  burned,  however,  by  some  deserters  from  Tonti, 
two  years  afterward. 

In  1680,  he  built  Fort  Crevecoeur  on  the  Illinois  river,  near  the 
site  01*  Peoria. 

In  the  same  year  Tonti  built  Fort  St.  Louis,  or  the  Rock  Fort, 
ia  La  Salle  county,  Illinois;  but  its  exact  location  is  unknown. 

rhese  posts  served  as  points  of  settlement  for  the  traders  and 
voyagers,  who  followed  immediately  in  the  track  of  La  Salle,  and 
for  the  Jesuit  missionaries  that  accompanied  or  followed  him.  The 
climate  and  soil  of  Lower  Illinois  were  inviting,  and  accordingly 
the  first  settlements  were  made  in  that  region.  The  exact  date  is 
uncertain. 

It  is  conjectured,  that  before  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
traders  passed  down  south  from  the  St.  Joseph's  to  Eel  river  and 
"Wabash;  and  a  report*  of  La  Salle  to  Frontenac,  made  perhaps 
in  1682,  mentions  the  route  by  the  Maumee  and  "Wabash,  as  the 
most  direct  to  the  Mississippi.  That  route  was  indeed  established 
in  1716;  but  of  the  date  of  settlements  on  the  Lower  "Wabash, 
there  is  no  certain  information.  The  uncertainty  that  is  connected 
with  the  settlement  of  Vincennesfis  a  case  in  point.  Volney, 
by  conjecture,  fixes  the  settlement  of  Vincennes  about  1785;  I 
Bishop  Brute,  of  Indiana,  speaks  of  a  missionary  station  there  in 
1700,  and  adds,  "The  friendly  tribes  and  traders  called  to  Canada 
or  protection,  and  then  M.  de  Vincennes  came  with  a  detachment, 
I  think,  of  Carignan,  and  was  killed  in  1786."  ||  Mr.  Bancroft  says 
a  military  establishment  was  formed  there  in  1716,  and  in  1742,  a 
settlement  of  herdsmen  took  place.  §  Judge  Law  regards  the  post 
as  dating  back  to  1710  or  1711,  supposing  it  to  be  the  same  with 
the  Ohio  settlement,  and  quotes  also  an  Act  of  Sale,  existing  at 
Kaskaskia,  which,  in  January,  1785,  speaks  of  M.  de  "V^insenne,  as 
"  Commandant  au  Poste  de  Ouabache."  ^    Again,  in  a  petition 


*  Hennepin's  New  DiBcovery,  London,  1698,  p.  812. 

t  Che-pe-ka-keh  (Brush  Wood,)  was  the  Indian  name  of  Vincennes,  and  was  the  seat 
of  the  Peean-keo-shawB  Indians, 
t  Vobiey's  View,  p.  886. 
II  Butler's  Keubeoky,  Introduction,  XIX,  note. 
§  Bancroft's  History  of  the  United  States,  III,  846. 
1  Law's  Address,  p.  21. 


82 


SETTLEMENT  OF  VINCENNES. 


1742. 


of  the  old  inhabitants  at  Vincennes,  dated  in  N'ovember,  1798,  is 
found  the  settlement  spoken  of,  as  having  been  made  before  1742;* 
and  such  is  the  general  voice  of  tradition.  On  the  other  hand, 
Charlevoix,  who  records  the  death  of  Vincennes,  which  took  place 
among  the  Chickasaws,  in  1736,  makes  no  mention  of  any  post  on 
the  Wabash,  or  any  missionary  station  there;  neither  does  he 
mark  any  upon  his  map,  although  he  gives  even  the  British  forts 
upon  the  Tennessee  and  elsewhere.  Vivier,  in  1750,  says  nothing 
of  any  mission  on  the  Wabash,  although  writing  in  respect  to 
western  missions,  and  speaks  of  the  necessity  of  a  fort  upon  the 
"Ouabache."  By  this,  it  is  true,  he  meant  doubtless  the  Ohio, 
but  how  natural  to  refer  to  the  post  at  Vincennes,  if  one  existed. 
In  a  volume  of  "Memoires"  on  Louisiana,  compiled  from  the 
minutes  of  M.  Dumont,  and  published  in  Paris,  in  1768,  but 
probably  prepared  in  1749,  though  there  is  an  account  of  the 
Wabash,  or  St.  Jerome,  its  rise  and  course,  and  the  use  made  of  it 
by  the  traders,  not  a  word  is  found  touching  any  fort,  settlement 
or  station  on  it.  Vaudreuil,  when  Governor  of  Louisiana,  in  1751 
mentions  even  then  no  post  on  the  Wabash,  although  he  speaks  of 
the  need  of  a  post  on  the  Ohio,  near  to  where  Fort  Massac,  or 
Massacre,  was  built  afterward,  and  names  Fort  Miami,  on  the 
Maumee.f  Still  further,  in  "  The  Present  State  of  I^forth  America," 
a  pamphlet  published  in  London,  in  1755,  with  which  is  a  map  of 
the  French  posts  in  the  west,  it  is  stated  that  in  1750  a  fort  was 
founded  at  Vincennes,  and  that  in  1754,  three  hundred  families 
were  sent  to  settle  in  that  region. 

The  records  of  the  church  of  St.  Francois  Xavier,  at  Vincennes, 
show  uo  earlier  date  than  1749.  They  are  given  X  as  interesting 
memorials  of  western  hibtory. 


*  American  State  Papers,  XVI,  82. 

f  There  were /our  places  called  "Miami,"  one  at  the  junction  »{  the  Little  St.  Joseph 
and  Ste.  Marie,  in  Indiana,  now  called  Fort  Wayne. 

The  second  was  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Joseph's  river  of  Miohiga-i. 

The  third  was  on  the  Illinois  river,  and  placed  by  Charlevoix  on  his  Map  of  New 
France,  1723. 

The  fourth  was  the  fort  erected  by  the  British,  early  in  1794,  at  the  foot  of  the  rapids 
of  the  Maumoo,  about  fifteen  miles  from  the  west  end  of  Lake  Erie. 

Some  of  tho  authorities  quoted,  by  the  "  Ouabache"  mean  the  Ohio  river,  which  had 
the  name  of  "  Ouabache,"  in  French  and  English  documents  until  about  1786. 

X  These  records  were  furnished  to  the  publisher  through  the  politeness  of  Rev.  E. 
Audruin,  Parish  Priest  of  St.  Xavier's  Church,  at  Vincennes.  But  few  of  the  old  records 
of  the  early  French  missions  are  available.  In  1840,  the  publisher  visited  Rev.  Dr. 
Wiseman,  of  St  Mary's  Seminary,  in  Missouri,  to  inquire  for  the  materials  of  the  early 


1749. 


ANOIBNT  RECORDS  OF  VINOBNNES. 


88 


"In  the  year  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  forty-nine,  and  on 
the  2l8t  day  of  April,  after  having  published  three  bans,  between 
Julien  Trothier  Des  Rivieres,  son  of  Julien  Trothier  Des  Rivieres, 
of  the  Parish  of  Montreal,  and  Josette  Marie,  daughter  of  Antoine 
Marie  and  Marianne  Chicamise,  her  father  and  mother,  residing  in 
this  parish ;  there  having  been  no  impediment,  I,  the  undersigned, 
missionary  of  the  company  of  Jesns,  doing  the  duties  of  Curate, 
having  received  their  mutual  consent  of  E?arriag'».  give  unto  them 
the  nuptial  benediction,  with  the  ceremonies  prescribed  by  the 
Holy  Church.  In  the  presence  of  Monsieurs  De  St.  Ange,  Lieu- 
tenant of  a  detached  company  of  Marine,  Commandment  of  Post 
Vincennes,  and  of  Jean  Baptiste  Guilbert,  Toussaint,  Antoine 
Bouchard,  Jean  B.  Pudet,  Louis  Gervais. 

S.  L.  MEURm,  Jesuite. 

"Witnesses  who  did  sign  with  me. 

St.  Anqb,  Commandant  of  Post  Vincennes. 

J.   C.    RiDDAY, 

Louis  Gbrvais, 
Bouchard, 

FiLLATRAUX." 

"  On  the  4th  of  June,  1749,  I  baptized  Jean  Baptiste,  son  of 
Pierre  Yiapichagane,  "Little  Chief,"  and  Catharine  Mskicse.  The 
god-father  and  mother  were  Francois  Fillatraux  and  Marie  Mikil- 
chensecse  Laframboise. 

SEBAST.  LUD.  MEURIN,  8.  J." 

"I,  the  undersigned,  gave  the  nuptial  benediction  to  Pierre 
"Yiapichagane,  Little  Chief,  and  Mskicse,  united  previously  by  a 
natural  marriage,  June  26th,  1749. 

S.  L.  MEURIN,  J." 

From  this  date  until  1780,  after  the  conquest  of  Illinois,  there 
were  about  fifty  marriages  of  the  French,  and  one  more  only  of  the 
Indians,  (in  July,  1749,)  and  one  hundred  and  ninety  baptisms,  a 


history  of  those  missions,  and  was  informed  by  him  that  after  a  great  flood  of  the  western 
waters,  daring  the  French  domination  of  Louisiana,  many  of  the  inhabitants  who  had 
emigrated  from  New  Orleans  became  alarmed  and  returned  thither,  and,  at  the  sugges- 
tion of  the  clergy,  carried  the  greater  portion  of  the  mission  and  church  records  with 
them,  for  greater  safety.  There  they  were  deposited  in  a  vault  of  the  principal  church 
of  that  place,  where  they  remained  for  many  years  untouched.  When  afterward  they 
were  brought  to  light  and  examined,  it  was  discovered  that  they  were  entirely  decom- 
posed by  the  humidity  of  the  atmosphere. 


84 


SBTTLEMBNT  OF  OAHOKIA. 


1700. 


portion  of  whom  were  adults.    lu  the  same  period  there  are 
recorded  the  baptisms  of  sixteen  Indian  slaves  and  four  Africans. 

Among  these  records  is  the  following  statement : 

"Pierre  Godere,  son  of  Francois  Godere  and  Agnes  Richard, 
was  born  at  Ouias,  and  married  the  5th  of  May,  1760,  at  Vincennes, 
to  Susan  Bolon,  daughter  of  Gabriel  Bolon  and  Susan  Menard — 
which  Susan  Menard  was  born  at  St.  Joseph,  and  supposed  to  be 
the  first  white  child  bom  in  Indiana." 

In  the  same  church  is  found  the  following,  being  the  earliest 
records  of  the  settlement  at  Ouitenon :  * 

"To-day,  21st  of  the  month  of  May,  feast  of  "Whit-Sunday,  of  the 
year  1752, 1  baptized,  solemnly,  Charles  Mary,  the  legitimate  son  of 
Charles  Boneau,  and  of  Genevieve  Dudevoir,  who  have  settled  at 
this  post ;  said  child  being  born  yesterday  evening  at  ten  o'clock. 
The  god-father  was  M.  Francois  Mary  Merchant,  Esquire,  Sire  De 
Ligneris,  Captain  of  Infantry,  commanding  for  the  king  at  this 
post.  The  god-mother,  Elizabeth  Cardinal,  wife  of  Claude 
Dudevoir,  and  grandmother  to  the  child. 

Done  at  Ouitenon,  the  year  and  day  above  mentioned. 
Signed,  P.  DU  JAUKAY, 

Missionary  of  the  Company  of  Jesus. 

Chables  Bonbau,  Marchant  Des  Liffneris. 

Soon  after  the  visit  of  La  Salle,  Allouez,  with  some  traders, 
located  themselves  at  the  site  of  Xaskaskia,  which  was  named 
"  the  Village  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  of  the  Holy  Virgin." 
In  1690,  Gravier  succeeded  Allouez,  and  Pinet  established  a  mis- 
sion at  Cahokia,  then  called  "!Notre  Dame  des  Kahokias."  Basle 
came  to  Kaskaskia  in  1692,  and  remained  in  charge  of  the  mission 
for  two  years ;  and  subsequently  Marest  succeeded  him,  and  was 
remaining  there  in  1712 ;  and,  during  the  greater  part  of  the  time, 
seems  to  have  had  all  the  missions  under  his  charge.  During  the 
same  period,  Ribourde  and  Mambre  were  employed  mainly,  it  is 
probable,  about  Fort  St.  Louis.  The  success  of  these  missions  was, 
it  appears  from,  the  letters  of  the  missionaries,  not  flattering,  but 
they  served  as  points  of  attraction  for  the  French  traders  in  the 
west ;  and  accordingly  Kaskaskia,  in  1712,  had  become  a  village ; 
land  titles  were  acquired,  and  it  was  chosen  as  the  capital  of  the 
Illinois. 


1701. 

Theti 

part  of  ] 

regarded 

to  secun 

federacy, 

tiated  by 

one  side 

secured  j 

ders  to  tl 

To  secun 

out  De  la 

colonists, 

year,  he  i 

on  the  sit 

invested  I 

post  to  F 

show  the 

policy  the 

and  the  m 

of  agriculi 

livres  a  y( 

grant  with 

a  May-pol 

manor-hou 

and,  when 

was  forbidc 

from  Mont 

directly  or 

locksmith, 

to  mortgag 

crown  rese 

military  pu; 

bits,  hares, 

the  grain  j 

custom  of  I 

the  governn 

and  take  th 

restrictions  i 

throughout '. 


*  Wah-wee-ah-tenon  was  the  Indian  name  of  the  residence  of  Ouias,  and  was  a  French 
missionary  station  and  fort. 


1700. 


1701. 


SETTLEMENT  OF  DETROIT. 


85 


■e  are 
ncaus. 

ichard, 
ennes, 
nard — 
Ito  be 

earliest 

,  oftlae 
e  son  of 
ittled  at 
o'clock. 
Sire  De 
at  this 
Claude 


r, 

*  Jesus. 


The  treaty  of  Ryswick  contained  a  claim  of  jurisdiction,  on  the 
part  of  England,  over  the  Iroquois ;  but  the  French  afterward  dis- 
regarded the  claim,  and  sought,  through  the  influence  of  the  Jesuits, 
to  secure  a  peace  with,  and  an  ascendency  over,  that  powerful  con- 
federacy.   They  were  successful,  and  in  1700  a  treaty  was  nego- 
tiated by  De  Callieres  between  the  French  and  their  allies  on  the 
one  side,  and  the  Iroquois  on  the  other;  by  which  the  French 
secured  peace  and  trade  with  all  the  tribes  from  the  English  bor- 
ders to  the  Mississippi,  and  the  possession  of  the  line  of  the  lakes. 
To  secure  the  benefits  of  that  treaty  to  France,  De  Callieres  sent 
out  De  la  Motte  Cadillac,  with  a  Jesuit  missionary  and  one  hundred 
colonists,  to  take  possession  of  the  Detroit  river.    In  July  of  that 
year,  he  arrived,  and  built  a  fort,  which  he  named  Ponchartrain, 
on  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Detroit.    In  1705,  Cadillac  was 
invested  by  the  king  with  authority  to  cede  the  lands  about  that 
post  to  French  settlers.    The  terms  of  one  of  these  grants*  will 
show  the  tenure  by  which  they  were  held,  and  will  illustrate  the 
policy  the  French  government  pursued  in  regard  to  its  colonies, 
and  the  meager  encouragement  it  bestowed  upon  the  great  interest 
of  agriculture.    The  grantee  was  bound  to  pay  a  rent  of  fifteen 
livres  a  year,  in  peltries,  to  the  crown  forever;  to  improve  the 
grant  within  three  months  from  the  date  of  the  contract ;  to  plant 
a  May-pole,  on  May-day,  in  each  }ear,  before  the  door  of  the 
manor-house ;  to  make  fences  for  his  grant  in  a  prescribed  manner, 
and,  when  required,  to  assist  in  making  his  neighbors'  fences.    He 
was  forbidden  to  buy  or  sell  articles  of  merchandise,  cfjried  to  or 
from  Montreal,  through  servants,  clerks,  or  foreigners ;  to  work, 
directly  or  indirectly,  for  ten  years,  at  the  business  of  a  blacksmith, 
lockHinith,  armorer,  or  brewer ;  to  sell  brandy  to  the  Indians ;  or 
to  mortgage  the  land  without  consent  of  the  government.     The 
crown  reserved  the  propei*!  ^  ot  ail  minerals,  and  of  timber  for 
military  puiposes.    The  gran'x)r  reserved  the  right  of  hunting  rab- 
bits, hares,  partridges,  and  pLons«at,  ;  ^nd  the  right  to  grind  all 
the  grain  produced  on  the  land,  res.e;.  Ing  toll  according  to  the 
custom  of  Paris.     On  every  sale  '>f  '  b'-  land  q,  tax  was  levied,  and 
the  government  reserved  *he  right  to  take  pr. cadence  of  any  buyer, 
and  take  the  land  at  the  price  offered.    Agriculture,  under  such 
restrictions  as  these,  could  not  prosper.    At  Detroit,  as  elsewhere 
throughout  New  France,  except  in  favored  localities,  the  cultivation 


108  a 


*  Lillou'a  Indiaua,  p.  29. 


86 


EXPRDITION  OF  LA  SEUR. 


1700. 


of  the  soil  was  neglected,  the  attention  of  the  settlers  was  directed 
to  trade,  mining,  and  hunting;  and,  consequently,  when  the  day 
of  trial  came,  the  French  were  foand  unable  to  contend  with  the 
more  powerful  and  more  compact  colonies  of  the  English.  The 
climate  and  scenery  of  Detroit,  nevertheless,  invited  emigration ; 
a  French  village  grew  up  around  Fort  Ponchartrain ;  a  village  of 
Hurons  and  one  of  Ottawas  were  built  under  the  protection  of  the 
fort ;  and  Detroit  became  one  of  the  most  flourishing  of  the  French 
posts  in  the  west.  In  1718,  the  Foxes  from  the  west  attacked  the 
fort,  then  under  the  command  of  Du  Boison.*  The  fort  was  de- 
fended by  only  twenty  men,  till  Du  Boison  was  enabled  to  collect 
a  force  from  the  friendly  tribes,  and  the  hostile  band  was  compelled 
to  surrender.  The  warriors  were  put  to  death,  their  women  and 
children  were  divided  among  the  victors. 

Aside  from  the  permanent  settlements  of  Detroit,  Vincennes, 
and  the  Illinois,  explorations  were  made,  and  in  some  instances 
posts  established,  at  diiFerent  points  along  the  Mississippi  and  Mis- 
souri rivers.  In  IGs+i,  La  Seurf  was  sent  out  to  establish  peaceful 
relations  with  the  Chippewas  and  Sioux,  whose  acquaintance  had 
been  made  by  Hennepin,  in  1680.  For  this  purpose  he  established 
a  fort  on  the  Mississippi,  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Chippewa ;  left 
there  a  garrison,  and,  after  exploring  the  St.  Croix  and  the  St. 
Pierre  for  forty  leagues,  where  he  discovered,  as  he  supposed,  cop- 
per miues,  he  returned  to  Montreal,  with  a  chief  of  the  Chippewas 
and  one  of  the  Sioux.  A  treaty  was  made  between  these,  as  repre- 
sentatives of  their  tribes,  and  Frontenac;  and  it  was  stipulated 
that  La  Seur  should  return  to  the  St.  Peter's  in  the  next  year ;  but 
the  Sioux  chief  died  during  the  winter,  and  he  returned  to  France 
to  obtain  the  privilege  of  opening  the  mines  he  had  discovered. 
He  received  his  commission  in  1697,  and  on  his  return  to  Canada, 
was  captured  by  ^he  English  cruisers,  and  threw  his  commission 
overboaj  d,  to  p.void  a  discovery  of  his  plans.  After  the  peace  of 
Ryswick,  he  returned  to  France,  received  a  new  commission,  in 
1698,  and  joined  the  expodition  of  D'lberville  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi,  for  the  purpose  of  ascending  that  river,  under  the 
direction  of  L'Huillier,  contractor-general  of  the  crown,  with  thirty 
workmen,  to  the  mines.    On  the  12th  of  July,  1700,  he  set  out  to 


*  Du  Boiaon'a  report,  Detroit,  1846. 
f  Long's  Expedition,  toI.  2,  p.  818. 


1720. 


INVASION  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


ascend  the  river  anH  ««  *i-    ^  *  ®^ 

opened  the  mine,  and  in  twenty  t«.„  ^.  ^"  *«  'Pmg  be 

poands  of  supposed  copfTZe  °J^'  T?"^  •"■^thonf^d 
aeleoted,  and  with  that  Z  SenTd«  f^  *""  **''°«"'d  Wre 
•mvedatitsmonthonthelofhofrr        ''  the  MissiMippj.^J^ 

Up  the  Missouri,  earlv  exn]n..o*- 
«pae  Salene  -er,  thfeH  Xd-^nr  "•:    ««-ep.«ed 

«ceived  by  the  Mi  ^nTa"  1  w""""^.  °'  *«  ^»««=  S^ 
w.th  them.    These  moveme„?°rr^P™'"»»P™fltebTt^" 

The  Spaniards,  desirous  of  remo^-1     '^^?'^y  "^  ""e  Span  ards 

ot  term mg  a  considerable  colonv  ft- kl       I    '  *°  "^^P'  the  scheme 
which  they  had  hitherto  eouted  t.^^?^  ""  bon-daries,  ^Z 
™;  J"'  -ere  to  compose  ttt  tw™';    ^""^ '""''^CS^ 
They  di^oted  their  mafch  towlrd  1,0        ""*  *"'»  ^anta  ^ 
to  mduce  to  talce  up  a™,    "J"™  ">»  O^ges,  whom  they  wishVd' 
soaris,  whose  territorvthevS,"'"*"™*  en'mies  aTw- 
»i«.ed  «,eir  way,  Zd*:Le  Cctl^r^^-    ^hTsptiS 
which  they  were  meditating,  and  5.  i.-        "*""'"'  ^e  ™in  rf 

fe  rr"'""'-^ «-''  "eCr^h^t*"'  ^*»»  ^-  ft  ' 

chief  of  the  Missouris,  who  beo»n.„  -■     ""^  '•'»«n'e.    The 

sZSd'  v  *  '"^  ■*'°«-  *»«  trt^nThTrv^.^^''  "»«"'« 

semWed  his  resentment.  He  toU  a  »  ™  ™"'  his  people  di. 
«»c»r  in  promoting  the  ^IZ  X^''''^'  '"'  ^oJgCh 
^esired  eight  and  forty  CnZ  ilLT^"«'  ""d^on^ 

"e  Spaniards,  whom  therh.j  ,      """"sand,  they  fell  „„„_ 

Mh.r  sleep     All  wrmt^reSotT?-  ""''  '^"  S 
;;^^^-^''hoa,onees«ped\reXS::;r^^^^^^^ 


Du  Prati  LoHiaiana. 


88 


IKTRODUOTION  OF  SLAVES  INTO  ILLINOIS. 


1720. 


vation  to  the  singularity  of  his  dress.  This  catastrophe  having 
secured  the  tranquillity  of  Louisiana  on  the  side  where  it  was  most 
threatened,  the  colony  could  only  he  molested  by  the  natives;  but 
these,  although  more  numerous  at  that  time  than  they  are  in  our 
day,  from  a  destitution  of  firearms,  were  not  very  formidable. 
Furthermore,  they  were  divided  into  several  nations,  all  of  them 
feeble  and  at  enmity  with  each  other,  though  separated  by  immense 
deserts."  *  The  settlements  of  Upper  Louisiana,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  post  at  Detroit,  under  a  military  commandment,  were 
without  any  definite  political  organization  before  the  year  1718. 
At  that  time  the  company  of  the  West  sent  out  Boisbriant  as 
intendant,  with  a  small  force  to  the  Illinois,  to  establish  a  post,  and 
to  assume  the  direction  of  the  colony.  In  the  same  year,  he  estab- 
lished a  post  on  the  Mississippi,  fifteen  miles  above  the  village  of 
Kaskaskia,  which  he  named  Fort  Chartres.  The  fort,  which  was 
first  built  of  wood,  was  badly  located.  It  was  on  an  alluvial  bottom, 
on  a  site  subject  to  inundation,  on  a  river  whose  banks  were  con- 
stantly changing,  and  was  valueless  as  a  defense  against  civilized 
foes;  but  doubtless  served  for  the  head-quarters  of  the  government 
and  for  the  defense  of  the  settlements. 

The  company  of  the  West  was  formed  with  the  special  purpose 
of  developing  the  mineral  resources  of  Louisiana;  and  the  upper 
Louisiana  was  regarded  as  especially  rich  in  minerals.  To  open 
and  work  them,  Philip  Francis  Benault  was  sent  out,  in  1719,  with 
two  hundred  meOiuinics,  miners  and  laborers.  On  his  way,  he 
bought,  in  the  name  of  the  company,  five  hundred  slaves  at  St. 
Domingo,  for  working  the  mines,  and  arrived  at  the  Illinois  in  1720. 
This  was  the  first  introduction  of  slavery  into  the  territory  of 
the  Korth  West;  about  the  same  time  it  was  introduced  into  the 
South  West,  and  there  soon  acquired  a  permanent  establishment. 
Of  course,  in  the  first  instance  here  as  elsewhere,  it  existed  without 
law,  but  was  sanctioned  and  regulated  by  subsequent  legislation. 
The  "ordinance  for  the  government  and  administration  of  justice, 
police  discipline  and  trafiic  in  negro  slaves,  in  the  province  of 
Louisiana,"  though  sufficiently  cruel  to  disgrace  even  a  French 
king  of  the  old  regime,  yet  compares  favorably  with  the  slave  codes 
of  a  later  day. 

"Louis,  by  the  grace  of  God,  king  of  France  and  Navarre,  to  all 


*  Abbe  Rayul. 


1720. 


SLAVES  IN   ILLINOIS. 


89 


present,  and  to  come,  greeting:  The  Directors  of  the  Indies  Com- 
pany having  represented  that  the  province  and  colony  of  Louisiana 
ia  extensively  settled  by  a  great  number  of  our  subjects  who  employ 
negro  slaves  in  the  cultivation  of  the  soil,  we  have  deemed  it  con- 
sistent with  our  authority  and  justice,  for  the  protection  of  that 
colony,  to  establish  there  a  system  of  laws  in  order  to  maintain  the 
discipline  of  the  Apostolic  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and  to  regulate 
the  estate  and  condition  of  slaves  in  the  said  country.  And  desiring 
to  provide  therefor,  and  show  our  subjects  residing  there,  and 
those  who  may  settle  there  in  future,  that,  although  they  dwell  in 
regions  infinitely  remote,  we  are  always  present  to  them  by  the 
extent  of  our  sovereignty  and  by  our  earnest  study  to  yield  them 
aid.  For  these  reasons,  and  others,  moving  us  thereunto,  by  the 
advice  of  our  council,  and  from  our  certain  knowledge,  plenary 
power  and  royal  authority,  we  have  enacted,  ordained  and  decreed, 
and  do  enact,  ordain  and  decree  in  our  will  and  pleasure,  as 
follows:* 

"All  slaves  who  may  be  in  our  said  province,  shall  be  educated 
in  the  Apostolic  Roman  Catholic  religion,  and  be  baptized. 

"We  command  those  colonists  who  purchase  slaves  recently 
imported,  thus  to  have  them  instructed  and  baptized  within  a 
reasonable  time,  under  pain  of  an  arbitrary  tine.  We  charge  the 
directors  general  of  said  company,  and  all  our  officers,  to  enforce 
this  strictly. 

"We  prohibit  any  other  religious  rites  than  those  of  the  Apos- 
tolic Roman  Catholic  Church;  requiring  thai  those  who  violate 
this,  shall  be  punished  as  rebels,  disobedient  to  our  commands.  We 
prohibit  all  meetings  for  this  purpose.  Such  we  declare  to  be 
unlawful  and  seditious  assemblages,  subject  to  the  same  penalties 
inflicted  upon  masters  who  shall  permit  or  suffer  it  with  respect  to 
their  slaves. 

"No  overseers  shall  be  set  over  the  negroes  to  prevent  their  pro- 
fessing the  Apostolic  Roman  Catholic  Religion,  under  ptun  of 
forfeiture  of  such  slaves  by  the  masters  appointing  such  overseers, 
and  of  arbitrarily  punishing  the  overseers  who  shall  have  accepted 
said  superintendence. 

"We  admonish  all  our  subjects,  of  every  rank  and  condition,  to 
observe,  scrupulously,  Sundays  and  holidays.  We  prohibit  their 
laboring,  or  causing  their  slaves  to  labor,  on  those  days,  (fron  the 


*   Dillon's  Indiana,  p.  40. 


90 


SLAVES   IN  ILLINOIS. 


1720. 


honr  of  midnight  to  the  following  midnight)  in  the  culture  of  the 
soil,  or  any  other  service,  under  penalty  of  a  fine  and  arbitrary 
punishment  to  bo  inflicted  upon  the  maste'^,  together  with  forfeiture 
of  those  slaves  who  shall  be  detected  by  our  ofUcers  at  work.  Reserv- 
ing to  them,  nevertheless,  the  privilege  of  sending  their  slaves  to 
market. 

"We  prohihit  white  subjects  of  both  sexes,  from  contracting 
marriages  with  the  blacks,  under  pain  of  punishment  and  an  arbi- 
trary fine,  and  we  prohibit  all  Chaplains  of  vessels,  priests  and 
missionaries,  whether  secular  or  regular,  from  solemnizing  marriages 
between  them. 

"We  also  prohibit  our  white  subjects  as  well  as  blacks,  aiFran- 
chized,  or  born  free,  from  living  in  a  state  of  concubinage  with  the 
slaves;  enacting  that  those  who  shall  have  had  one  or  more  chil- 
dren by  such  cohabitation,  shall  be  severally  condemned,  as  well  as 
the  master  permitting  it,  to  pay  a  fine  of  three  hundred  livres. 
And,  if  they  are  masters  of  the  slaves,  by  whom  they  shall  have  such 
children,  we  decree  that,  beside  the  fine,  they  be  deprived  of  both 
the  slave  and  children,  who  shall  be  adjudged  the  property  of  the 
hospital  of  the  district,  without  the  capacity  of  subsequent  aflfraii- 
chisement.  Provided,  that  this  article  is  of  none  eflfect,  when  the 
black  man,  either  free-born  or  manumitted,  who  was  not  married 
during  such  cohabitation  with  his  slave,  shall  espouse  her  according 
to  the  forms  prescribed  by  the  church ;  which  act  shall  affranchise 
lier,  and  make  her  children  free  and  le^timafce. 

"  Masters  shall  be  obliged  to  inter  in  holy  ground,  within  the 
cemeteries  set  apart  for  that  purpose,  their  slaves  who  have  been 
baptized. 

"It  is  our  will  that  the  officers  of  our  Superior  Council  of  Louisi- 
ana, shall  furnish  an  opinion  as  to  the  quantity  of  food,  and  the 
quality  of  clothing,  it  is  proper  for  masters  to  furnish  their  slaves, 
in  order  that  we  ma;y  enact  a  statute  thereupon.  In  the  meantime, 
we  permit  said  officers  to  regulate,  by  express  provision,  said  food 
and  raiment;  ititerdicting  the  giving  of  any  kind  of  spirituous 
liquors  by  masters  to  said  slaves,  in  lieu  of  said  victuals  and 
clothing. 

"  We  forbid,  in  like  manner,  their  releasing  themselves  from  the 
charge  of  feeding  and  supporting  said  slaves,  by  permitting  them 
to  labor  a  certain  day  in  the  week  on  their  own  account. 

"Slaves  who  are  not  fed,  clad  and  maintained  by  their  masters, 
may  give  notice  thereof  to  the  Procureur  General  of  said  council, 
or  the  officers  of  the  inferior  courts,  and  place  their  complaints  in 


1720. 


SI-AVBS  m  ILLINOIS. 


their  hands;  upon  whiVK       j  01 

notice  .h.„  hI  come  toC' j^^"  f  *"»''  «»»  .coort,  if  the 
be  prosecuted  on  motion  of  .^.^p  °'''''' ''V. 'he  master  .h.ii 
"'hich  eoa«,  we  diree.Tbe t^rr""'  *^"'""-  "'"^W  cos" 

"st: itr .'V''- »-"-  ""  °" ""  """■"  •"" «"-' 

oiovea  enfeebled  bv  olr?  «««     •  i 

the  debility  be  i„„„„,,^» 'J je.™k„e,s,  or  otherwise,  whether 

by  the,r  m„ste«;  „„d,  ;„  ^°''*»"  ^o  maintained  ,nd  nplrted 

slaves  shall  be  .jnarter^d  „,2.h'^  '"'™  "bandonod  them    s"m 

meters  shall  bo  condemn^  *!  °T''  '""P"«'.  «<-  ''Woh'the^ 

which  case  we  direct  tha/f^   T^^^^^s  were  actually  L^Ia^  ^ 
--.  the  sl.es  .  J  ---  -  -Sr  i -if 

.:i:.t::i;LTi^i.^ir™-  «<•  -mono. 

-e  attached  slaves,  who  labrSeton'",'' "''''"* '^  -S 
parental  manner;  in  consideration  rflT?'  ,'°  S"™™  «'™  in  a 
polled,  after  their  term  of  m»a°l5T^''  ^'^  *»»  ""t  be  Jl 
tloBcwho  have  died,  or  btnfnLM  ^,"1'^'"'^^' '<"'<"=onnr&r 
otherwse,  without  fait  ofttel.-'b;.^'^''  ''y«'«''™».  old  a^e,  or 

term  of  administration,  whom  we  dh^ot  to  r      •'""'?  ''»"''«  «''«> 
»P  to  those  who  are  their  „w„o„  anTp^^^^-'-l  "Ogiven 


^y 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0    V^  ^ 

itt  lilii  ■2.2 
1^    12.0 


1.1 


Photographic 

ScMices 

Corporalion 


23  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WIMTIR,N.Y.  14SM 

(716)  •72-4903 


^ 


;\ 


\ 


5^  '  C^"" 


n 


YIYIEB'S  AOOOUNI  of  ILLINOIS. 


1760. 


Of  the  years  which  followed,  there  is  little  that  is  interesting  in  the 
history  of  the  Illinois;  but  its  condition  in  1750  may  be  inferred 
firom  a  letter  written  in  that  year  by  Father  Yivier.  Writing 
"Auz  Illinois,"  six  leagues  from  Fort  Chartres,  June  8th,  1750, 
Yivier  says:  "We  have  here  whites,  negroes  and  Indians,  to  say 
nothing  of  cross-breeds.  There  are  five  French  villages,  and  three 
villages  of  the  natives,  within  a  space  of  twenty-one  leagues,  situ- 
ated between  the  Mississippi  and  another  river  called  the  Earka- 
diad  (Kaskaskias.)  In  the  five  French  villages  are,  perhaps,  eleven 
hundred  whites,  three  hundred  blacks,  and  some  sixty  red  slaves 
orsavagts.  The  three  Illinois  towns  do  not  contain  more  than 
eight  hundred  souls,  all  told.  Most  of  the  French  till  the  soil; 
they  raise  wheat,*  cattle,  pigs  and  horses,  and  live  like  princes. 
Three  times  as  much  is  produced  as  can  be  consumed  ;t  and  great 
quantities  of  grain  and  flour  are  sent  to  Kew  Orleans."  In  this 
letter,  also,  Yivier  says  that  which  shows  Father  Marest's  fears  of 
French  inflnence  over  the  Indian  neophytes  to  have  been  well 
founded.  Of  the  three  Illinois  towns,  he  tells  .us,  one  was  givf>a 
up  by  the  missionaries  as  beyond  hope,  and  in  a  second,  but  a  poor 
harvest  rewarded  their  labors ;  and  all  was  owing  to  the  bad  example 
of  the  French,  and  the  introduction  by  them  of  ardent  spirits.^ 


*  ImUj  Mjs  that  in  1746,  eight  hundred  thonsand  ponnda  of  floor,  equal  to  4,286 
barrela,  irere  exported  from  IlUnois  to  New  Orleans. 

■{>  In  1709,  the  French  at  the  Illinois  rude  upward  of  one  hundred  hogshead*  strong 
wine  flrom  the  Ameriean  wild  grape.— Jlgvorf  of  tht  Superiiamdmt  e/  tht  Cmum,  1861. 

}  Brandy  and  rum  entered  largely  into  the  commerce  of  Louisiana,  and  great  quantt- 
tiee  of  those  artieles  were  shipped  from  New  Orleans  to  the  niinois,  for  the  Indian  trade, 
during  the  whole  period  of  the  Freneh  domination. 


>:>'., 


PE  B  lOD    II. 

1698—1766. 

The  French  title  to  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi  rested  npon  the 
ftct  of  the  explorations  of  Marqnette  and  La  Salle,  the  fact  of  occu- 
pation, and  upon  their  constrnction  of  the  respective  treaties  of 
Ryswiok,  Utrecht  and  Aiz  la  Ghapelle.  The  English  claims  to  the 
same  region  were  based  on  the  fact  of  a  prior  occupation  of  the 
corresponding  coast,  on  an  opposite  constrnction  of  the  same 
treaties,  and  on  alleged  cession  of  the  rights  of  the  Indians.  The 
rights  acquired  by  discovery  were  conventional,  and  in  equity  were 
good  only  between  European  powers,  and  could  not  affect  the  rights 
of  the  natives;  but  the  distinction  was  disregarded  by  both  the 
French  and  English  governments;  and  the  inquiry  of  the  Indian 
chief  embodies  the  whole  controversy  in  brief:  "Where  are  the 
Indian  lands,  since  the  French  claim  all  on  the  north  side  of  the 
Ohio,  and  the  English  all  on  the  south  side  of  it?" 

The  English  charters  granted  to  all  the  original  colonies  expressly 
extended  their  grants  westward  to  the  South  Sea,  and  the  claims 
thus  set  up  to  the  West,  though  held  in  abeyance,  were  never  relin- 
quished. The  English  colonies  were  fixed  agricultural  communi- 
ties. The  French  colonies  were  rather  trading,  military  and 
miesionary  establishments.  And  this  fact  furnishes  in  part  the 
reason  why  the  French  were  familiar  with  the  whole  valley  of  the 
Mississippi  before  the  English  passed  the  Alleghenies. 

Explorations  west  of  the  Alleghenies  were,  however,  made  at 
different  times  during  the  period  of  the  French  occupation,  midnly 
through  individual  enterprise,  and  efforts  were  made  to  induce  the 
home  government  to  colonize  and  occupy  the  valley  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi. 

A  volume  called  "  A  D.escription  of  the  English  province  of  Garo- 
lana,  by  the  Spaniards  called  Florida,  and  by  the  French  called  La 
Louisiane,  as  also  of  the  great  and  famous  river  Meschacebe,  or 
Mississippi,  the  five  vast  navigable  lakes  of  fresh  water,  and  the 
parts  acyacent,  together  with  an  account  of  the  commodities  of  the 
growth  and  production  of  the  said  province/' was  published  by  Daniel 
Coxe,  at  London,  in  1722.  Charles  I.,  in  1680,  granted  to  Sir 
Robert  Heath,  all  that  part  of  America  lying  between  thirty-one 


94 


SPOTTSWOOD  BXPLORBS  THB  ALLEQHENIES. 


1710. 


and  thirty-six  degrees  north  latitude,  from  sea  to  sea,  out  of  the 
limits  of  which  the  province  of  Carolina  was  afterward  taken.    This 
large  grant  was  conveyed  in  1688  to  the  Earl  of  Arundel,  and  after- 
ward came  into  the  possession  of  Dr.  Daniel  Coxe.    In  the  prose- 
cution of  this  claim,  it  appears*  that  Colonel  Wood,  of  Virginia, 
from  1654  to  1664,  explored  several  branches  of  the  Ohio  and 
"Meschacebe,"  the  authority  for  which  is  a  journal  of  Mr.  Need- 
ham,  who  was  employed  by  Col.  Wood — ^that  there  was  in  existence 
before  1676,  the  journal  of  some  one  who  had  explored  the  Missis-  • 
sippi  to  the  Yellow,  or  Missouri  river — ^that  in  1678  several  persons 
went  from  New  England  as  &r  as  New  Mexico,  one  hundred  and 
fifty  leagues  beyond  the  Meschacebe,  and  on  their  return  rendered 
an  account  of  the  government  at  Boston.    Further,  that  Coxe  him- 
self, and  through  his  agents,  had  entered  the  valley  from  Carolina 
and  Pennsylvania,  that  in  1698  he  had  fitted  out  two  vessels  under 
the  command  of  Captain  Barr,  one  of  which  ascended  the  Missis- 
sippi one  hundred  miles,  and  that  the  English  designed  to  make  a 
settlement  of  the  Huguenot  refugees  on  the  "Meschacebe,"  but 
that  thedeath  of  Lord  Lonsdale,  v^ho  was  the  chief  promoter  of  the 
scheme,  frustrated  the  project.    It  is  the  main  object  of  "The 
Description  of  Carolana,"  which  was  written  by  the  son  of  the  pro- 
prietor, to  describe  the  topography  of  the  Mississippi  valley,  from 
the  journaleu  and  reports  of  all  these  explorers;  and,  though  he 
borrows  evidently  from  the  French  explorations,  yet  there  is  an 
exactness  in  his  descriptions,  that  is  a  strong  evidence  of  the  truth 
of  the  journals  on  virhich  it  is  based.    There  is  even  a  remarkable 
sagacity  and  foresight  in  some  of  its  allusions  and  suggestions. 
The  south  pass  over  the  Bocky  Mountains  is  marked  as  a  great 
conveniency;  there  are  tracts  of  country  in  the  West  "that  would 
suit  very  well  with  camels;"  the  great  importance  of  the  cotton 
culture  is  afiirmed;  even  the  gold  of  California  and  the  Sandwich 
Islands  come  under  the  notice  of  the  writer.    Yet,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  report  of  the  English  vessel  met  by  Bienville  at  the 
"English  turn,"  the  description  of  which  agrees  with  that  of  the 
vessel  commanded  by  Captain  Barr,  there  is  no  corroboration  of 
any  of  these  statements. 

The  -policy  of  occupying  the  Mississippi  valley  was  for  a  time 
neglected.    It  was  revived  by  Alexander  Spottswood,  f  who  was. 


*  Coxe'B  Memorial  to  King  William,  in  1699. 
f  Orahame's  Colonial  History. 


1T42. 


JOHN  HOWARD  DBB0BHD8  OHIO. 


95 


ia  1710,  made  Governor  of  Virginia.  Spottswood  was  gifted  witli 
more  than  ordinary  foresight  and  breadth  of  view.  The  purpose, 
even  then  entertained  by  the  French,  of  enclosing  the  English 
colonies  within  the  mountains,  did  not  escape  his  penetration,  and 
accordingly  he  proposed  a  ayatem  of  measures  to  counteract  their 
schemes.  Through  his  representation,  the  Assembly  of  Virginia 
was  induced  to  make  appropriations  to  defray  the  expense  of  an 
exploration  of  the  AUeghenies,  then  popularly  believed  to  be 
impassable,  for  the  purpose  of  discovering  a  passage  to  the  valley 
beyond.  Gov.  Spottswood  led  the  expedition  in  person.  A  prac- 
ticable pass  was  discovered,  a  route  was  marked  out  for  future 
emigrants,  and  the  party  returned  to  Williamsburg.  There,  as  a 
memorial  of  the  event,  Spottswood  CKtablisbed  the  "Transmontane 
Order,  or  Knights  of  the  Golden  Horse  Shoe,"  conferred  the  honor 
of  this  novel  knighthood  on  each  of  the  companions  of  his  expedi- 
tion, and,  in  allusion  to  the  horse  shoes  they  used,  which  were  not 
employed  in  the  sandy  soil  of  Eastern  Virginia,  he  gave,  as  the 
badge  of  the  order,  a  golden  horse  shoe,  inscribed  with  the  motto, 
"Sic  jurat  irameendere  rnmies"  With  more  wisdom,  he  pre- 
sented a  memorial  to  the  English  government,  in  which,  with  great 
force  and  acuteness,  he  exposed  the  French  scheme  of  military  occu- 
pation, foretold  the  course  they  would  pursue  in  the  effort  to  limit 
the  English  colonies  to  the  Atlantic  coast,  and  advised  the  building 
of  a  chain  of  forts  across  to  the  Ohio,  and  the  formation  of  settle- 
ments to  counteract  them.  lil'othing  was  done  to  carry  out  his 
saggestions,  his  recall  prevented  him  from  prosecuting  his  favorite 
plans,  and  the  subject  was  lost  sight  of  under  the  pressure  of  other 
a&irs.  Forty  years  later,  the  British  colonies  had  occasion  to 
remember  the  policy  of  Governor  Spottswood,  and  to  regret  that 
it  was  so  thoughtlessly  abandoned. 

Individuals,  however,  firom  time  to  time  passed  into  the  valley, 
for  the  purposes  of  trade  or  location.  There  are  vague  accounts 
that  English  traders  were  known  on  the  Ohio  as  early,  perhaps,  as 
1780.  In  1742,  John  Howard  crossed  the  mountains  from  Vir* 
ginia,  descended  the  Ohio  in  a  skin  canoe,  and  was  taken  prisoner 
by  the  French  on  the  Mississippi.  Soon  after  that  time  traders 
undoubtedly  began  to  flock  thither  from  Virginia  and  Pennsyl- 
vania.   In  1748,  Conrad  Weiser,*  a  German  of  Herenberg,  who 


*  Early  HUtory  of  Pennsylranla,  App.  10. 


96 


WEIBER  TKBATS  WITH  INMAITS  AT  LOASTOWIT. 


1748. 


had  in  earlj  life  aoqvired  the  Mohawk  tongne,  hj  a  resideace 
among  them,  was  sent  on  an  emhassy  to  the  Slwwaneee,  on  the 
Ohio.  Mr.  Weiser  proceeded  to  Logatown,*  a  Shawanee  Tillage 
on  the  north  side  of  the  Ohio,  seventeen  miles  helow  the  site  of 
nttshurgh,  where  he  met  the  chiefe  of  the  tribe,  delivered  presents 
to  them,  and  received  assaranoes  of  their  suppwt  against  tiie  French. 

Bat  the  principal  ground  of  claim  of  the  British  to  the  country 
west  of  the  Alleghenies,  was  by  treaties  of  purchase  from  the 
"  Five  Nations,"  or  Iroquois.  This  was  the  only  confederacy  of 
Indian  tribes  that  deserved  the  name  of  government  in  this  part  of 
North  America,  They  had  the  rude  elements  of  a  confederated 
republic,  and  they  were  the  conquerors  of  most  of  the  other  tribes 
from  Lower  Canada  to  the  Mississippi,  and  even  beyond.  Different 
from  the  policy  of  all  the  other  tribes,  they  left  the  conquered 
nations  to  manage  their  own  internal  affiiirs  as  they  might  choose, 
but  exacted  tributes,  and  especially  claimed  the  right  as  conquerors 
to  dispose  of  their  country.  On  this  right  the  Five  Nations  sold, 
in  treaty  with  the  British  authorities,  the  country  on  the  Ohio, 
including  Western  Virginia,  and  Kentucky,  a  large  part  of  Illinois, 
and  the  conntry  along  the  northern  lakes  into  Fpper  Canada. 

Waiving  for  the  present  all  questions  as  to  the  justice  of  their 
claims,  it  is  a  fact  now  fully  established,  that  this  confederacy  did 
set  np  claims  to  the  whole  country  now  embraced  in  Kentueky  and 
Western  Virginia  north  of  the  Cherokee  claims,  and  the  North- 
western Territory,  except  a  district  in  Ohio  and  Indiana,  and  a 
small  section  in  Southwestern  Illinois,  which  was  claimed  and 
held  by  the  Miami  confederacy. 

In  1684,  Lord  Howard,  Governor  of  Vii>^nia,  held  a  treaty  with 
the  Five  Nations,  at  Albany,  when,  at  the  request  of  Colonel 
Dungau,  Governor  of  New  York,  they  placed  themselves  under 
the  protection  of  the  British  nation.f  They  made  a  deed  of  sale, 
by  treaty,  to  the  British  government  of  a  vast  tract  of  country 
south  and  east  of  the  Illinois  river,  and  extending  across  Lake 
Huron  into  Canada.  Another  fonual  deed  was  drawn  up,  and 
signed  by  the  chiefs  of  the  national  confederacy  in  1726,  by  which 
their  lands  were  conveyed  in  trust  to  England,  "  to  be  protected 


*  Welter's  Journal.    Eftrly  History  of  PennsylT»ni».  App.  12. 
t  "Plain  Facts,"— PhiladelphU,  1781,  pp.  22,  28. 


1744. 


TRBATT  WITH  THB  IROQUOIS  AT  LAKOASTBR. 


97 


and  defended  by  hii  migesty,  to  and  for  the  nse  of  the  grantors 
and  their  heirs."* 

If  the  Six  Nations  had  a  good  claim  to  the  western  country^ 
there  conld  be  bat  little  doubt  that  England  was  justified  in  defend- 
ing  that  country  against  the  French,  as  France,  by  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht,  had  agreed  not  to  invade  the  lands  of  Britun's  Indian 
allies.  This  claim  of  the  New  York  savages  has  been  disputed ; 
but  the  evidence  nevertheless  is  very  strong,  that,  before  1680,  the 
Six  Nations  had  overrun  the  western  lands,  and  were  dreaded  from 
Lakes  Erio  "-  **  Michigan  to  the  Ohio,  and  west  to  the  Mississippi. 
In  1678,  Aliouez  and  Dablon  found  the  Miamis  upon  Lake  Michi- 
gan,  fearing  a  visit  from  the  Iroquois.  In  1680,  La  Salle  found 
them  on  the  Illinois.  The  upper  Ohio  was  called  by  the  early 
French  the  river  of  the  Iroquois;  and  was  long  unexplored  for 
fear  of  their  hostility.  And  the  evidence  from  many  sources  is 
conclusive,  that  the  Iroquois  confederacy,  rendered  strong  by  the 
arms  they  received  from  the  Dutch  of  New  York,  overran  not  only 
the  regions  north  and  south  of  their  original  seats,  but  that  they^ 
during  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  extended  their 
conquests  and  incursions  to  the  Mississippi.  But  they  retained  no 
fixed  possession  of  the  regions  they  had  thus  overrun,  and,  indeed, 
through  the  influence  of  the  French  over  the  western  tribes,  and 
with  the  aid  of  the  arms  they  fiimished  to  them,  confederacies 
were  formed  against  the  Iroquois;  they  were  confined  within  nar- 
rower  limits,  and  their  title  to  such  extended  regions,  if  it  ever 
existed,  was  extinguished. 

Bat  some  of  the  western  lands  were  also  claimed  by  the  British, 
as  having  actually  been  purchased.  This  purchase  was  said  to  have 
been  made  at  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania,  in  1744,  when  a  treaty  was 
held  between  the  colonists  and  the  Six  Nations,  relative  to  some 
alleged  settlements  that  had  been  made  upon  the  Indian  lands  in 
Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  and  Maryland ;  of  which  there  is  a  veiy 
good  and  graphic  account,  written  by  Witham  Marshe,  who  went 
as  secretary  with  the  commissioners  for  Maryland.  The  Maryland 
commissioners  reached  Lancaster  upon  the  21st  of  June,  before 
either  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania,  the  Virginia  commissioners^ 
or  the  Indians  had  arrived;  though  all  but  the  natives  came  that 
evening. 


•  This  may  be  fonnd  «t  length  in  PownaU'e  "  Administrfttion  of  the  Colonies,"  fourth 
edition. 


98 


TRIATT  or  LAMOABTBR. 


1744. 


The  next  forenoon  wore  wearily  away,  and  all  were  glad  to  bU 
down,  at  one  o'clock,  to  a  dinner  in  the  court-house,  which  the 
Virginians  gave  their  friends,  and  from  '^vhich  not  many  were 
drawn,  even  hy  the  arrival  of  the  Indians,  who  came,  to  the  num- 
ber of  two  hundred  and  fifty-two,  with  squaws  and  little  children 
on  horseback,  and  with  their  fire-arms,  and  bows  and  arrows,  and 
tomahawks,  and,  as  they  passed  the  court-house,  invited  the  white 
men  with  a  song  to  renew  their  former  treaties.  On  the  outskirts 
of  the  town,  vacant  lots  had  been  chosen  for  the  savages  to  build 
their  wigwams  upon,  and  thither  they  marched  on,  with  Conrad 
Weiser,  their  friend  and  interpreter,*  while  the  Virginians  "  drank 
the  loyal  healths,"  and  finished  their  entertainment.  A  scene  of 
festivity  and  drunkenness  of  the  Indians  followed,  which  continued 
at  intervals  for  several  days.  It  appears,  however,  in  Marshe's 
journal,  that  the  chiefs  "  narrowly  scanned"  the  goods  paid  by  the 
commissioners  of  Maryland  for  the  lands  that  colony  purchased, 
amounting  to  £220,  Pennsylvania  currency.  The  commissioners 
of  Virginia  paid  £200  in  gold,  and  a  like  sum  in  goods,  with  a 
promise  that  as  settlements  increased  more  should  be  paid.  The 
commissioners  from  Virginia,  at  this  treaty  of  Lancaster,  were  Col. 
Thomas  Lee  and  Gol.  William  Beverly. 

Such  was  the  treaty  of  Lancaster,  upon  which,  as  a  comer-stone, 
the  claim  of  the  colonists  to  the  West,  by  purchase,  rested ;  and 
upon  this,  and  the  grant  from  the  Six  ^Nations,  Great  Britain  relied 
in  all  subsequent  steps. 

The  Shawanee  Indians,  on  the  Ohio,  who  had  long  shown  symp- 
toms of  disaffection  to  the  English,  and  subserviency  to  the  French 
cause,  now  openly  assumed  a  hostile  character.  Peter  Ghartiez,  a 
half-blood  and  trader,  was  a  French  spy,  who  dwelt  chiefly  in  Phi- 
ladelphia. In  1748,  he  endeavored  to  engage  the  Shawanees  in 
war  with  the  Six  Nations.  This  offense  was  overlooked  by  the 
Pennsylvania  government,  from  an  apprehension  that  his  punish- 
ment would  serve  as  a  pretext  for  violence  to  their  traders ;  but 
being  reprimanded  by  Governor  Thomas,  for  some  other  impro- 
priely,  he  became  alarmed,  fled  to  the  Shawanees,  and  persuaded 
them  to  declare  for  the  French.  Soon  after,  at  the  head  of  four 
hundred  of  their  warriors,  he  lay  in  wfut  on  the  Allegheny  river 
for  the  provincial  traders,  captured  two  of  them,  and,  exhibiting  a 
captain's  commission  from  France,  seized  their  property  to  the 
value  of  sixteen  hundred  pounds. 


*  Early  History  of  PeniuylTania. 


1748. 


OBIO  OOMPANT. 


99 


As  settlements  extended,  and  the  Indians  became  more  hostile, 
the  promise  of  further  pay  was  called  to  mind,  and  Weiser  was 
sent  across  the  AUeghenies  to  Logstown,  in  1748,  with  presents, 
to  conciliate  them;  and  to  soand  them,  probably,  as  to  their 
feeling  with  regard  to  large  settlements  in  the  West,  which  some 
Virginians,  with  Col.  Thomas  Lee,  the  Lancaster  commissioner,  at 
their  head,  were  then  contemplating.    The  object  of  these  propo- 
sed settlements,  was  not  the  cultivation  of  the  soil,  but  the  monopoly 
of  the  Indian  trade,  which,  with  all  its  profits,  had  till  Hiat  time 
been  in  the  hands  of  unprincipled  men,  half  civilized,  half  savage, 
who,  through  the  Iroquois,  had  from  the  earliest  period  penetrated 
to  the  lakes  of  Oanada,  and  competed  everywhere  with  the  French 
for  skins  and  furs.    It  was  now  proposed  in  Virginia,  to  supersede 
these  beyond  the  mountains,  by  means  of  a  great  company,  which 
should  hold  lands  and  build  trading-houses,  import  European 
goods  regularly,  and  export  the  furs  of  the  West,  in  return,  to 
London.    Accordingly,  after  Weiser's  conference  with  the  Indians 
at  Logstown,  which  was  favorable  to  their  views,  Thomas  Lee, 
with  twelve  other  Virginians,  ameng  whom  were  Lawrence  and 
Augustine,  brothers  of  George  Washington,  and  also  Mr.  Hanbury, 
of  London,  formed  an  association  which  they  called  the  "  Ohio 
Company,"  and  in  1748,  petitioned  the  king  for  a  grant  beyond 
the  mountains.    This  petition  was  approved  by  the  monarch,  and 
the  government  of  Virginia  was  ordered  to  grant  to  the  petitioners 
half  a  million  of  acres  within  the  bounds  of  that  colony,  beyond 
the  AUeghenies,  two  hundred  thousand  of  which  were  to  be  locate  ] 
at  once.    This  portion  was  to  be  held  for  ten  years,  free  of  quit- 
rent,  provided  the  company  would  put  there  one  hundred  families 
within  seven  years,  and  build  a  fort  sufficient  to  protect  the  settle- 
ment; all  which  the  company  proposed,  and  prepared  to  do  at 
once,  and  sent  to  London  for  a  cargo  suited  to  the  Indian  trade, 
which  was  to  come  out  so  as  to  arrive  in  November,  1749. 

Other  companies  were  also  formed  about  this  time  in  Virginia, 
to  colonize  the  West.  Upon  the  12th  of  June,  1749,  a  grant  of 
800,000  acres,  from  the  line  of  Canada,  on  the  north  and  west,  was 
made  to  the  Loyal  Company;  and,  upon  the  29lh  of  October, 
1751,  another  of  100,000  acres  to  the  Greenbriar  Company. 

But  the  French  were  not  blind  all  this  while.  They  saw,  that 
if  the  British  once  obtfuned  a  strong  hold  upon  the  Ohio,  they  might 
not  only  prevent  their  settlements  upon  it,  but  must  at  last  come 
upon  their  lower  posts,  and  so  the  battle  be  fought  sooner  or  later. 


100 


OILBRON  BURIU  MIDALS  ALONO  OHIO. 


1740. 


To  the  danger  of  the  English  poMMUons  in  the  West,  Vaudreoil, 
the  French  governor,  had  been  long  alive.  Upon  the  10th  of  May, 
1744,  he  wrote  home  representing  the  consequences  that  most 
oome  from  allowing  the  British  to  build  a  trading-house  among  the 
Creeks;  ahd,  in  November,  1748,  he  anticipated  their  seizure  of 
Fort  Prudhomme,  which  was  upon  the  Mississippi  below  the  Ohio. 
Nor  was  it  for  mere  sickly  missionary  stations  that  the  governor 
feared;  for^  in  the  year  last  named,  the  niinois  settlements,  few  as 
they  were,  sent  flour  and  com,  the  hams  of  hogs  and  bears,  pickled 
pork  and  beef,  myrtle  wax,  cotton,  tallow,  leather,  tobacco,  lead, 
iron,  copper,  some  little  buflalo  wool,  venison,  poultiy,  bear's 
grease,  oil,  skins,  and  coarse  fiirs  to  the  New  Orleans  market 
Even  in  1746,  from  five  to  six  hundred  barrels  of  flour,  according 
to  one  authority,  and  two  thousand  according  to  another,  went 
thither  fiY)m  Illinois,  convoys  annually  going  down  in  December 
with  the  produce.  Having  these  fears,  and  seeing  the  danger  of 
the  late  movements  of  the  British,  Gallisoniere,  then  governor  of 
Canada,  determined  to  place  along  the  Ohio,  evidences  of  the 
French  claim  to,  and  possession  of  the  country;  and  for  that 
purpose,  in  the  summer  of  1749,  sent  Louis  Celeron  with  a  party 
of  soldiers,  to  place  plates  of  lead,  on  which  were  written  the  claims 
of  France,  in  the  mounds,  and  at  the  mouths  of  the  rivers. 

One  of  these  plates  was  found  at  the  mouth  of  the  Muskingum ; 
another  at  Venango.  The  following  is  a  translation  of  the  inscrip- 
tion on  the  latter: 

"hx  the  year  1749,  reign  of  Louis  XV.,  King  of  France,  we, 
Celeron,  commandant  of  a  detachment  by  Monsieur  the  Marquis 
of  Gallisoniere,  commander-in-chief  of  New  France,  to  establish 
tranquillity  in  certain  Indian  villages  of  these  cantons,  have  buried 
this  plate  at  the  confluence  of  the  Toradakoin,  this  twenty-ninth 
of  July,  near  the  Biver  Ohio,  otherwise  Beautiful  River,  as  a 
monument  of  renewal  of  possession  which  we  have  taken  of  the 
said  river,  and  all  its  tributaries;  and  of  all  the  land  on  both  sides, 
as  far  as  the  sources  of  said  rivers;  inasmuch  as  the  preceding 
Kings  of  France  have  enjoyed  it,  and  maintained  it  by  their  arms 
and  by  treaties;  especially  by  those  of  Ryswick,  Utrecht,  and  Aix 
La  Cbapelle." 

The  claim  of  England  and  her  colonies  to  the  same  re^on,  was 
thus  stated:*    "That  all  the  lands,  or  countries  Westward  from 


«  Colonial  R«oord«  of  ^eniuylvuik. 


1768. 


Diposmov  Of  oormr. 


101 


iho  Atlantic  Ooean  to  the  Soath  Bea,  between  48  and  84  degrees 
North  Latitude,  were  expressly  inolnded  in  the  grant  of  King 
James  the  First,  to  dirers  of  his  Subjects,  so  long  since  as  the  year 
1606,  and  afterwards  confirmed  in  1620 ;  and  under  this  grant,  the 
Colony  of  Yir^nia  claims  extent  so  fur  West  as  the  South  Sea,  and 
the  ancient  Golonies  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  andOonnectiout,  were 
by  their  respective  charters  made  to  extend  to  the  said  South  Sea, 
so  that  not  only  the  right  to  the  Sea  Coast,  but  to  all  the  Inland 
Countries  fk-om  Sea  to  Sea,  has  *t  all  times  been  asserted  by  the 
Crown  of  England." 

To  make  good  their  title  to  the  lands  which  they  had  in  this 
manner  claimed,  the  French  made  early  and  vigorous  efforts  to 
occupy,  and  fortify  themselves  in  the  Ohio  valley.  The  nature  and 
extent  of  these  efforts  maybe  inferred  firom  a  deposition  of  Stephen 
Coffen,  who  was  for  a  time  a  prisoner  among  them,  made  on  the 
10th  of  January,  1764,  to  Col.  Johnston,  at  New  York.  Aside  from 
the  information  it  contains,  it  is  an  interesting  specimen  of  the 
style  of  the  olden  time. 

"Stephen  Coffen  of  full  age  being  duly  sworn  depoeeth  and 
saith :  that  ho  was  taken  Prisoner  by  the  French  and  Indians  of 
Canada  at  Menis,  in  the  Year  1747,  under  the  Command  of  Mf\jor 
Noble,  from  whence  he  was  brought  to  an  Indian  Village  called 
Actagouche  about  Fifteen  Leagues  to  the  Westward  of  Ohebucta, 
where  he  was  kept  three  Weeks  Prisoner;  fh>m  thence  was  carried 
to  a  French  Settlement  called  Beanbasin,  where  the  French  had  a 
Wooden  Fort  then  Qarrisoned  with  Twenty*Five  Men ;  remained 
there  Two  Months;  from  thence  they  took  him  to  Oaspey,  a  con- 
uderable  Fishing  place  in  the  Gulf  of  Saint  Lawrence,  near  to  the 
Entrance  of  the  River;  there  are  about  Three  Hundred  Families 
settled  there;  they  kept  him  there  working  near  Four  Years;  then 
he  was  brought  to  a  place  called  Ramouski,  inhabited  by  about 
Twenty-Five  French  Families,  from  which  Place  he  sailed  two 
Years  to  and  from  Quebec  in  a  Sloop  carrying  Beaver  and  Fnrrs, 
Salmon,  t^  to  Quebec,  and  in  return  brought  back  Brandy,  "Dry 
Goods,  kr-;  during  the  Time  of  the  Deponent's  residing  at  Quebec 
he  said  it  was  commonly  talked  or  reported  that  they  the  French 
intended  to  settie  as  many  Families  as  they  could  to  the  Westward, 
to  make  up  for  the  Loss  of  Two  of  their  Towns  sunk  in  the  West 
Indies  by  an  Earthquake.  The  Deponent  farther  saith  that  the 
Navigation  up  the  Biver  Saint  Lawrence  is  very  dangerous,  parties^ 
larly  so  at  the  Isle  anx  Coudres  and  the  Isle  Orleans;  the  North 
Kde  of  the  former  is  the  best  Navigation,  the  South  Side  being  very 


102 


DBPoemow  or  ooftiir. 


1768. 


rapid  and  roolqp,  and  the  Channel  not  ahore  Two  Hundred  Yards 
wide,  abont  six  Fathom  Water,  whereas  in  the  North  Ohannol  there 
is  Fifteen  Fathom;  at  the  North  East  End  of  the  latter  begin  Two 
Sand  Banks,  which  extend  a  League  down  said  River;  the  Channel 
is  between  both  Banks,  and  pretty  near  the  Middle  of  the  River, 
from  thenoe  to  the  Town  of  Quebec  good  Navigation,  being  Fifteen 
Fathom  all  the  Way.  The  Deponent  says  there  is  no  possibility 
of  going  up  uHd  River  without  the  Tide  serves  or  a  strong  North- 
East  Wind,  especially  at  the  Two  aforementioned  Islands.  In 
September,  1762,  the  Deponent  was  in  Quebec  and  endeavoring  to 
agree  with  some  Indians  to  convey  him  to  his  own  country.  New 
England,  which  tlie  Indians  acquainted  the  Oovemor  of,  who  im> 
mediately  ordered  him  to  Goal,  where  he  lay  three  Months.  At  the 
Time  of  his  Releasement  the  French  were  preparing  for  a  March  to 
Belle  Riviere,  or  Ohio,  when  he  offered  his  Service,  but  was 
rejected  by  the  Governor  General  Le  Cain.  He  the  said  General 
setting  out  for  Mont  Real  about  the  Third  of  January,  1768,  to 
view  and  forward  the  Forces;  the  Deponent  applied  to  Mi^or  Ram- 
say for  Liberty  to  go  with  the  Army  to  Ohio,  who  told  him  he 
would  ask  the  Lieutenant  De  Rouy,  who  agreed  to  it,  upon  which 
he  was  equipped  as  a  Soldier  and  sent  with  a  Detachment  of  Three 
Hundred  Men  to  Montreal,  under  the  Command  or  Monsieur  Ba- 
beer,  who  set  off  immediately  with  said  Command  by  Land  and  Ice 
for  Lake  Erie;  they  in  their  Way  stopped  a  couple  of  Days  to 
refresh  themselves  at  Cadarahqui  Fort,  also  at  Taranto  on  the 
North  side  of  Lake  Ontario,  then  at  Niagara  Fort  Fifteen  Days ; 
from  thence  set  off  by  Water,  being  April,  and  arrived  at  Chada- 
koin,  on  Lake  Erie,  where  they  were  ordered  to  fell  Timber  and 
prepare  it  for  building  a  Fort  there  according  to  the  Governor's 
Instructions ;  but  Mr.  Morang  coming  up  with  Five  Hundred  Men 
and  Twenty  Indians  put  a  Stop  to  the  erecting  a  Fort  at  that  Place 
by  reason  of  his  not  liking  the  Situation,  and  the  River  of  Chada- 
koina  being  too  shallow  to  carry  any  Craft  with  Provisions,  &***  to 
Belle  Riviere.  The  Deponent  says  there  arose  a  warm  Debate 
between  Messieurs  Babeer  and  Morang  thereon,  the  first  insisting 
on  building  a  Fort  there  agreeable  to  his  Instructions,  otherwise 
on  Morang's  giving  him  an  Instrument  in  Writing  to  satisfy  the 
Governor  in  that  Point,  which  Morang  did,  and  then  ordered  Moo* 
sienr  Meroie,  who  was  both  Commissary  and  Engineer,  to  go  along 
said  Lake  and  look  for  a  good  Situation,  which  he  found  and  re- 
turned in  three  days,  it  being  Fifteen  Leagues  to  the  South-West 
of  Chadakoin;  they  were  then  all  ordered  to  repair  thither;  whei^ 


1768. 


DBPORITION  or  OOrFBV. 


108 


thej  arrived  there  were  about  Twenty  Indians  Ashing  in  the  Lake, 
who  immediately  quit  it  on  seeing  the  French;  they  fell  to  Work 
and  bnilt  a  square  Fort  of  Ohesnnt  Logs,  squared  and  lapped  over 
each  other  to  the  Height  of  Fifteen  Feet,  it  is  abont  one  hundred 
and  twenty  square — a  Log  House  in  each  Square— a  Gate  to  the 
Southward  and  another  to  the  Northward,  not  one  Port  Hole  out  in 
any  Part  of  it  when  finished — ^they  called  it  Fort  Lt  Frttqm  Isle. 
The  Indians  who  came  from  Oanada  with  them  returned  very 
much  out  of  Temper,  owing  as  it  was  said  among  the  Army  to 
Morang's  dogged  Behavior  and  ill  Usage  of  them  (but  they  the 
Indians  said  at  Oswego  it  was  owing  to  the  French's  misleading 
them  by  telling  them  Falsehoods,  which  they  said  they  had  now 
found  out)  and  left  them.  As  soon  as  the  Fort  was  finished  they 
marched  Southward,  cutting  a  Waggon  Boad  through  a  fine  level 
Country  twenty-one  Miles  to  the  Biver  auz  Bceufs  (leaving  Cap- 
tain Derponteney  with  an  hundred  Men  to  garrison  the  Fort  La 
Briske  Isle);  they  fell  to  Work  cutting  Timber,  Boards,  &**^for 
another  Fort,  while  Mr.  Morang  ordered  Monsieur  Bite  with  Fifty- 
Men  to  a  Place  called  by  the  Indians  Ganagarahhare,  or  the  Banks 
of  Belle  Riviere,  where  the  River  anx  Bceufs  empties  into  it;  in  the 
meantime  Morang  had  Ninety  large  Boats  or  Battoes  made  to  carry 
down  the  Baggage  and  Provisions,  &**^  to  said  Place.  Monsieur 
Bite  on  coming  to  said  Indian  Place  was  asked  what  he  wanted  or 
intended.  He,  upon  answering  it  was  their  Father  the  Governor 
of  Canada's  Intention  to  build  a  Trading  House  for  their  and  all 
their  Brethren's  Conveniency,  was  told  by  the  Indians  that  the 
Lands  were  their's,  and  that  they  would  not  have  them  build  upon 
it  The  said  Monsieur  Bite  returning,  met  two  Englishmen,  Tra- 
ders, with  their  Horses  and  Goods,  whom  they  Bound  and  brought 
Prisoners  to  Morang,  who  ordered  them  to  Canada  in  Irons.  The 
said  Bite  reported  to  Morang  the  Situation  was  good,  but  the  Wa- 
ter in  the  River  aux  Boeuf  too  low  at  that  time  to  carry  down  any 
Craft  with  Provisions,  &*•;  a  few  Days  after  the  deponent  says  that 
about  one  hundred  Indians  called  by  the  French  the  Loos,  came 
to  the  Fort  La  Riviere  aux  Boeuff  to  see  what  the  French  were 
doing;  that  Monsieur  Morang  treated  them  very  kindly,  and  then 
asked  th«m  to  carry  down  some  Stores,  &"*•  to  the  Belle  Riviere 
on  Horseback  for  Payment,  which  he  immediately  advanced  them 
on  their  undertaking  to  do  it  They  set  off  with  full  Loads,  but 
never  delivered  them  to  the  French,  which  incensed  them  very 
much,  being  not  only  a  Loss  but  a  great  Disappointment  Mo- 
rang, a  man  of  a  very  peevish,  cbolerick  Disposition,  meeting  with 


104 


DEPOSITION  OF  00F7KN. 


1758. 


those  and  other  Grosses,  and  finding  the  Season  of  the  Year  too 
far  advanced  to  build  the  Third  Fort,  called  all  his  Officers  together 
and  told  them  that  as  he  had  engaged  and  firmly  promised  the 
Governor  to  finish  the  Three  Forts  that  Season,  and  not  being  able 
to  fulfil  the  same  was  both  Afraid  and  Ashamed  to  return  to  Can- 
ada, being  sensible  he  had  now  forfeited  the  Governor's  Favour  for 
ever;  wherefore  rather  than  live  in  Disgrace  he  begged  they  would 
take  him  (as  he  then  sat  in  a  Carriage  made  for  him,  being  veiy 
Sick  some  time)  and  seat  him  in  the  middle  of  the  Fort  and  then 
set  Fire  to  it  and  let  him  perish  in  the  Flames,  which  was  rejected 
by  the  Officers,  who  (the  Deponent  says)  had  not  the  least  regard 
for  him,  as  he  had  behaved  very  ill  to  them  all  in  general.    The 
Deponent  further  Saith  that  about  eight  Days  before  he  left  the 
Fort  La  Briske  Isle,  Chevalier  Le  Crake  arrived  Express  from 
Canada  in  a  Birch  Canoe  worked  by  Ten  Men,  with  Orders  (as  the 
Deponent  afterwards  heard)  from  the  Governor  Le  Cain  to  Morang 
to  make  all  the  Preparation  possible  against  the  Spring  of  the  Year 
to  build  them  Two  Forts  at  Chadokoin  one  of  them  by  Lake  Erie 
the  other  at  the  End  of  the  CarryiAg  Place  at  Lake  Chadokoin, 
which  Carrying  Place  is  Fifteen  Miles  from  one  Lake  to  the  Other. 
The  said  Chevalier  brought  for  Monsieur  Morang  a  Cross  of  Saint 
Louis  which  the  Best  of  the  Officers  would  not  allow  him  to  take 
uutil  the  Governor  was  acquainted  of  his  Conduct  and  Beha- 
viour.   The  Chevalier  returned  immediately  to  Canada.    After 
which,  the  Deponent  saith,  when  the  Fort  La  Riviere  aux  Bceufs 
was  finished  (which  is  built  of  "Wood  Stockadoed  Triangularwise. 
and  has  Two  Log  Houses  in  the  inside).  Monsieur  Morang  ordered 
all  the  Party  to  return  to  Canada  for  the  Winter  Season  except 
Three  Hundred  Men  which  he  kept  to  Garrison  both  Forts  and 
prepare  Materials  against  the  Spring  for  the  building  other  Forts. 
He  also  sent  Jean  Coeur,  an  Officer  and  Literpreter,  to  stay  the 
Winter  among  the  Indians  on  Ohio,  in  order  to  prevail  with  them 
not  only  to  allow  the  Building  Forts  on  their  Lands,  but  also  to 
perswade  them  if  possible  to  join  the  French  Interest  against  the 
English.    The  Deponent  further  saith  that  on  the  twenty  eighth  of 
October  last  he  set  off  for  Canada  under  the  Command  of  Captain 
Deman,  who  had  the  Command  of  twenty  two  Battoes  with  twenty 
Men  in  each  Battoe,  the  Remainder  being  Seven  Hundred  and 
Sixty  Men  followed  in  a  few  Days,  the  thirtieth  arrived  at  Chada- 
koin,  where  they  stayed  four  Days,  during  which  Time  Monsieur 
Peon  with  Two  Hundred  Men  cut  a  Waggon  Road  over  the  Car- 
lying  Place  from  Lake  Erie  to  Lake  Chadakoin,  being  fifteen 


1750. 


gist's  EZPEornoir. 


105 


Miles,  viewed  the  Sitaation,  which  proved  to  their  liking,  so  set  off 
November  the  Third  for  Niagara  where  We  arrived  the  Sixth.  It 
is  a  very  poor  rotten  old  Wooden  Fort  with  Twenty-Five  Men  in 
it,  they  talked  of  rebuilding  it  next  Summer.  We  left  Fifty  Men 
there  to  build  Battoes  for  the  Army  against  the  Spring,  also  a  Store 
House  for  Provisions,  Stores,  A*^  staid  here  two  Days,  then  set  off 
for  Canada.  All  Hands  being  fatigued  with  rowing  all  night, 
ordered  to  put  ashore  to  Breakfast  within  a  Mile  of  Oswego  Garri- 
son. At  which  Time  the  Deponent  saith  that  He  with  a  French- 
man slipped  off  and  got  to  the  Fort,  where  they  were  both  concealed 
until  the  Army  passed ;  from  thence  he  came  here.  The  Deponent 
further  saith  that  beside  the  Three  Hundred  Men  with  which  he 
went  up  first  under  the  Command  of  Monsieur  Babeer,  and  the 
Five  Hundred  Men  Morang  brought  up  afterwards,  there  came  at 
different  Times  with  Stores,  &**^  Seven  Hundred  more,  which  made 
in  all  Fifteen  Hundred  Men,  Three  Hundred  of  which  remained  to 
Garrison  the  Two  Forts,  Fifty  at  Niagara,  the  Rest  all  returned  to 
Canada,  and  talked  of  going  up  again  this  Winter,  so  as  to  be 
there  the  beginning  of  April.  They  had  Two  Six  Pounders  and 
Seven  Four  Pounders  which  they  intended  to  have  planted  in  the 
Fort  at  Ganagarahhare,  which  was  to  have  been  called  the  Gover- 
nor's Fort,  but  as  that  was  not  built  they  left  the  Guns  in  the  Fort 
La  Riviere  aux  Boeufs,  where  Morang  commands;  further  the  De- 
ponent saith  not" 

Thus  the  issue  between  the  French  and  English  was  made  up. 
It  admitted  no  compromise,  but  the  arbitrament  of  the  sword.  To 
that,  however,  neither  party  desired  an  immediate  appeal,  but  both 
sought  rather  to  establish  and  fortify  their  interests,  and  to  concili- 
ate the  Indian  tribes.  In  the  fall  of  1750,  the  Ohio  Company  sent 
out  Christopher  Gist  to  explore  the  regions  west  of  the  mountains. 
He  was  instructed  to  examine  the  passes,  to  trace  the  courses  of  the 
rivers,  to  mark  the  falls,  to  seek  for  valuable  lands,  to  observe  the 
strength,  and  to  conciliate  the  friendship  of  the  Indian  tribes.  He 
visited  Logstown,  wJiere  he  was  received  with  jealousy,  passed  over 
to  the  Muskingum,  where  he  found  a  village  of  the  Ottawas  friendly 
to  the  French,  and  a  village  of  the  Wyandots  divided  in  sentiment. 
There  he  met  Croghan,  who  had  been  sent  out  by  Pennsylvania, 
and  in  concert  they  held  a  council  with  the  chiefs,  and  received 
assurance  of  the  friendship  of  the  tribe.  Next,  they  passed  to  the 
Shawaneo  towns  on  the  Scioto,  received  assurances  of  friendship 
from  them,  and  then  crossed  the  Miami  valley.    "Nothing,"  said 

0 


lOtf 


ENGLISH  TRADERS  BXPBLLBD. 


1762. 


they,  "is  wanting  bat  cultivation-  to  make  it  a  most  delightful 
country."  They  crossed  the  Great  Miami  on  a  raft  of  logs,  and 
visited  Piqua,  the  chief  town  of  the  Pickawillanies,  and  here  they 
made  treaties  with  the  Piquas  and  representatives  of  the  Weas 
(Ouias,)  and  Piankeshaws.  While  there,  a  deputation  of  the  Otta- 
was  appeared  to  solicit  an  alliance  of  the  Miami  confederacy  with 
the  French.  They  were  repulsed,  however,  by  the  address  and 
promises  of  the  English  agents,  and  the  chiefs  of  the  tribe  sent 
back  a  message  with  Gist,  that  their  friendship  should  stand  like 
the  mountains.  Croghan  returned,  Gist  followed  the  Miami  to  its 
mouth,  passed  down  th^  Ohio  river  until  within  fifteen  miles  of  the 
falls,  then  returned  by  way  of  the  Kentucky  river,  and  over  the 
highlands  of  Kentuclqr  to  Virginia,  in  May,  1761,  having  visited 
the  Mingoes,  Delawares,  Wyandots,  Shawanees  and  Miamis,  pro- 
posed a  union  among  these  tribes,  and  appointed  a  general  council 
at  Logstown,  to  form  an  alliance  among  themselves  and  with 
Virginia. 

Meanwhile,  some  traders  had  established  themselves  at  Lari- 
mie's  store,  or  Pickawillany,*  some  forty-seven  miles  north  of  the 
site  of  Dayton,  Ohio.  A  party  of  French  and  their  Ottawa  and 
Chippewa  allies  demanded  them  of  the  Miamis  as  unauthorized 
intruders  on  French  lands.  The  Miamis  refused,  a  battle  ensued, 
fourteen  of  them  were  killed,  the  traders  were  taken  aud  carried  to 
Canada,  or,  as  one  account  says,  burned.  It  is  probable  those 
traders  were  from  Pennsylvania,  since  that  province  made  a  gift  of 
condolence  to  the  Twigtwees  for  those  slain  in  their  defense. 

Blood  had  now  been  shed,  and  both  parties  became  more  deeply 
interested  in  the  progress  of  events  in  tbe  West  The  English,  on 
their  part,  determined  to  purchase  from  the  Indians  a  title  to  the 
lands  they  wished  to  occupy,  and,  in  th,e  spring  of  1762,  Messrs. 
Fry,  Lomax  and  Patton,  wer6  sent  from  Virginia  to  hold  a  confer- 
ence with  the  natives  at  Logstown,  to  learn  what  they  objected  to 
in  the  treaty  of  Lancaster,  of  which  it  was  said  they  complained, 
and  to  settle  all  difficulties.  On  the  9th  of  June,  the  commissioners 
met  the  red  men  at  Logstown,  a  little  village,  seventeen  miles  below 
Pittsburgh,  upon  the  right  bank  of  the  Ohio  descending.  It  had  loug 
been  a  trading  point,  but  had  been  abandoned  by  the  Indians  in 
1760.  Here  the  Lancaster  treaty  was  produced,  and  the  sales  of 
the  western  lands  insisted  upon;  but  the  chiefs  said  that  "they  had 


*  Others  affirm  that  this  murder  of  the  English  traders  was  committed  at  a  post  on 
the  Manmce,  and  others  oa  the  Allegheny.    There  is  no  certainty  as  to  the  spot. 


1752. 


TRBATT  OF  L0G8T0WN. 


107 


not  heard  of  any  sale  west  of  the  warrior's  road,  which  ran  at  the 
foot  of  the  Allegheny  ridge."    The  commissioners  then  offered 
goods  for  a  ratification  of  the  Lancaster  treaty;  spoke  of  the  pro- 
posed settlement  hy  the  Ohio  Company;  and  used  all  their  persua- 
sions to  secure  the  land  wanted.    On  the  11th  of  June,  the  Indians 
replied:    "They  recognized   the  treaty  of  Lancaster,  and  the 
authority  of  the  Six  Nations  to  make  it,  hut  denied  that  they  had 
any  knowledge  of  the  western  lands  heing  conveyed  to  tho  English 
by  that  deed,  and  declined  having  anything  to  do  with  the  treaty 
of  1744."    "However,"  said  the  savages,  "as  the  French  have 
already  struck  the  Twigtwees,  we  shall  be  pleased  to  have  your 
assistance  and  protection,  and  wish  you  would  build  a  fort  at  once 
at  the  forks  of  the  Ohio."    But  this  permission  was  not  what  the 
Virginians  wanted ;  they  took  aside  Montour,  the  interpreter,  who 
was  a  son  of  the  famous  Catharine  Montour,  and  a  chief  among  the 
Six  Kations,  and  persuaded  him  to  use  his  influence  with  his  fel- 
lows.   By  that  means  they  were  induced  to  treat,  and  upon  the  13th 
of  June,  they  all  united  in  signing  a  deed,  confirming  the  Lancaster 
treaty  in  its  fuU  extent,  consenting  to  a  settlement  south-east  of  the 
Ohio,  and  covenanting  that  it  should  not  be  disturbed  by  them. 
By  such  means  was  obtained  the  first  treaty  with  the  Indians  in 
the  Ohio  valley. 

All  this  time  the  two  powers  beyond  the  Atlantic  were  in  a 
professed  state  "of  profound  peace;"  and  commissioners  were  at 
Pans  trying  to  out-maueuver  one  another  with  regard  to  the  dispu- 
ted lands  in  America,  though  in  the  "West  all  looked  like  war. 
The  English  indeed  outwitted  the  Indians,  and  secured  themselves, 
as  they  thought,  by  their  politic  conduct.  But  the  French  proved, 
that  they  knew  best  how  to  manage  the  natives;  and,  though  they 
had  to  contend  with  the  old  hatred  felt  towards  them  by  the  Six 
Nations,  and  though  they  had  by  no  means  refrained  from  strong 
acts,  marching  through  the  midst  of  the  Iroquois  country,  attacking 
the  Twigtwees,  and  seizing  the  English  traders,  they  did  succeed, 
as  the  British  never  did,  in  attaching  the  Indians  to  their  cause. 
An  old  chief  of  the  Six  Nations  said  at  Easton,  in  1758:  "The 
Indians  on  the  Ohio  left  you  because  of  your  own  fault  When 
we  heard  the  French  were  coming,  we  asked  you  for  help  and 
arms,  but  we  did  not  get  them.  The  French  came,  they  treated 
us  kindly,  and  gained  our  affections.  The  governor  of  Virginia 
settled  on  our  lands  for  his  own  benefit,  and,  when  we  wanted 
help,  forsook  us." 

So  stood  matters  at  the  close  of  1762.    The  English  had  secured 


106 


ENOROAOHMBNTS  Of  THE  FBENOH. 


1768. 


a  title  to  the  Indian  lands  southeast  of  the  Ohio,  and  Gist  wab  at 
work  laying  oat  a  town  and  fort  there,  on  Chartier's  Creek,  about 
two  miles  below  the  fork.  Eleven  families  also  had  crossed  the 
mountains  to  settle  at  the  point  where  Gist  had  fixed  his  own 
residence,  west  of  Laurel  Hill,  and  not  iar  from  the  Youghiogheny. 
Ooods,  too,  had  come  from  England  for  the  Ohio  Company,  which, 
however,  they  dared  not  carry  beyond  Wills'  creek,  the  point 
where  Cumberland  now  stands,  whence  they  were  taken  by  the 
traders  and  Indians;  and  there  were  even  some  prospects  of  a  road 
across  the  mountains  to  the  M onongahela. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  French  were  gathering  cannon  and 
stores  upon  Lake  Erie,  and,  without  treaties  or  deeds  for  land, 
were  gaining  the  good  will  of  even  inimical  tribes,  and  preparing, 
when  all  was  read^,  to  strike  the  blow.  Some  of  the  savages,  it  is 
true,  remonstrated.  They  said  they  did  not  understand  this 
dispute  between  the  Europeans,  as  to  which  of  them  the  western 
lands  belonged,  for  they  did  not  belong  to  either.  But  the  French 
bullied  and  flattered,  when  it  served  their  turn,  and  all  the  while 
went  on  with  their  preparations,  which  were  in  an  advanced  state 
early  in  1758. 

These  consisted  of  a  line  of  forts  from  Lake  Erie  to  the  Ohio. 
Of  these,  as  has  been  seen,  Presquille  on  Lake  Erie,  on  the  site 
of  the  city  of  Erie,  Pennsylvania,  was  built  in  the  spring  of  that 
year.  Le  Boeuf,  on  French  creek,  on  the  site  of  Waterford,  Erie 
county,  Pennsylvania,  and  Yenango,  at  the  mouth  of  French 
creek,  on  the  Allegheny,  on  the  site  of  Franklin,  Yenango  county, 
were  built  later  in  the  same  year.  Opposite  Fort  Yenango,  Henry 
de  Courcy  affirms,  on  the  authority  of  a  map  preserved  in  Quebec, 
Fort  Michault  was  built  about  the  same  time. 

In  May  of  that  year,  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  informed  the 
Assembly  of  the  French  movements,  a  knowledge  of  which  was 
derived,  in  part,  at  least,  from  Montour,  who  had  been  present  at 
a  conference  between  the  French  and  Indians  relative  to  the  inva- 
sion of  the  West.  The  Assembly,  thereupon,  voted  six  hundred 
pounds  for  distribution  among  the  tribes,  besides  two  hundred  for 
the  presents  of  condolence  to  the  Twigtwees.  This  money  was 
not  sent,  but  Conrad  Weiser  was  dispatched  in  Augtfst,  to  learn 
the  state  of  afiGairs  among  the  Ohio  savages.  Yirginia  was  moving 
also.  In  June,  or  earlier,  a  commissioner  was  sent  westward  to 
meet  the  French,  and  ask  how  they  dared  to  invade  his  Mi^esty's 
province.  The  messenger  went  to  Logstown,  but  was  afraid  to 
go  up  the  Allegheny,  as  instructed.     Trent  was  also  sent  with 


1768. 


BNOROAOHMEMTS  OV  THB  IRBKCH. 


109 


gone,  powder,  shot  and  clothing,  for  the  frieudly  Indians;  and 
tiien  it  was,  that  he  learned  the  fact,  as  to  the  claim  of  the  French, 
and  their  burial  of  medals  in  proof  of  it  While  these  measures 
were  taken,  another  treaty  with  the  wild  men  of  the  debatable 
land  was  also  in  contemplation;  and  in  September,  1768,  William 
Fairfax,  met  their  deputies  at  Winchester,  Virginia,  where  he 
concluded  a  treaty,  on  which  was  an  endorsement,  stating  that 
such  was  their  -feeling,  that  he  had  not  dared  to  mention  to  them 
either  the  Lancaster  or  the  Logstown  treaty.*  In  the  month  follow- 
ing, however,  a  more  satisfactory  interview  took  place  at  Carlisle, 
between  the  representatives  of  the  Iroquois,  Delawares,  Shawanees, 
Twigtwees,  and  Wyandots,  and  the  commissioners  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, Richard  Peters,  Isaac  Norris,  and  Benjamin  Franklin.  At 
this  meeting  the  attack  on  the  Twigtwees  and  the  plans  of  the  French 
were  discussed,  and  a  treaty  concluded.  The  Indians  had  sent  three 
messages  to  the  French,  warning  them  away;  the  reply  was,  that 
they  were  coming  to  build  forts  at  "  Wenengo,"  (Venango,)  Moh- 
ongiala  forks,  (Pittsburgh,)  Logstown,  and  Beaver  Greek.  The 
red  men  complained  of  the  traders  as  too  scattered,  and  killing 
them  with  rum;  they  wished  only  three  trading  stations,  viz: 
mouth  of  "Mohongely,"  (Pittsburgh,)  Logstown,  and  mouth  of 
Conawa. 

These  encroachments  of  the  French  on  what  was  regarded  as 
English  territory,  created  much  agitation  in  the  colonies,  and  espe- 
cially in  Virginia.    The  purpose  of  the  French  to  establish  a  mili- 
tary corden  around  the  English  colonies,  and  thus  prevent  their 
extension  over  the  mountains,  was  clearly  seen,  and  it  was  inferred 
that  this  purpose  was  but  the  first  step  in  a  system  of  measures 
already  planned  by  the  French  court  to  reduce  all  North  America 
under  the  dominion  of  France.    Under  these  circumstances,  Gov- 
ernor Dinwiddle  determined  to  send  a  messenger  to  the  French 
posts,  to  demand  of  the  French  commandant  his  designs,  and  to 
observe  the  amount  and  disposition  of  his  forces.    George  Wash- 
ington, then  in  his  twenty-second  year,  was  selected  for  this  under- 
taking.   His  knowledge  of  the  Indians,  his  acquaintance  with 
frontier  life,  and  the  marked  traits  of  character  he  had  displayed, 
were  the  qualities  that  recommended  him  to  the  notice  of  the 
governor,  and  that  fitted  him  for  his  dangerous  mission.    The  fol- 
lowing instructions  will  indicate  the  nature  and  purposes  of  his 
mission. 


Plain  Facts,  p.  44. 


110 


WASHINOTON'S  INSTHU0nO58. 


1758. 


«t  Whereas  I  have  received  information  of  a  body  of  French  forces 
being  assembled  in  a  hostile  manner  on  the  river  Ohio,  intending 
by  force  of  arms  to  erect  certain  forts  on  the  said  river,  within  this 
territory,  and  contrary  to  the  dignity  and  peace  of  our  sovereign, 
the  King  of  Great  Britain — 

"  These  are  therefore  to  require  and  direct  you,  the  said  George 
Washington,  forthwith  to  repair  to  Logstown,  on  the  said  river 
Ohio,  and  having  there  informed  yourself  where  the  said  French 
forces  have  posted  themselves,  thereupon  to  proceed  to  such  place ; 
and  being  there  arrived,  to  present  your  credentials,  together  with 
my  letter,  to  the  chief  commanding  officer,  and  in  the  nai&e  of  his 
Britannic  Migesty,  to  demand  an  answer  thereto. 

"On  your  arrival  at  Logstown,  you  are  to  address  yourself  to  the 
Half-King,  to  Monacatoocha,  and  other  sachems  of  the  Six  Nations, 
acquainting  them  with  your  orders  to  visit  and  deliver  my  letter  to 
the  French  commanding  officer,  and  desiring  the  said  chiefs  to  ap- 
point you  a  sufficient  number  of  their  warriors  to  bo  your  safeguard, 
as  near  the  French  as  you  may  desire,  and  await  your  further 
directions. 

"You  are  diligently  to  inquire  into  the  numbers  and  force  of  the 
French  on  the  Ohio,  and  the  adjacent  country;  how  they  are  likely 
to  be  assisted  from  Canada,  and  what  are  the  difficulties  and  con- 
veniences of  that  communication,  and  the  time  required  for  it. 

"Ton  are  to  take  care  to  be  truly  informed  what  forts  the 
French  have  erected,  and  where;  how  they  are  garrisoned  and 
appointed,  and  what  is  their  distance  from  each  other,  ar^d  from 
Logstown ;  and  from  the  best  intelligence  you  can  procure,  you  are 
to  learn  what  gave  occasion  to  this  expedition  of  the  French ;  how 
they  are  likely  to  be  supported,  and  what  their  pretensions  are. 

"  When  the  French  commandant  has  given  you  ihe  necessary 
and  required  dispatches,  you  are  to  desire  of  him  a  proper  guard  to 
protect  you  as  far  on  your  return  as  you  may  judge  for  your  safety, 
against  any  straggling  Indians  or  hunters  that  may  be  ignorant  of 
your  character  and  molest  you. 

"Wishing  you  good  success  in  your  negotiations,  and  safe  and 
speedy  return,  I  am,  &c. 

ROBERT  DmWTDDIE." 
"Williamsburg,  30th  October,  1763." 


The  journal  of  Washington  on  this  expedition  is  inserted, 
because  it  furnishes  an  interesting  account  of  his  first  public 
services : 


1768. 


washikgton's  joubnal. 


Ill 


"  I  was  commissioned  and  appointed  by  the  Honorable  Robert 
Dinwiddie,  Esquire,  Governor,  &c.,  of  Virginia,  to  visit  and  deliver 
a  letter  to  the  commandant  of  the  French  forces  at  the  Ohio,  and 
set  out  on  the  intended  journey  on  the  same  day :  the  next  I  arrived 
at  Fredericksburg,  and  engaged  Mr.  Jacob  Yanbraam  to  be  my 
French  interpreter,  and  proceeded  with  him  to  Alexandria,  where 
we  provided  necessaries.  From  thence  we  went  to  Winchester, 
and  got  baggage  horses,  &;c.,  and  from  thence  we  pursued  the  new 
road  to  Wills*  creek,  where  we  arrived  on  the  14th  !N'ovember. 

"Here  I  engaged  Mr.  Gist  to  pilot  us  out,  and  also  hired  four 
others  as  servitors,  Barnaby  Gurran  and  John  McQuire,  Indian 
traders,  Henry  Steward  and  William  Jenkins;  and  in  company 
with  these  persons  left  the  inhabitants  the  next  day. 

"  The  excessive  rains  and  vast  quantities  of  snow  which  had 
fallen,  prevented  our  reaching  Mr.  Frazier's,  an  Indian  trader,  at 
the  mouth  of  Turtle  creek,  on  Monongahela  river,  till  Thursday, 
the  22d.  We  were  informed  here,  that  expresses  had  been  sent  a 
few  days  before  to  the  traders  down  the  river,  to  acquaint  them 
with  the  French  general's  death,  and  the  return  of  the  major  part 
of  the  French  army  into  winter  quarters. 

"The  waters  were  quite  impassable  without  swimming  our 
horses,  which  obliged  us  to  get  the  loan  of  a  canoe  from  Frazier, 
and  to  send  Barnaby  Curran  and  Henry  Steward  down  the  Monon- 
gahela, with  our  baggage,  to  meet  us  at  the  forks  of  Ohio,  about 
ten  miles  below;  there  to  cross  the  Allegheny. 

"As  I  got  down  before  the  canoe,  I  spent  some  time  in  viewing 
the  rivers,  and  the  land  in  the  fork,  which  I  think  extremely  well 
situated  for  a  fort,  as  it  has  the  absolute  command  of  both  rivers. 
The  land  at  the  point  is  twenty-five  feet  above  the  common  surface 
of  the  water ;  and  a  considerable  bottom  of  flat,  well-timbered  land 
all  around  it,  very  convenient  for  building.  The  rivers  are  each  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  or  more  across,  and  run  here  very  nearly  at  right 
angles;  Allegheny,  bearing  north-east;  and  Monongahela,  south- 
east The' former  of  these  two  is  a  very  rapid  and  swift  running 
water,  the  other  deep  and  still,  without  any  perceptible  fall. 

"About  two  miles  from  this,  on  the  south-east  side  of  the  river, 
at  the  place  where  the  Ohio  company  intended  to  erect  a  fort,  lives 
Shingiss,  king  of  the  Delawares.  We  called  upon  him  to  invite 
him  to  a  council  at  Logstown. 

"As  I  had  taken  a  good  deal  of  notice  yesterday  of  the  situa- 
tion at  the  fork,  my  curiosity  led  me  to  examine  this  more  particu- 
larly,  and   I   think  it  greatly  inferior,  either   for   defense   or 


l12 


WABHIKGTON  8  JOURNAL. 


1768. 


adyantages;  especially  the  latter.  For  a  fort  at  the  fork  would  ho 
equally  well  situated  on  the  Ohio,  and  have  the  entire  command  of 
the  Monongahela,  which  runs  up  our  settlement,  and  is  extremely 
well  designed  for  water  carriage,  as  it  is  of  a  deep,  still  nature. 
Besides,  a  fort  at  the  fork  might  be  built  at  much  less  expense  than 
at  the  other  place. 

"Nature  has  well  contrived  this  lower  place  for  water  defense ; 
but  the  hill  whereon  it  must  stand  being  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
in  length,  and  then  descending  gradually  on  the  land  side,  will 
render  it  di£3cult  and  very  expensive  to  ihake  a  sufficient  fortifica- 
tion there.  The  whole  &tt  upon  the  hill  must  be  taken  in,  the 
side  next  the  descent  made  extremely  high,  or  else  the  hill  itself 
cut  away:  otherwise,  the  enemy  may  raise  batteries  within  that 
distance  without  being  exposed  to  a  single  shot  from  the  fort. 

"  Shingiss  attended  us  to  the  Logstown,  where  we  arrived  be- 
tween sunsetting  and  dark,  the  twenty-fifth  day  after  I  left  Wil- 
liamsburg. We  traveled  over  some  extremely  good  and  bad  land 
to  get  to  this  place. 

"  As  soon  as  I  came  into  town  I  went  to  Monakatoocha,  as  the 
Half-Eing  was  out  at  his  hunting  cabin,  on  Little  Beaver  creek, 
about  fifteen  miles  off,  and  informed  him  by  John  Davidson,  my 
Indian  interpreter,  that  I  was  sent  a  messenger  to  the  French 
general,  and  was  ordered  to  call  upon  the  sachems  of  the  Six 
Nations,  to  acquaint  them  with  it.  I  gave  him  a  string  of  wampum 
and  a  twist  of  tobacco,  and  desired  him  to  send  for  the  Half-Eing, 
which  he  promised  to  do,  by  a  runner,  in  the  morning,  and  for 
other  sachems.  I  invited  him,  and  the  other  great  men  present,  to 
my  tent,  where  they  stayed  about  an  hour,  and  returned. 

"According  to  the  best  observation  I  could  make,  Mr.  Gist's 
new  settlement,  which  we  passed  by,  bears  about  west  north-west 
seventy  miles  from  Wills'  creek ;  Shanopins,  or  the  forks,  north 
by  west,  or  north,  north-west  about  fifty  miles  from  that;  and  from 
thence  to  the  Logstown,  the  course  is  nearly  west  about  eighteen 
or  twenty  miles :  so  that  the  whole  distance,  as  we  went  and  com- 
puted it,  is  at  least  one  hundred  and  thirty-five,  or  one  hundred 
and  forty,  miles  from  our  back  inhabitants. 

"  ZOth. — ^Last  night,  the  great  men  assembled  at  their  council- 
house,  to  consult  further  about  this  journey,  and  who  were  to  go; 
the  result  of  which  was,  that  only  three  of  their  chiefs,  with  one  of 
their  best  hunters,  should  be  our  convoy.  The  reason  they  gave 
for  not  sending  more,  after  what  had  been  proposed  at  council  the 


1758. 


washinqton's  journal. 


118 


26th,  was,  that  a  greater  number  might  givd  the  French  suspicion! 
of  some  bad  design,  and  cause  them  to  be  treated  rudely ;  bat  I 
rather  think  they  could  not  get  their  hunters  in. 

«<  We  set  out  about  nine  o'clock,  with  the  Half-King,  Jeskakake, 
White  Thunder,  and  the  Hunter,  and  traveled  on  the  road  to  Ve- 
nango, where  we  arrived  the  4th  of  December,  without  any  thing 
remarkable  happening  but  a  continued  series  of  bad  weather. 

«  This  is  an  old.  Indian  town,  situated  at  the  mouth  of  French 
creek,  on  Ohio ;  and  lies  near  north,  about  sixty  miles  from  the 
Logstown,  but  more  than  seventy  the  way  we  were  obliged  to  go. 

"  We  found  the  French  colors  hoisted  at  a  house  from  which 
they  had  driven  Mr.  John  Frazier,  an  English  subject.  I  imme- 
diately repaired  to  it,  to  know  where  the  commander  resided. 
There  were  three  officers,  one  of  whom.  Captain  Joncaire,  informed 
me  that  he  had  the  command  of  the  Ohio ;  but  that  there  was  a 
general  officer  at  the  near  fort,  where  he  advised  me  to  apply  for 
an  answer.  He  invited  us  to  sup  with  them,  and  treated  us  with 
the  greatest  complaisance. 

«'  The  wine,  as  they  dosed  themselves  pretty  plentifully  with  it, 
soon  banished  the  restraint  which  at  first  appeared  in  their  con- 
versation, and  gave  a  license  to  their  tongues  to  reveal  their  senti- 
ments more  freely. 

"  They  told  me,  that  it  was  their  absolute  design  to  take  posses- 
sion of  the  Ohio,  and  by  6— d  they  would  do  it;  for  that,  although 
tbey  were  sensible  the  English  could  raise  two  men  for  their  one, 
yet  they  knew  their  motions  were  too  slow  and  dilatory  to  prevent 
any  undertaking  of  theirs.  They  pretend  to  have  an  undoubted 
right  to  the  river,  from  a  discovery  made  by  one  La  Salle,  sixty 
years  ago :  and  the  rise  of  this  expedition  is,  to  prevent  our  settling 
on  the  river  or  waters  of  it,  as  they  heard  of  some  families  moving 
out  in  order  thereto.  From  the  best  intelligence  I  could  get,  there 
have  been  fifteen  hundred  men  on  this  side  Ontario  lake.  But 
upon  the  death  of  the  general,  all  were  recalled  to  about  six  or 
seven  hundred,  who  were  left  to  garrison  four  forts,  one  hundred 
and  fifty,  or  thereabouts,  in  each.  The  first  of  them  is  on  French 
creek,  near  a  small  lake,  about  sixty  miles  from  Venango,  near 
north,  north-west ;  the  next  lies  on  Lake  Erie,  where  the  greater 
part  of  their  stores  are  kept,  about  fifteen  miles  from  the  other: 
from  this  it  is  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  to  the  carrying  place, 
at  the  falls  of  Lake  Erie,  where  there  is  a  small  fort,  at  which  they 
should  lodge  their  goods,  in  bringing  them  from  Montreal,  the 
place  from  whence  all  their  stores  are  brought.    The  next  fort  lies 


114 


washinoton's  joubnal. 


1768. 


ftboat  twenty  miles  from  thii,  on  Ontario  lake.  Between  this  fort 
and  Montreal,  there  are  throe  others,  the  first  of  which  is  nearly 
opposite  to  the  English  Fort  Oswego.  Vrom  the  fort  on  Lake  Erie 
to  Montreal  is  ahoat  six  hundred  miles,  which,  they  say,  requires 
no  more  (if  good  weather)  than  four  weeks  voyage,  if  they  go  in 
barks  or  large  vessels,  so  that  they  may  cross  the  lake :  but  if  they 
come  in  canoes,  it  will  require  five  or  six  weeks,  for  tliey  are  obliged 
to  keep  under  the  shore. 

*'  December  6th. — ^Rained  excessively  all  day,  which  prevented  our 
traveling.  Captain  Joncaire  sent  for  the  Half-King,  as  he  had  but 
just  heard  that  he  came  with  me.  He  affected  to  be  much  con- 
cerned that  I  did  not  make  free  to  bring  them  in  before.  I  excused 
it  in  the  best  manner  of  which  I  was  capable,  and  told  him  I  did 
not  think  their  company  agreeable,  as  I  had  heard  him  say  a  good 
deal  in  dispraise  of  Indians  in  general;  but  another  motive  pre- 
vented me  from  bringing  them  into  his  company;  I  knew  that  he 
was  an  interpreter,  and  a  person  of  great  influence  among  the 
Indians,  and  had  lately  used  all  possible  means  to  draw  them  over 
to  his  interest ;  therefore  I  was  d^s^rous  of  giving  him  no  oppor- 
tunity that  could  be  avoided. 

'*  When  they  came  in,  there  was  great  pleasure  expressed  at  see- 
ing them.  He  wondered  how  they  could  be  so  near  without  coming 
to  visit  him,  made  several  trifling  presents,  and  applied  liquor  so 
fiut,  that  they  were  soon  rendered  incapable  of  the  business  they 
came  about,  notwithstanding  the  caution  which  was  given. 

"  6th. — The  Half-King  came  to  my  teut,  quite  sober,  and  insisted 
veiy  much  that  I  should  stay  and  hear  what  he  had  to  say  to  the 
French.  I  fain  would  have  prevented  him  from  speaking  any 
thing  until  he  came  to  the  commandant,  but  could  not  prevail 
He  told  me  that  at  this  place  a  council-fire  was  kindled,  where  all 
their  business  with  these  people  was  to  be  transacted,  and  that  the 
management  of  the  Indian  affitirs  was  left  solely  to  Monsieur  Jon- 
caire. As  I  was  desirous  of  knowing  the  issue  of  this,  I  agreed  to 
stay ;  but  sent  our  horses  a  little  way  up  French  creek,  to  raft  over 
and  encamp;  which  I  knew  would  make  it  near  night. 

"About  ten  o'clock  they  met  in  council.  The  King  spoke  much 
the  same  as  he  had  done  before  to  tlie  general,  and  offered  the 
French  speech-belt  which  had  before  been  demanded,  with  the 
maxka  of  four  towns  on  it,  which  Monsieur  Joncaire  refused  to 
receive,  but  desired  him  to  carry  it  to  the  fort  to  the  commander. 

"  7th. — ^Monsieur  La  Force,  commissary  of  the  French  stores,  and 
three  other  soldiers,  came  over  to  accompany  us  up.    We  found  it 


1768. 


wabhimqton's  jovival. 


lift 


extremely  difficult  to  get  the  Indians  off  t(Hl»7,  m  evtrj  ■timtagem 
had  been  used  to  prevent  their  going  up  with  me.  I  had  last  night 
left  John  Davidson,  (the  Indian  interpreter,)  whom  I  brought  with 
me  from  town,  and  strictly  charged  him  not  to  be  out  of  their  com- 
pany, as  I  could  not  get  them  over  to  my  tent,  for  they  had  some 
business  with  Kustalogo,  chiefly ,to  know  why  he  did  not  deliver 
up  the  French  speech-belt  which  he  had  in  keeping;  but  I  was 
obliged  to  send  Mr.  Gist  over  today  to  fetch  them,  which  he  did 
with  great  persuasion. 

"At  twelve  o'clock,  we  set  out  for  the  fort,  and  were  prevented 
arriving  there  until  the  11th,  by  excessive  rains,  snows,  and  bad 
traveling  through  many  mires  and  swamps;  these  we  were  obliged 
to  pass  to  avoid  crossing  the  creek,  which  was  impassable,  either 
by  fording  or  rafting,  the  water  was  so  high  and  rapid. 

"We  passed  over  much  good  land  since  we  left  Venango,  and 
through  several  very  extensive  and  rich  meadows,  one  of  which  I 
believe,  was  nearly  four  miles  in  length,  and  considerably  wide  in 
some  places. 

"12th.— I  prepared  early  to  wait  upon  the  commander,  and  was 
received  and  conducted  to  him  by  the  second  officer  in  command. 
I  acquainted  him  with  my  business,  and  offered  my  commission 
and  letter,  both  of  which  he  requested  me  to  keep  until  the  arrival 
of  Monsieur  Reparti,  Captain  at  the  next  fort,  who  was  sent  for 
and  expected  every  hour. 

"The  commander  is  a  knight  of  the  military  order  of  St  Louis, 
and  named  Legardeur  de  St.  Pierre.  He  is  an  elderly  gentleman, 
and  has  much  the  air  of  a  soldier.  He  was  sent  over  to  take  the 
command  immediately  upon  the  death  of  the  late  general,  and 
arrived  here  about  seven  days  before  me. 

"  At  two  o'clock,  the  gentleman  who  was  sent  for  arrived,  when 
I  offered  the  letter,  &c.,  again,  which  they  received,  and  adjourned 
into  a  private  apartment  for  the  captain  to  translate,  who  under- 
stood a  little  English.  After  he  had  done  it,  the  commander 
desired  I  would  walk  in  and  bring  my  interpreter  to  peruse  and 
correct  it,  which  I  did. 

"  IZth. — The  chief  officers  retired  to  hold  a  council  of  war,  which 
gave  me  an  opportunity  of  taking  the  dimensions  of  the  fort,  and 
making  what  observations  I  could. 

"It  is  situated  on  the  south  or  west  fork  of  French  creek,  near 
the  water,  and  is  almost  surrounded  by  the  creek,  and  a  small 
branch  of  it,  which  form  a  kind  of  island.  Four  houses  compose 
the  sides.    The  bastions  are  made  of  piles  driven  into  the  ground, 


116 


WASBnroToir'i  joubxal. 


1768. 


itandtng  more  tban  twtbe  feet  above  it,  »nd  sharp  at  the  top,  with 
port-holee  oat  for  cannon,  and  loop-holes  for  the  small  arms  to  fire 
through.  There  are  eight  six-pound  pieces  mounted  in  each  bas- 
tion, and  one  piece  of  four  pounds  before  the  gate.  In  the  bastions 
are  a  g^ard>house,  chapel,  doctor's  lodging,  and  the  commander's 
private  store,  round  which  are  liud  platforms  for  the  cannon  and 
men  to  stand  on.  There  are  several  barracks  without  the  fort,  for 
the  soldier's  dwellings,  covered,  some  with  bark,  and  some  with 
boards,  made  chiefly  of  logs.  There  are  also  several  other  houses, 
such  as  stables,  smith's  shop,  Ac. 

**  I  could  get  no  certain  account  of  the  number  of  men  here ;  but, 
according  to  the  best  judgment  I  could  form,  there  are  a  hundred, 
exclusive  of  officers,  of  whom  there  are  many.  I  also  gave  orders 
to  the  people  who  were  with  me,  to  take  an  exact  account  of  the 
canoes  which  were  hauled  up  to  convey  their  forces  down  in  the 
spring.  This  they  did,  and  told  fifty  of  birch  bark,  and  a  hundred 
and  seventy  of  pine,  besides  many  others,  which  were  blocked  out, 
in  readiness  for  being  made. 

"  14th. — As  the  snow  increaiic!  very  fiist,  and  our  horses  daily 
became  weaker,  I  sent  them  off  unloaded,  under  the  care  of  Bamaby 
Curran  and  two  others,  to  make  all  convenient  dispatch  to  Venango, 
and  there  to  wait  our  arrival,  if  there  was  a  prospect  of  the  river's 
flnezing;  if  not,  then  to  continue  down  to  Shanapin's  town,  at  the 
forks  of  Ohio,  and  there  wait  until  we  came  to  cross  the  Allegheny, 
intending  myself  to  go  down  by  water,  as  I  had  the  ofiTer  of  a  canoe 
or  two. 

"As  I  found  many  plots  concerted  to  retard  the  Indians'  business, 
and  prevent  their  returning  with  me,  I  endeavored  all  that  lay  in 
my  power  to  frustrate  their  schemes,  and  hurried  them  on  to  exe- 
cute their  intended  design.  They  accordingly  pressed  for  admit- 
tance this  evening,  which  at  length  was  granted  them,  privately,  to 
the  commander  and  one  or  two  other  ofilcers.  The  Half-King  told 
me  that  he  offered  the  wampum  to  the  commander,  who  evaded 
taking  it,  and  made  many  fair  promises  of  love  and  friendship; 
said  he  wanted  to  live  in  peace  and  trade  amicably  with  them,  as  a 
proof  of  which,  he  would  send  some  goods  immediately  down  to 
the  Logstown  for  them.  But  I  rather  think  the  design  of  that  is, 
to  bring  away  all  our  straggling  traders  they  meet  with,  as  I 
privately  understood  they  intended  to  carry  an  officer,  &;c.,  with 
them.  And  what  rather  confirms  this  opinion,  I  was  inquiring  of 
the  commander  by  what  authority  he  had  made  prisoners  of  several 
of  our  English  subjects.    He  told  me  that  the  country  belonged  to 


1768. 


WASHINQTOir'f  jovmsiiL. 


117 


them,  that  no  Engliahman  had  a  right  to  trade  upon  thoM  watcra, 
and  that  he  had  orden  to  make  every  penonpriiuDer  who  attempted 
it  on  the  Ohio,  or  the  waten  of  it 

"I  inquired  of  Captain  Reparti  abr'nt  the  boy  that  was  carried  by 
this  place,  as  it  was  done  while  the  uoromand  devolved  on  him, 
between  the  death  of  the  late  general,  and  the  arrival  of  the  preaent. 
He  acknowledged  that  a  boy  had  been  carried  paat,  and  that  the 
Indians  had  two  or  three  white  men's  scalps,  (I  was  told  by  some 
of  the  Indians  at  Venango,  eight,)  but  pretended  to  have  forgotten 
the  name  of  the  place  where  the  boy  came  from,  and  all  the  partic- 
ular facts,  though  he  had  questioned  him  for  some  hours,  as  they 
were  carrying  past.  I  likewise  inquired  what  they  had  done  with 
John  Trotter  and  James  M'Olooklan,  two  Pennsylvania  traders, 
whom  they  had  taken  with  all  their  goods.  They  told  me  that  they 
had  been  sent  to  Canada,  but  were  now  returned  home. 

"This  evening  I  received  an  answer  to  his  honor,  the  Qovemor's 
letter  from  the  commandant. 

"15/A.— The  commandant  ordered  a  plentiful  store  of  liquor, 
provisions,  Ac,  to  be  put  on  board  our  canoes,  and  appeared  to  be 
extremely  complaisant,  though  he  was  exerting  every  artifice  which 
he  could  invent,  to  setour  Indians  at  variance  with  us,  to  prevent 
them  going  until  after  our  departure ;  presents,  rewards,  and  eveiy 
thing  which  could  be  suggested  by  him  or  his  officers.  I  cannot 
say  that  ever  in  my  life  I  suffered  so  much  anxiety,  as  I  did  in  this 
affair:  I  saw  that  every  stratagem  which  the  most  fruitful  brain 
could  invent  was  practiced  to  win  the  Half-King  to  their  interest; 
and  that  le:mng  him  there,  was  giving  them  the  opportunity  they 
aimed  at.  T.  went  to  the  Half-King  and  pressed  him  in  the 
strongest  terms  to  go;  he  told  me  that  the  commandant  would  not 
discharge  him  until  the  morning.  I  then  went  to  the  commandant, 
and  desired  him  to  do  their  business,  and  complained  of  ill-treat- 
ment ;  for  keeping  them,  as  they  were  part  of  my  company,  was 
detaining  me.  This  he  promised  not  to  do,  but  to  forward  my 
journey  as  much  as  he  could.  He  protested  he  did  not  keep  them, 
but  was  ignorant  of  the  cause  of  their  stay;  though  I  soon  found 
it  out  He  had  promised  them  a  present  of  guns,  Ito.,  if  they 
would  wait  until  the  morning.  As  I  was  very  much  pressed  by ' 
the  Indians  to  wait  this  day  for  them,  I  consented,  on  a  promise 
that  nothing  should  hinder  them,  in  the  morning. 

**16<A. — ^The  French  were  not  slack  in  their  inventions  tolteep 
the  Indians  this  day  also.  But  as  they  were  obliged,  according  to 
promise,  to  j^ve  the  present,  they  then  endeavored  to  try  the  power 


118 


WASHINGTON  S  JOURNAL. 


1758. 


of  liquor,  which  I  douht  not  would  have  prevailed  at  any  other 
time  than  this;  but  I  urged  and  insisted  with  the  King  so  closely 
upon  his  word,  that  he  refrained,  and  set  off  with  us  as  he  had 
engaged. 

"We  had  a  tedious  and  very  fatiguing  passage  down  the  creek. 
Several  times  we  had  like  to  have  been  staved  against  rocks;  and 
many  times  were  obliged,  all  hands,  to  fet  out  and  remain  in  the 
water  half  an  hour  or  more,  getting  over  the  shoals.  At  one 
place  the  ice  had  lodged,  and  made  it  impassable  by  water;  we 
were,  therefore,  obliged  to  carry  our  canoes  across  the  neck  of  land, 
a  quarter  of  a  mile  over.  We  did  not  reach  Venango  until  the 
22d,  where  we  met  with  our  horses. 

"This  creek  is  extremely  crooked.  I  dare  say  the  distance 
between  the  fort  and  Venango,  cannot  be  less  than  one  hundred 
and  thirty  miles,  to  follow  the  meanders. 

"28d — When  I  got  things  ready  to  set  off,  I  sent  for  the  Half- 
King  to  know  whether  he  intended  to  go  with  us,  or  by  water. 
He  told  me  that  White  Thunder  had  hurt  himself  much,  and  was 
sick,  and  unable  to  walk;  therefore,  he  was  obliged  to  carry  him 
down  in  a  canoe.  As  I  found  he  intended  to  stay  here  a  day  or 
two,  and  knew  that  Monsieur  Joncaire  would  employ  every  scheme 
to  set  him  against  the  English,  as  he  had  before  done,  I  told  him 
I  hoped  he  would  guard  against  his  flattery,  and  let  no  fine 
speeches  influence  him  iu  their  favor.  He  desired  I  might  not  be 
concerned,  for  he  knew  the  French  too  well,  for  anything  to 
engage  him  in  their  favor;  and  that  though  he  could  not  go  down 
with  us,  he  yet  would  endeavor  to  meet  at  the  forks  with  Joseph 
Campbell,  to  deliver  a  speech  for  me  to  carry  to  his  Honor  the 
Governor.  He  told  me  he  would  order  the  Young  Hunter  to 
attend  us,  and  get  provisions,  &c.,  if  wanted. 

"Our  horses  were  now  so  weak  and  feeble,  and  the  baggage  so 
heavy,  (as  we  were  obliged  to  provide  all  the  necessaries  which  tlje 
journey  would  require,)  that  we  doubted  much  their  performing  it 
Therefore,  myself  and  the  others,  except  the  drivers,  who  were 
obliged  to  ride,  gave  up  our  horses  for  packs  to  assist  along  with 
the  baggage.  I  put  myself  in  an  Indian  walking  dress,  and  con- 
tinued with  them  three  days,  until  I  found  there  was  no  probability 
of  their  getting  home  in  reasonable  time.  The  horses  became  less 
able  to  travel  every  day;  the  cold  increased  very  fast;  and  the 
roads  were  becoming  much  worse  by  a  deep  snow,  continually 
freezing:  therefore,  as  I  was  uneasy  to  get  back,  to  make  report  of 
my  proceedings  to  his  Honor  the  Governor,  I  determined  to 


1768. 


Washington's  joornal. 


119 


prosecute  my  journey  the  nearest  way  through  the  woods,  on 

foot. 

"Accordingly,  I  left.  Mr.  Vanbraam  in  charge  of  our  baggage, 
with  money,  and  directions  to  provide  necessaries  from  place  to 
place  for  themselves  and  horses,  and  to  make  the  most  convenient 
dispatch  in  traveling. 

"I  took  my  necessary  papers,  pulled  off  my  clothes,  and  tied 
myself  up  in  a  watch  coat.  Then,  with  gun  in  hand,  and  pack  ou 
my  back,  in  which  were  my  papers  and  provisions,  I  set  out  with 
Mr.  Gist,  fitted  in  the  same  manner,  on  Wednesday,  the  26th. 
The  day  following,  just  after  we  had  passed  a  place  called  Murder- 
ing town,  (where  wo  intended  to  quit  the  path  and  steer  across  the 
country  for  Shanapin's  town,)  we  fell  in  with  a  party  of  French 
Indians,  who  had  laid  in  wait  for  us.  One  of  them  fired  at  Mr. 
Gist,  or  me,  not  fifteeen  steps  off,  but  fortunately  missed.  We 
took  this  fellow  into  custody,  and  kept  him  until  about  nine 
o'clock  at  night,  then  let  him  go,  and  walked  all  the  remaining 
part  of  the  night  without  making  any  stop,  that  we  might  get  the 
start,  so  far  as  to  be  out  of  the  reach  of  their  pursuit  the  next  day, 
since  we  were  well  assured  they  would  follow  our  track  as  soon  as 
it  was  light.  The  next  day  we  continued  traveling  until  quite 
dark,  and  got  to  the  river  about  two  miles  above  Shanapin's. 
We  expected  to  have  found  the  river  frozen,  but  it  was  not,  only 
about  fifty  yards  from  each  shore.  The  ice  I  suppose  had  broken 
up  above,  for  it  was  driving  in  vast  quantities. 

"  There  was  no  way  for  getting  over  but  on  a  raft ;  which  we  set 
about,  with  but  one  poor  hatchet,  and  finished  just  after  sun  sotting. 
This  was  a  whole  day's  work :  we  next  got  it  launched,  then  went 
on  board  of  it  and  set  off:  but  before  we  were  halfway  over  we 
were  jammed  in  the  ice,  in  such  a  manner  that  we  expected  every 
moment  our  raft  to  sink,  and  ourselves  to  perish.  I  put  out  my 
setting-pole  to  try  to  stop  the  raft,  that  the  ice  might  pass  by,  when 
the  rapidity  of  the  stream  threw  it  with  so  much  violence  against 
the  pole,  that  it  jerked  me  out  into  ten  feet  water ;  but  I  fortunately 
saved  myself  by  catching  hold  of  one  of  the  raft  logs.  Notwith- 
standing all  our  efforts,  we  could  not  get  to  either  shore,  but  were 
obliged,  as  we  were  near  an  island,  to  quit  our  raft  and  make  to  it 

"  The  cold  was  so  extremely  severe  that  Mr.  Gist  had  all  his 
fingers  and  some  of  his  toes  frozen,  and  the  water  was  shut  up  so 
hard  that  we  found  no  difficulty  in  getting  off  the  island  on  the 
ice,  in  the  morning,  and  went  to  Mr.  Frazier's.  We  met  here  with 
twenty  warriors,  who  were  going  to  the  southward  to  war;  but 


120 


Washington's  journal. 


1758. 


coming  to  a  place  on  the  head  of  the  Great  Kenhawa,  where  they 
found  seven  people  killed  and  scalped,  (all  but  one  woman  with 
very  light  hair,)  they  turned  about  and  ran  back,  for  fear  the 
inhabitants  should  rise  and  take  them  as  the  authors  of  the  mur- 
ders. They  report  that  the  bodies  were  lying  about  the  house,  and 
some  of  them  much  torn  and  eaten  by  the  hogs.  By  the  marks 
which  were  left,  they  say  they  were  French  Indians,  of  the  Ottoway 
nation,  who  did  it. 

"  As  we  intended  to  take  horses  here,  and  it  required  some  time 
to  find  them,  I  went  up  about  three  miles  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Youghiogheny,  to  visit  Queen  Aliquippa,  who  had  expressed  great 
concern  that  we  passed  her  in  going  to  the  fort.  I  made  her  a 
present  of  a  watch-coat  and  a  bottle  of  rum,  which  latter  was 
thought  much  the  better  present  of  the  two. 

"  Tuesday,  the  1st  of  January,  we  left  Mr.  Frazier's  house,  and 
arrived  at  Mr.  Gist's,  at  Monongahela,  the  2d,  where  I  bought  a 
horse  and  saddle.  The  6th,  we  met  seventeen  horses  loaded  with 
materials  and  stores  for  a  fort  at  the  forks  of  the  Ohio,  and  the  day 
after,  some  families  going  out  to  settle.  This  day  we  arrived  at 
Wills'  creek,  after  as  fatiguing  a  journey  as  it  is  possible  to  con- 
ceive, rendered  so  by  excessive  bad  weather.  From  the  first  day 
of  December  to  the  fifteenth,  there  was  but  one  day  on  which  it 
did  not  rain  or  snow  incessantly ;  and  throughout  the  whole  jour- 
ney we  met  with  nothing  but  one  continued  series  of  cold,  wet 
weather,  which  occasioned  very  uncomfortable  lodgings,  especially 
after  we  had  quitted  our  tent,  which  was  some  screen  from  the 
inclemency  of  it. 

'*  On  the  11th,  I  got  to  Belvoir,  where  I  stopped  one  day  to  take 
necessary  rest ;  and  then  set  out  and  arrived  in  Williamsburg  the 
16th,  when  I  waited  upon  his  Honor  the  Governor,  with  the  letter 
I  had  brought  from  the  French  commandant,  and  to  give  an  account 
of  the  success  of  my  proceedings.  This  I  beg  leave  to  do  by  offer- 
ing the  foregoing  narrative,  as  it  contains  the  most  remarkable 
occurrences  which  happened  in  my  journey. 

'*I  hope  what  has  been  said  will  be  sufiicient  to  make  your 
Honor  satisfied  with  my  conduct ;  for  that  was  my  aim  in  under- 
taking the  journey,  and  chief  study  throughout  the  prosecution 
of  it." 


During  Washington's  absence,  steps  had  been  taken  to  fortify 
and  settle  the  point  formed  by  the  junction  of  the  Monongahela 
and  Allegheny;  and  while  upon  his  return  he  met  "seventeen 


1753. 

they 

with 
ir  the 

mur- 
le,  and 
marks 
ttoway 

io  time 

of  the 

d  great 

[e  her  a 
ter  was 

ise,  and 
ought  a 
led  with 
the  day 
•rived  at 
)  to  con- 
irst  day 
which  it 
»le  jour- 
sold,  wet 
ipecially 
from  the 

to  take 
)urg  the 
le  letter 
account 
jy  offer- 
larkahle 

te  your 

under- 

Isecutiou 


1768. 


PRBPABATI0N8  FOR  WAR. 


121 


hones,  loaded  with  materials  and  stores  for  a  fort  at  the  forks  of  the 
Ohio,"  and,  soon  after,  "some  families  going  out  to  settle."  These 
steps  were  taken  hy  the  Ohio  Oompany;  hut,  as  soon  as  Washing- 
ton returned  with  the  letter  of  St.  Pierre,  the  commander  on 
French  creek,  and  it  was  clear  that  neither  he  nor  his  superiors 
meant  to  yield  the  West  without  a  struggle.  Governor  Dinwiddle 
wrote  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  stating  that  the  French  werehuilding 
another  fort  at  Yenango,  and  that  in  March  twelve  or  fifteen  hun- 
dred men  would  ,he  ready  to  descend  the  river  with  their  Indian 
allies,  for  which  purpose  three  hundred  canoes  had  heen  collected ; 
and  tiiat  Logstown  was  then  to  he  made  head-quarters,  while  forts 
were  built  in  various  other  positions,  and  the  whole  country  occu- 
pied. He  also  sent  expresses  to  the  Governors  of  Pennsylvania 
and  New  York,  calling  upon  them  for  assistance;  and  with  the 
advice  of  his  council,  proceeded  to  enlist  two  companies,  one  of 
which  was  to  be  raised  by  Washington,  the  other  by  Trent,  who 
was  a  frontier  man.  This  last  was  to  be  raised  upon  the  frontiers ; 
and  to  proceed  at  once  to  the  forks  of  the  Ohio,  there  to  complete, 
in  the  best  manner  and  as  soon  as  possible,  the  fort  begun  by  the 
Ohio  Company;  and  in  case  of  attack,  or  any  attempt  to  resist  the 
settlements,  or  obstruct  the  works,  those  resisting  were  to  be  taken, 
and,  if  need,  were  to  be  killed.* 

While  Yirginia  was  taking  these  strong  measures,  which  were 
My  authorized  by  the  letter  of  the  Earl  of  Holdemesse,  Secretary 
of  State,t  written  in  the  previous  August,  and  which  directed  the 
(Governors  of  the  various  provinces,  after  representing  to  those  who 
were  invading  his  Miyesty's  dominions,  the  injustice  of  the  act,  to 
call  out  the  armed  force  of  the  province,  and  repel  force  by  force, 
Pennsylvania  was  discussing  the  question  whether  the  French  were 
reaUy  invading  his  Majesty's  dominions, — ^the  governor  being  on 
one  side,  and  the  Assembly  on  the  other ;  and  New  York  was  pre- 
paring to  hold  a  conference  with  the  Six  Nations,  in  obedience  to 
orders  from  the  Board  of  Trade,  communicated  in  September,  1758. 
These  orders  had  been  sent  out  in  consequence  of  the  report  in 
England,  that  the  natives  would  side  with  the  French,  because  dis- 
sttisfied  with  the  occupancy  of  their  lands  by  the  English;  and 
simultaneous  orders  were  sent  to  the  other  provinces,  directing 
their  governors  to  recommend  their  Assemblies  to  send  commis- 


t      I 


fortify 
bngahela 
Uenteen 


•  Sparks'  WMhington,  toI.  ii.  pp.  1,  481,  446.— Sparks'  Franklin,  toI.  Hi.  p.  2M. 
t  Sparks*  Ffanklln,  Tol.  iii.  p.  261,  vhere  the  letter  is  giren. 
9 


122 


FRENCH  OK  THE  ALLBQEBNT. 


1764. 


sioners  to  Albany,  to  attend  this  treaty.  New  York,  however,  was 
more  generous  when  called  on  by  Virginia,  than  her  neighbor  on 
the  south,  and  voted,  for  the  assistance  of  the  resisting  colony,  five 
thousand  pounds  currency. 

The  fort  at  Venango  was  finished  in  April,  1754,  and  all  along 
the  line  of  French  creek,  troops  were  gathering;  and  the  wilderness 
echoed  the  strange  sounds  of  an  European  camp,  and  with  these 
were  mingled  the  shrieks  of  drunken  Indians,  won  over  from  their 
old  friendship  by  rum  and  soft  words.  Scouts  were  abroad,  and 
little  groups  formed  about  the  tents  or  huts  of  the  ofiicers,  to  learn 
the  movements  of  the  British.  Canoes  were  gathering,  and  cannon 
were  painfully  hauled  here  and  there.  All  was  movement  and 
activity  among  the  old  forests,  and  on  hill-sides,  from  Lake  Erie  to 
the  Allegheny.  In  Philadelphia,  meanwhile,  Governor  Hamilton, 
in  no  amiable  mood,  had  summoned  the  Assembly,  and  asked  them 
if  they  meant  to  help  the  King  in  the  defense  of  his  dominions ; 
and  had  desired  them,  above  all  things,  to  do  whatever  they  meant 
to  perform,  quickly.  The  Assembly  debated,  and  resolved  to  aid 
the  King  with  a  little  money,  and  then  debated  again,  and  voted  not 
to  aid  him  with  any  money  at  all,  for  some  would  not  give  less  than 
ten  thouEiand  pounds,  and  others  would  not  give  more  than  five 
thousand  pounds;  and  so,  nothing  being  practicable,  they  ad- 
journed upon  the  10th  of  April,  until  the  18th  of  May. 

In  New  York,  a  little,  and  only  a  little,  better  spirit  was  at  work; 
nor  was  this  strange,  as  her  direct  interest  was  much  less  than  that 
of  Pennsylvania.  Five  thousand  pounds,  indeed,  wore  voted  to 
Virginia ;  but  the  Assembly  questioned  the  invasion  of  his  majesty's 
dominions  by  the  French,  and  it  was  not  till  June  that  the  money 
was  sent  forward. 

The  Old  Dominion,  however,  was  all  alive.  As,  under  the  pro- 
vincial law,  the  militia  could  not  be  called  forth  to  march  more 
than  five  miles  beyond  the  bounds  of  the  colony,  and  as  it  was 
doubtful  if  the  French  were  in  Virginia,  it  was  determined  to  rely 
upon  volunteers.  Ten  thousand  pounds  had  been  voted  by  the 
Assembly ;  so  the  two  companies  were  now  increased  to  six,  and 
"Washington  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  lieutenant-colonel,  and  made 
second  in  command  under  Joshua  Fry.  Ten  cannon,  lately  from 
England,  were  forwarded  from  Alexandria ;  wagons  were  got  ready 
to  carry  westward,  provisions  and  stores  through  the  heavy  spring 
roads;  and  everywhere  along  the  Potomac  men  were  enlisting 
under  the  governor's  proclamation,  which  promised  to  those  that 


1754. 


FRBNOH  ON  THE  OHIO. 


128 


ehould  serve  in  that  war,  two  hundred  thousand  acres  of  land  on 
the  Ohio;  or,  already  enlisted,  were  gathering  into  grave  knots,  or 
marching  forward  to  the  field  of  action,  or  helping  on  the  thirty 
cannon  and  eighty  barrels  of  gunpowder,  which  the  king  had  sent 
out  for  the  western  forts.  Along  the  Potomac  they  were  gather- 
ing, as  far  as  to  Wills'  creek,  and  far  beyond  Wills'  creek,  whither 
Trent  had  come  for  assistance ;  his  little  band  of  forty^one  men 
was  working  away,  in  hunger  and  want,  to  fortify  that  point  at  the 
forks  of  the  Ohio,  to  which  both  parties  were  looking  with  deep 
interest.  A  few  Indian  scouts  were  seen,  but  no  enemy  seemed 
near  at  hand;  and  all  was  so  quiet  that  Frazier,  an  old  Indian 
trader,  who  had  been  left  by  Trent  in  command  of  the  new  fort, 
ventured  to  his  home  at  the  mouth  of  Turtle  creek,  ten  miles  up 
the  Monongahela.  But,  though  all  was  so  quiet  in  that  wilderness, 
keen  eyes  had  seen  the  low  entrenchment  that  was  rising  at  the 
forks,  and  swift  feet  had  borne  the  news  of  it  up  the  valley;  and, 
upon  the  17th  of  April,  Ensign  Ward,  who  then  had  charge  of  it, 
was  astonished  at  the  sight  of  sixty  batteaux  and  three  hundred 
canoes,  filled  with  men,  and  laden  deep  with  cannon  and  stores,  on 
the  Allegheny.  The  Commandant,  Contrecceur,  immediately  sent 
in  a  summons  to  surrender  the  fort.  By  the  advice  of  the  Half- 
King,  Ward  sought  to  evade  a  reply,  by  referring  him  to  his  supe- 
rior, Frazier.  It  was  in  vain ;  resistance,  by  his  feeble  band  behind 
unfinished  works,  against  a  thousand  men,  was  alike  useless ;  and 
Ensign  Ward  surrendered  his  works,  and  the  next  day  passed  up 
the  Monongahela. 

The  summons  of  Contrecceur,  which  was  first  brought  to  light 
by  !N^eville  B.  Craig,  Esq.,  is  an  interesting  document.  Aside  from 
the  hold  statement  of  the  French  claim  it  sets  up,  it  constituted 
the  first  act  in  the  long  war  that  followed.  The  seven  years'  war 
arose  at  the  forks  of  the  Ohio ;  it  was  waged  in  all  quarters  of  the 
world;  it  made  England  a  great  imperial  power;  it  drove  the 
French  from  Asia  and  America,  and  dissipated  the  scheme  of  em- 
pire, so  brilliant  and  so  extended,  they  had  so  long  cherished. 

"A  SUMMONS, 

"By  order  of  Monsieur  Contrecceur,  Captain  of  one  of  the  Com- 
panies of  the  Detachment  of  the  French  Marine,  Commander  in 
Chief  of  his  Most  Christian  Majesty's  Troops,  now  on  the  Beauti- 
ful River,  to  the  commander  of  those  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain, 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Monongahela. 

"  Sir— Nothing  can  surprise  me  more  than  to  see  you  attempt  a 


124 


oomBxoavB'i  tuMHoirs. 


1764. 


settlement  apon  the  IadcIb  of  the  king,  mj  master,  wHidh  olilfges 
me  now,  sir,  to  send  yon  this  gentleman,  Ghoralier  Le  Meroier, 
Captain  of  the  Artilleiy  of  Canada,  to  know  of  yon,  sir,  bj  Tirtoe 
of  what  authority  you  are  come  to  fortify  yourself  within  the  dorai'> 
nions  of  the  king,  my  master.  This  action  seems  so  contrary  to 
the  last  Treaty  of  Peace,  at  Aix  La  Chapelle,  between  his  Most 
Christian  Mi^esly  and  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  that  I  do  not 
know  to  whom  to  impate  snch  a  usurpation,  as  it  is  inoontestible 
that  the  lands  situated  along  the  Beautiful  Biver  belong  to  his 
Most  Christian  Mtgesty. 

**  I  am  informed,  sir,  that  your  undertaking  has  been  concerted 
by  none  else  than  by  a  Company,  who  hare  more  in  view  the  ad> 
vantage  of  a  trade,  tiian  to  endeavor  to  keep  the  union*  and  har- 
mony which  subsists  between  the  two  crowns  of  France  and  Great 
Britain,  although  it  is  as  much  the  interest,  sir,  of  your  nation  as 
ours  to  preserve  it. 

"Let  it  be  as  it  will,  sir,  if  yon  come  out  into  this  place,  charged 
with  orders,  I  summon  yon  in  the  name  of  the  King,  my  master, 
by  virtue  of  orders  which  I  got  fhmt  my  general,  to  retreat  peacea- 
bly with  your  troops  from  off  the  lands  of  the  king,  and  not  to 
return,  or  else  I  will  find  myself  obliged  to  fulfill  my  duly,  and 
compel  yon  to  it  I  hope,  sir,  yon  will  not  defer  an  instant,  and 
that  you  will  not  force  me  to  the  last  extremity.  In  that  case,  sir, 
you  may  be  persuaded  that  I  will  give  orders  that  there  shall  be  no 
damage  done  by  my  detachment. 

"  I  prevent  you,  sir,  from  asking  me  one  hour  of  delay,  nor  to 
wait  for  my  consent  to  receive  orders  from  your  Governor.  He 
can  give  none  within  the  dominions  of  the  King,  my  master. 
Those  I  have  received  of  my  General  are  my  laws,  so  that  I  cannot 
depart  from  them. 

"  On  the  contrary,  sir,  if  you  have  not  got  orders,  and  only  come 
to  trade,  I  am  sorry  to  tell  you,  that  I  can't  avoid  seizing  you,  and 
to  confiscate  your  effects  to  the  use  of  the  Indians,  our  children, 
allies,  and  friends,  as  you  are  not  allowed  to  carry  on  a  contraband 
trad'i.  It  is  for  this  reason,  sir,  that  we  stopped  two  Englishmen 
last  year,  who  were  trading  upon  our  lands :  moreover,  the  King, 
niy  master,  asks  nothing  but  his  right;  he  has  not  the  least  '.utc  j- 
tion  to  trouble  the  good  harmony  and  friendship  which  i-«igns 
between  his  Majesty  and  the  E3ng  of  Great  Britain. 

"The  Governor  of  Canada  can  give  proof  of  his  having  done  his 
utmost  endeavors  to  maintain  the  perfect  union  which  reigni 
between  two  friendly  Prineei.  Ashe  had  learned  that  the  Iroquois 


1764. 


WA0HnraiOH'B  WnM  BNOAaUIBHT. 


Ifift 


and  the  mpMungues  of  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Monntaiiu  had  itraok 
and  destroyed  an  Engluh  fftmily,  towards  Oarolina,  he  has  barred 
op  the  road,  and  forced  thttn  to  give  him  a  little  boy  belonjj^g  to 
tbftt  fkmily,  and  which  Mr.  IJlerich,  a  merohant  of  Montreal,  has 
carried  to  Boston ;  and  what  is  more,  he  has  forbid  the  savages 
from  exercising  their  aocustomed  cruelty  npon  the  English,  our 
friends. 

"I  ooald  complain  bitterly,  sir,  of  the  means  taken  all  last  win> 
ter  to  instigate  the  Indians  to  accept  the  hatchet  and  to  strike  us 
while  we  were  striving  to  keep  the  peace.  I  am  well  persuaded, 
sir,  of  the  polite  muiner  in  which  you  will  receive  M.  Le  Mercier, 
as  weU  out  of  regard  to  his  business  as  his  distinction  and  personal 
merit  I  eipect  yon  will  send  him  back  with  one  of  your  officers, 
who  will  bring  me  a  precise  answer.  As  you  have  got  some  In^- 
auB  with  you,  sir,  I  join  with  M.  Le  Mercier,  an  interpreter,  tliat 
he  may  inform  them  of  my  intentions  on  the  subject 
I  am,  with  gpreat  regard.  Sir, 
Your  most  humble  and  most  obecUent  servant, 

OONTRECCEUE. 
Done  at  our  Gamp,  April  16, 1754." 

Washington  was  at  Wills'  creek,  with  three  oompanies,  on  Ids 
march  to  Bedstone,  when  the  news  of  the  surrender  of  the  Forks 
reached  him.  A  consultation  with  his  officers  was  held,  expresses 
were  sent  to  Pennsylvania,  Vir^nia,  and  Maryland,  to  ask  for  rein- 
foreements,  and  it  was  determined  to  advance  to  Bedstone,  and 
erect  there  a  fort  On  the  9<ih  <tf  May,  be  reached  the  Little 
Meadows,  where  he  learned  that  Contrecceur  had  been  reinforced 
by  eight  hundred  men ;  and  French  spies  and  agents  were  examin> 
ing  the  Mcnongahela  valley,  and  bribing  the  Indians.  On  the 
27th  he  arrived  at  the  Q^reat  Meadows,  where  Gist,  who  then  lived 
at  the  head  of  Bedstone  creek,  met  him  and  informed  him  that  a 
scouting  party  of  French  had  been  at  his  house  the  day  previous ; 
and  in  the  evening  a  messenger  arrived  from  Tanacharison,  who 
was  then  encamped  with  some  of  his  warriors  about  six  miles  o£^ 
with  information  that  the  French  were  near  his  encampment 

Washington  immediately  started  with  forty  men  to  join  him. 
The  night  was  dark,  the  rain  fell  in  torrents,  the  woods  were  intri- 
cate, the  soldiers  often  lost  their  way,  hot  at  length  they  arrived  at 
the  Indian  camp  just  before  sunrise.  A  council  was  held ;  spies  ^ere 
sent  out,  and  discovered  the  French  in  an  obscure  place,  surrounded 
by  rocks.    A  disposition  for  attack  was  made,  the  English  on  the 


126 


DEATH  Of  JUMONYILLI. 


1764. 


right,  and- the  Indians  on  the  left,  approached  in  single  file.  The 
French  discovering  their  approach,  ran  to  their  arms ;  a  conflict 
ensued.  The  firing  lasted  for  ahout  fifteen  minutes,  when  the 
French  surrendered ;  Jumonville,  their  commander,  and  ten  of  his 
men,  were  slain,  twenty-two  were  taken  prisoners,  one  escaped  and 
carried  the  tidings  of  the  skirmish  to  Fort  Du  Quesne.  Washing- 
ton's loss  was  one  man  killed  and  two  wounded.  The  Indians  re- 
ceived no  loss.  The  French  afterward  claimed  that  this  was  an 
unauthorized  attack;  and  that  Jumonville  was  sent  in  the  charac- 
ter of  an  embassador,  to  warn  the  English  to  depart  from  lands 
claimed  by  them.  The  circumstances  of  the  case,  however,  prove 
the  fact  that  they  concealed  themselves,  and  reconnoitred  Wash- 
ington's camp ;  and  the  fact  that  they  had  instruction  ft-om  Contre- 
coeur  with  them  to  examine  the  country  as  far  as  the  Potomac,  is  ap- 
pealed to  by  him  as  the  proof  that  they  were,  as  he  had  been  informed, 
not  messengers,  but  spies,  and  hence  enemies,  according  to  the 
usages  of  war.  Deserters  from  Fort  Du  Quesne,  who  afterward 
joined  Washington,  confirmed  the  fact  that  Jumonville  and  his 
party  were  sent  as  spies,  and  directed  to  show  a  summons  which 
they  bore,  only  if  they  were  overpowered. 

Washington  immediately  returned  to  the  Great  Meadows ;  and 
threw  up  a  fortification,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Fort 
Ifecessity,  and  then  proceeded  to  cut  a  road  through  the  wilder- 
ness to  Gist's  plantation. 


From  the  last  of  May  until  the  1st  of  July,  preparations  were 
made  to  meet  the  French,  who  were  understood  to  be  gathering 
their  forces  in  the  West.  On  the  28th  of  June,  Washington  was 
at  Gist's  house,  and  new  reports  coming  in,  that  the  enemy  was 
approaching  in  force,  a  council  of  war  was  held,  and  it  was  thought 
best,  in  consequence  of  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  to  retreat  to 
Great  Meadows,  and  even  further,  if  possible.  When,  however, 
the  retiring  body  of  Provincials  reached  that  post,  it  was  deemed 
impossible  to  go  further  in  the  exhausted  state  of  the  troops,  who 
had  been  eight  days  without  bread.  Measures  were  therefore 
taken  to  strengthen  the  post,  which,  from  the  circumstances,  was 
named  Fort  Necessity.  On  the  1st  of  July,  the  Americans 
reached  their  position;  on  the  3d,  alarm  was  given  of  an  approach- 
ing enemy;  at  eleven  o'clock,  A.  M.,  nine  hundred  in  number, 
they  commenced  the  attack  in  the  midst  of  a  hard  rain;  and  from 
that  time  until  eight  in  the  evening,  the  assailants  ceased  not  to 
pour  their  fire  upon  the  little  fortress.    About  eight,  the  French 


1754. 


SUBKIVDBB  or  VORT  N10I8SITT. 


m 


ons  were 


requested  some  officer  to  be  sent  to  treat  with  thein|  Oaptain  Van- 
braam,  the  only  penon  who  pretended  to  nnderatand  the  language 
of  the  enemy,  was  ordered  to  go  to  the  oamp  of  the  attacking 
party,  whence  he  returned,  bringing  terma  of  capitulation,  which, 
by  a  flickering  candle,  in  the  dripping  quarters  of  his  commander, 
he  translated  to  Washington,  and,  as  it  proved,  mis-translated.  By 
this  capitulation,  the  garrison  of  Fort  Necessity  were  to  have  leave 
to  retire  with  eveiything  but  their  artillery;  the  prisoners  taken 
May  28th,  were  to  be  returned;  and  the  party  yielding  were  to 
labor  on  no  works  west  of  the  mountains,  for  one  year;  for  the 
observance  of  these  conditions,  Oaptain  Yanbraam,  the  negotiator, 
and  Captain  Stobo,  were  to  be  retained  by  the  French,  as  hostages. 
These  provisions  having  been  agreed  to,  Washington  and  his  men, 
hard  pressed  by  famine,  hastened  to  the  nearest  depot,  which  was 
at  Wills'  creek.  At  this  point,  immediately  i^erward,  Fort 
Cumberland  was  erected,  under  the  charge  of  Colonel  Innes,  of 
North  Carolina,  who,  since  the  death  of  Colonel  Fry,  had  been 
commander-in-chief.  At  that  time  there  were  in  service,  the  Vir- 
ginia militia,  the  Independent  Companies  of  Virginia,  South 
Carolina,  and  New  York,  all  of  whom  were  paid  by  the  King; 
troops  raised  in  North  Carolina,  and  paid  by  the  colony,  and 
recruits  from  Maryland;  of  these,  the  Virginia  and  South  Carolina 
troops  alone  had  been  beyond  the  mountains. 

The  course  pursued  by  Washington  in  regard  to  his  Indian 
allies,  gave  them  much  offense,  and  was  severely  censured  by  his 
friend,  the  Half-King: 

"The  Colonel,"  said  he,  *  "was  a  good  natured  young  man,  but  had 
no  experience ;  he  took  upon  him  to  command  the  Indians  as  hid 
slaves,  and  would  have  them  every  day  upon  the  scout,  and  to 
attack  the  enemy  themselves,  but  would  by  no  means  take  advice 
from  the  Indians.  He  lay  in  one  place,  from  one  full  moon  to  the 
other,  without  making  any  fortification,  except  that  little  thing  on 
the  Meadow;  whereas,  had  he  taken  advice,  and  built  such  fortifi- 
cation as  he  (Tanacharison)  had  advised  him,  he  might  easily  have 
beat  off  the  French.  But  the  French  in  the  engagement  acted 
like  cowards,  and  the  English  like  fools." 

From  August  to  October,  little  appears  to  have  been  done;  but 
in  the  latter  month,  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  Dinwiddie,  so 
changed  the  military  organization  of  the  colony  as  to  leave  no 


^ThomBon'a  inquiry  into  the  causes  of  the  Alienation  of  the  Delawares  and  Shava 
noes,  p.  80. 


# 


196 


8KADD00K  LAUDS  IH  TIMIIIU. 


17<5. 


AmerioMi  in  the  army  with  ft  nnk  abora  that  of  oaptain.  This 
was  done  in  ordsr  to  wroii  all  eontests  as  to  precsdonoe  among  ths 
Amerioan  offloen,  it  being  clear  that  troops  from  vaiioas  prorinose 
would  be  called  iato  the  field,  and  that  the  different  oommis- 
sions  from  the  crown,  and  the  colonies,  would  j^ye  large  qjMnings 
for  rivahry  and  conflict ;  but  among  the  resolts  of  the  measares,  was 
the  resignation  of  Washington,  who  for  a  time  retired  to  Mo««t 
Vernon. 


The  next  year  qMned  with  professions,  on  both  sides,  of  die 
most  peacefttl  intentions,  and  preparations  on  both  sides  to  posh 
the  war  vigorously.  France,  in  Jannaiy,  proposed  to  restore 
eveiything  to  the  state  it  was  in,  before  the  last  war,  and  to  refer 
all  claims  to  the  commissioners  at  Paris;  to  which  Britain,  on  the 
22d,  replied,  that  the  west  of  iN'orth  America  must  be  left  as  H 
was  at  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  On  the  6th  of  February,  FrnM^.^ 
made  answer,  that  the  old  English  claims  in  America,  weie 
untenable;  and  offered  a  new  ground  of  compromise,  that  tiie 
English  should  retire  east  of  the  AUeghenies,  and  the  French,  west 
of  the  Ohio.  Tbia  offer  was  long  considered,  and  at  lengtii  1000 
4igreed  to  by  Engkmdy  on  tiie  7th  of  March,  provided  the  French  would 
destroy  all  tiieir  forts  on  the  Ohio  and  its  branches ;  which  the  French 
government  refused  to  do.  While  all  this  negoti'Nt^on  was  going 
en,  other  things  had  also  been  in  motion.  General  Braddock,  with 
^is  gallant  troops,  crossed  the  Atiantic,  and,  on  the  20th  of  Febru- 
ary, landed  in  Yir^nia,  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  land  forces 
In  Aawnioa;  and  in  the  north,  preparation  'vfw  made  for  an  attack 
'on  Crown  Point  and  Niagara.  In  France,  too,  other  work  had 
been  done  than  negotiation ;  at  Brest  and  Bochelle,  ships  were  fit- 
ting out,  and  troops  and  stores  being  collected.  England  ihad  not 
been  asleep,  and  Boscawen  had  been  busy  at  Plymouth,  bmtying 
on  the  workmen,  and  gathering  the  sailors.  In  March,  the  two 
European  neighbore  were  seeking  to  quiet  all  troubles;  in  April 
the  fleets  of  both  were  crowding  sail  across  the  Atlantic,  and,  in 
Alexandria,  Braddock,  Shirley,  and  their  fellow  officers  were  taking 
counsel  as  to  the  summer's  campaagn. 

tn  America,  four  points  were  to  be  attacfked;  Fort  Du  Qaesne, 
Grown  Point,  Niagara,  and  the  French  posts  in  Nova  Scotia.  On 
the  20th  of  April,  Braddock  left  Alexandria  to  march  upon  Bu 
Quesne,  whither  he  was  expressly  ordered,  though  the  officers  in 
America  thought  New  York  should  be  the  main  point  for  regular 
operations.    The  expedition  for  Nova  Scotia,  consisting  of  three 


ITM. 


BBASDOOK'a  MAMB. 


IS* 


thonMnd  MaMMbniatti  men,  left  Boeton  on  the  SOIh  of  Mi^; 
while  the  troops  which  Qeneral  Shirley  wm  to  Ie»d  egainat  NiagM*, 
and  the  pnmnoiala  whioh  Williun  Johnson  wm  to  head  in  the 
Attack  vpon  Grown  Point,  alowly  collected  at  Albany. 

The  fearflil  and  de8{K)nding  coloniata  waited  till  midsnmmer 
•Dzioufly  for  news;  and,  when  the  news  came  that  Kova  Sootia 
had  been  conquered,  and  that  Boacawen  had  taken  two  of  the 
French  men  of  war,  and  lay  before  Loaisburg,  hope  and  joy  ipread 
everywhere.  In  July,  the  report  qn*ead  through  the  coloniei  how 
slowly  and  painfully  Braddook  made  progress  through  the  wilder- 
ness, how  his  contractors  deceived  him,  and  the  colonies  gave  little 
help,  and  neither  horses  nor  wagons  could  be  had,  and  only  one, 
Bei\jamin  FnuJdin,  sent  any  aid;  *  and  then  reports  came  that  he 
had  been  forced  to  leave  many  of  his  troops,  and  much  of  his  bag- 
gage and  artilleiy,  behind  him;  and  then,  about  the  middle  of  the 
nonth,  through  Virginia  there  went  a  whisper,  that  the  great  gene- 
ral had  been  defeated  and  wholly  cut  off;  and,  «s  man  after  man 
rode  down  the  Potomac  confirming  it,  the  planters  hastily  mounted 
and  were  off  to  consult  with  their  neighbors ;  the  country  turned 
eat;  companies  were  formed  to  march  to  the  frontiers;  sermons 
were  preached,  and  every  heart  and  mouth  was  fall. 

In  Pemnsylvania-the  Assembly  were  called  together  to  hear  Ihe 
diocking  news,  and  in  New  York  it  struck  terror  into  those  who 
were  there  gathered  to  attack  the  northern  posts.  Soldiers  deserted ; 
tiie  batteaux  men  dispersed;  and  when  «t  length  Shirley,  since 
Braddock's  death,  the  commander-in-chief,  managed  with  infinite 
labor  to  reach  Oswego,  on  Lake  Ontario,  it  was  too  late  and  stormy, 
and  his  force  too  feeble  to  allow  him  to  more  than  garrison  that 
ipoint,  and  march  back  to  Albany.  Johnson,  however,  met  and 
defeated  the  Baron  Dieskau,  but  Grown  Point  was  not  tidcen,  (h* 
even  attacked. 

The  defea^t  of  Braddock  was,  however,  the  most  prominent  evMit 
of  the  campaign,  and  the  most  terrible  reverse  the  British  arms  had 
suffered  in  America.  A  detailed  description  of  it  is  ^ven  in  the 
language  of  Mr.  Sparks: 

"The  defeat  of  General  Braddook,  on  the  banks  of  the  Monon- 
gshela,  is  one  of  Uie  most  remarkable  events  in  American  history. 
Great  preparations  had  been  made  for  the  expedition,  under  that 


*  %«r)H'  WMhington,  toI.  ii.,  p.  77,  Jte.-^-Sj^ka'  VranUki,  t«1.  irii.,  p.  94,  ilto. 


180 


BRADDOOK'f  MARCH. 


1T«. 


experienced  officer,  and  there  wu  the  moit  sangnine  anticipation, 
both  in  England  and  America,  of  its  entire  snooess.  Such  waa  the 
confidence  in  the  prowess  of  Braddock's  army,  according  to  Dr. 
Franlclin,  that,  while  he  was  on  his  march  to  Fort  Da  Qnesne,  a 
anbscription  paper  was  handed  about  in  Philadelphia,  to  raise 
money  to  celebrate  his  victoiy  by  bonfires  and  illuminations,  as 
soon  as  the  intelligence  should  arrive. 

"General  Braddook  landed  in  Virginia  on  the  20th  of  February, 
1765,  with  two  regiments  of  the  British  army  from  Ireland,  the 
forty-fourth  and  forty-eighth,  each  consisting  of  five  hundred  men, 
one  of  them  commanded  by  Sir  Peter  Halket,  and  the  other  by 
Oolonel  Dunbar.  To  these  were  joined  a  suitable  train  of  artillery, 
with  military  supplies  and  provisions.  The  General's  first  head- 
quarters were  at  Alexandria,  and  the  troops  were  stationed  in  that 
place  and  its  vicinity,  till  they  marched  for  Wills'  creek. 

*'  One  division  of  the  army,  consisting  of  the  provincials  and  a 
part  of  the  forty-fourth,  set  out  on  the  8th  and  0th  of  April,  under 
Sir  Peter  Halket,  for  Winchester,  Virginia,  whence  a  new  road 
had  been  opened,  and  was  nearly  completed,  to  Cumberland,  and 
arrived  by  that  route  at  Wills'  creek,  on  the  10th  of  May.  On  the 
18th  of  April,  Oolonel  Dunbar,  with  the  remainder  of  the  army, 
bringing  the  artillery  and  stores,  set  out  for  Frederick,  Maryland. 
Arriving  there,  it  was  found  that  there  was  no  road  to  Wills'  creek, 
and  Dunbar  was  compelled  to  cross  the  Potomac  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Conococheague,  passed  over  the  Little  Cacapon,  and  again 
ferried  the  Potomac  at  Ferry  Fields.  Thence  on  the  river  side, 
through  Shawanee  Old  Town,  or  Skipton,  the  army  passed  the 
narrows,  and  on  the  20th  of  May  arrived  at  Cumberland. 

"In  letters  written  at  Wills'  creek.  General  Braddock,  with 
much  severity  of  censure,  complained  of  the  lukewarmness  of  the 
colonial  governments  and  tardiness  of  the  people,  in  facilitating  his 
enterprise,  the  dishonesty  of  agents  and  the  faithlessness  of  contrac- 
tors. The  forces  which  he  brought  together  at  Wills'  creek,  how- 
ever, amounted  to  somewhat  more  than  two  thousand  effective  men, 
of  whom  about  one  thousand  belonged  to  the  royal  regiments,  and 
the  remainder  were  furnished  by  the  colonies.  In  this  number 
were  embraced  the  fragments  of  two  independent  companies  from 
New  York,  one  of  which  was  commanded  by  Captain  Gates,  after- 
ward a  Major-General  in  the  Revolutionary  war.  Thirty  sailors 
had  also  been  granted  for  the  expedition  by  Admiral  Keppel,  who 
commanded  the  squadron  that  brought  over  the  two  regiments. 

"At  this  post  the  army  was  detained  three  weeks,  nor  could  it 


1756. 


BRADDOOK'S  DBVIAT. 


181 


it  then  have  moved,  had  it  not  been  for  the  energetic  personal  ler- 
vices  of  Franklin,  among  the  Pennsylvania  fiumers,  in  procuring 
hones  and  wagons  to  transport  the  artillery,  provisions  and  bag- 
gage- 
"The  details  of  the   ma'.'ch  were  well  described  in  Colonel 

Washington's  letters.  The  army  was  separated  into  two  divi- 
sions. The  advanced  division,  under  General  Braddock,  con- 
sisted of  twelve  hundred  me^,  besides  officers.  The  other,  under 
Colonel  Dunbar,  was  loft  iti  the  rear,  to  proceed  by  slower 
marches.  On  the  8th  of  July,  the  general  arrived  with  his 
division,  all  in  excellent  health  and  spirits,  at  the  junction  of 
the  Youghioghony  and  Monongahela  rivers.  At  this  place 
Colonel  Washington  joined  the  advance  division,  being  but  par> 
tially  recovered  from  a  severe  attack  of  fever,  which  had  been 
the  cause  of  his  remaining  behind.  The  officers  and  soldiers  were 
now  in  the  highest  spirits,  and  firm  in  the  conviction  that  they 
should,  within  a  few  huum,  victoriously  enter  thu  walls  of  Fort  Du 
Quesue.  . 

"  The  steep  and  nigged  grounds  on  the  north  side  of  the  Monon- 
gahela prevented  the  army  from  marching  in  that  direction,  and  it 
was  necessary  in  approaching  the  fort,  now  about  fifteen  miles  dis- 
tant, to  ford  the  river  twice,  and  march  part  of  the  way  on  the 
south  side.  Early  on  the  morning  of  the  9th,  all  things  were  in 
readiness,  and  the  whole  train  passed  through  the  river,  a  little 
below  the  mouth  of  the  Youghioghony,  and  proceeded  in  perfect 
order  along  the  southern  margin  of  the  Monongahela. 

"  Washington  was  often  heard  to  say  during  his  lifetime,  that 
the  most  beautiful  spectacle  that  he  ever  beheld  was  the  display  of 
the  British  troops  on  this  eventful  morning.  Every  man  was  neatly 
dressed  in  full  uniform,  the  soldiers  were  arranged  in  columns  and 
marched  in  exact  order,  the  sun  gleamed  from  their  burnished 
arms,  the  river  flowed  tranquilly  on  their  right,  and  the  deep  forest 
overshadowed  them  with  solemn  grandeur  on  their  left.  Officers 
and  men  were  equally  inspired  with  cheering  hopes  and  confident 
anticipations. 

"  In  this  manner  they  marched  forward  till  about  noon,  when 
they  arrived  at  the  second  crossing  place,  ten  miles  from  Fort  Da 
Quesne.  They  halted  but  a  little  time,  and  then  began  to  ford  the 
river  and  regain  its  northern  bank.  As  soon  as  they  had  crossed, 
they  came  upon  a  level  plain,  elevated  but  a  few  feet  above  the 
Surface  of  the  river,  and  extending  northward  nearly  half  a  mile 
from  its  margin.    Then  commenced  a  gradual  ascent,  at  an  angle 


m 


bbaddook's  defeat. 


1T66. 


of  About  three  degrees,  which  terminated  in  hills  of  a  considerable 
height,  at  no  great  distance  bejond.  The  road  from  the  fording 
place  to  Fort  Da  Quesne,  led  across  the  plain  and  up  this  ascent, 
and  thence  proceeded  through  an  uneven  country,  at  that  time 
covered  with  woods. 

"  By  the  order  of  march  a  body  of  three  hundred  men,  under 
Oolonel  Gage,  afterward  General  Gage,  of  Boston  memory,  made 
the  advanced  party,  which  was  immediately  followed  by  another  of 
two  hundred.  17'ezt  came  the  general  with  the  columns  of  artil« 
lery,  the  main  body  of  the  army,  and  the  baggage.  At  one  o'clock 
the  whole  had  passed  the  river,  and  almost  at  this  moment  a  sharp 
firing  was  heard  upon  the  adVMice  parties,  who  were  now  ascend- 
ing the  hill,  and  had  got  forward  about  a  hundred  yards  from  the 
termination  of  the  plain.  A  heavy  discharge  of  musketry  was 
poured  in  upon  their  front,  which  was  the  first  intelligence  they 
had  of  the  proximity  of  an  «nemy,  and  this  was  suddenly  followed 
by  another  on  their  right  flank.  They  were  filled  with  great  con> 
sternation,  as  no  enemy  was  in  sight,  and  the  firing  seemed  to  pro- 
ceed from  an  invisible  foe.  They  fired  in  their  turn,  however,  bat 
quite  at  random,  and  obviously  without  effect,  as  the  enemy  kept 
up  a  discharge  in  quick,  continued  succession. 

'**  The  general  advanced  speedily  to  the  relief  of  these  detach- 
ments ;  but  before  he  could  reach  the  spot  which  they  occupied, 
they  gave  way  and  fell  back  upon  the  artillery  and  the  other 
columns  of  the  army,  causing  extreme  confusion,  and  striking  the 
whole  mass  with  such  a  panic,  that  no  order  could  afterward  be 
restored.  The  general  and  the  officers  behaved  with  the  utmost 
courage,  and  used  every  effort  to  rally  the  men,  and  bring  them  to 
order,  but  all  in  vain.  In  this  state  they  continued  nearly  three 
hours,  huddling  together  in  confused  bodies,  firing  irregularly, 
shooting  down  their  own  officers  and  men,  and  doing  no  percep- 
tible harm  to  the  enemy.  The  Virginia  provincials  were  the  only 
troops  who  seemed  to  retain  their  senses,  and  they  behaved  with  a 
bravery  and  resolution  worthy  of  a  better  fate.  They  adopted  the 
Indian  mode,  and  fought  each  man  for  himself  behind  a  tree.  This 
was  prohibited  by  the  general,  who  endeavored  to  form  his  men 
in:to  platoons  and  columns,  as  if  they  had  been  maneuvering  on  the 
plfdns  of  Flanders.  Meantime  the  French  and  Indians,  concealed 
in  the  ravines  and  behind  trees,  kept  up  a  deadly  and  unceasing 
dischuge  of  musketry,  singling  out  their  objects,  taking  deliberate 
aim.  Mid  producing  a  carnage  almost  unparalleled  in  the  annals  of 
modem  warfiEire.    More  thwi  half  of  the  whole  army,  which  had 


1755. 


braddook's  defeat. 


188 


crossed  the  river  in  bo  proud  an  array,  only  three  hours  before, 
were  killed  or  wounded ;  the  general  himself  had  received  a  mortal 
wound,  and  many  oi  his  best  officers  had  fallen  by  his  side. 

"In  describing  the  action  a  few  days  afterward.  Colonel  Orme 
wrote  to  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania:     *The  men  were  so 
extremely  deaf  to  the  exhortations  of  the  General  and  the  officers, 
that  they  fired  away  in  the  most  irregular  manner  all  their  ammu- 
nition, and  then  ran  off,  leaving  to  the  enemy  the  artillery,  ammu<- 
nition,  provisions  and  baggage ;  nor  could  they  be  persuaded  to 
stop  till  they  had  got  as  far  as  Gist's  plantation,  nor  there  only  in 
part,  many  of  them  proceeding  as  far  as  Colonel  Dunbar's  party, 
who  lay  six  mil<)s  on  this  side.    The  officers  were  absolutely  sacriv 
ficed  by  their  good  behavior,  advancing  sometimes  in  bodies,  some- 
times separately,  hoping  by  such  example  to  engage  the  soldiers 
to  follow  them,  but  to  no  purpose.    The  General  had  five  horses 
shot  under  him,  and  at  last  received  a  wound  through  his  right  arm 
into  his  lungs,  of  which  he  died  the  18th  instant.    Secretary  Shir- 
ley was  shot  through  the  head;  Captain  Morris,  wounded;  Colonel 
Washington  had  two  horses  shot  from  under  him,  and  his  clothes 
•hot  through  in  several  places,  behaving  the  whole  time  with  the 
greatest  courage  and  resolution.    Sir  Peter  Halket  was  killed  upon 
tiie  spot.    Colonel  Burton  and  Sir  John  St.  Clair  were  wounded.' 
In  addition  to  these,  the  other  fidd  officers  wounded  were  Lien- 
tenant-Colonel  Gage,  (afterward  so  well  known  as  the  commander 
of  the  British  forces  in  Boston,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution, 
Colonel  Orme,  Miyor  Sparks,  and  Brigade  M^or  Halket.    Ton 
Captains  were  killed,  and  twenly-two  wounded;  the  whole  numr 
ber  of  officers  in  the  engagement  was  eighty-six,  of  whom  twenty- 
six  were   killed,  and  thirty-seven  wounded.     The  killed   and 
wounded  of  the  privates  amounted  to  seven  hundred  and  fourteen. 
Of  these,  at  least  one-half  were  supposed  to  be  killed.    Their 
bodies  left  on  the  field  of  action  were  stripped  and  scalped  by  the 
Indians.    All  the  artillery,  ammunition,  provisions,  and  baggage^ 
everything  in  the  train  of  the  army,  fell  into  the  enemy's  hand% 
and  were  given  up  to  be  pillaged  by  the  savages.    General  Bradi 
dock's  papers  were  also  taken,  among  which  were  his  instmctioiM 
and  correspondence  with  the  ministry  after  his  arrival  in  Virginia. 
The  same  fate  befell  the  papers  of  Colonel  Washington,  including 
a  private  journal  and  his  official  conespondence,  during  h\z  zsauf 
paign  of  the  preceding  year. 

"M.  de  ContreooBur,  the  commandant  of  Fort  Du  Queso^^ 
received  early  intelligence  of  the  arrival  of  General  Braddock  and 


184 


BRADDOCK  S  DEFEAT. 


1755. 


the  British  regiments  in  Virginia.  After  his  removal  from  Wills' 
oreek,  French  and  Indian  scouts  were  constantly  abroad,  who 
watched  his  motions,  reported  the  progress  of  his  march,  and  the 
route  he  was  pursuing.  His  army  was  represented  to  consist  of 
three  thousand  men.  M.  de  Contrecoeur  was  hesitating  what 
measures  to  take,  believing  his  small  force  wholly  inadequate  to 
encounter  so  formidable  an  enemy,  when  M.  de  Beaiyeu,  a  Captain 
in  the  French  service,  proposed  to  head  a  detachment  of  French 
and  Indians,  and  meet  the  enemy  in  their  march.  The  consent  of 
the  Indians  was  first  obtained.  A  large  body  of  them  was  then 
encamped  in  the  vicinity  of  the  fort,  and  M.  de  Beaujeu  opened 
to  them  his  plan,  and  requested  their  aid.  This  they  at  first 
declined,  giving  as  a  reason,  the  superior  force  of  the  enemy,  and 
the  impossibility  of  success.  But  ait  the  pressing  solicitation  of  M. 
de  Beaujeu,  they  agreed  to  hold  a  council  on  the  subject,  and  talk 
with  him  again  the  next  morning.  They  still  adhered  to  their  first 
decision,  and  when  M.  de  Beaujeu  went  out  among  them  to  inquire 
the  result  of  their  deliberations,  they  told  him  a  second  time  they 
could  not  go.  This  was  a  severe  disappointment  to  M.  de  Beaujeu, 
who  had  set  his  heart  upon  the  enterprise,  and  was  resolved  to 
prosecute  it.  Being  a  man  of  great  good  nature,  affability,  and 
ardor,  and  much  beloved  by  the  savages,  he  said  to  them,  "I  am 
determined  to  go  out  and  meet  the  enemy.  What !  will  you  suffer 
your  father  to  go  out  alone  V  I  am  kure  we  shall  conquer."  With 
this  spirited  harangue,  delivered  in  a  manner  that  pleased  the 
Indians,  and  won  upon  their  confidence,  he  subdued  their  unwil- 
lingness, and  they  agreed  to  accompany  him. 

"It  was  now  on  the  7th  of  July,  and  news  came  that  the  Eng- 
lish were  within  six  leagues  of  the  fort.  This  day  and  the  next 
were  spent  in  making  preparations  and  reconnoitering  the  ground 
for  attack.  Two  other  captains,  Dumas  and  Liquery,  were  joined 
with  M.  de  Beaigeu,  and  also  four  lieutenants,  six  ensigns,  and  two 
cadets.  On  the  morning  of  the  9th  they  were  all  in  readiness,  and 
began  their  march  at  an  early  hour.  It  seems  to  have  been  their 
first  intention  to  make  a  stand  at  the  ford,  and  annoy  the  English 
while  crossing  the  river,  and  then  retreat  to  the  ambuscade  on  the 
side  of  the  hill,  where  the  contest  actually  commenced.  The  trees 
on  the  bank  of  the  river  afforded  a  good  opportunity  to  effect  this 
measure,  and  the  Indian  mode  of  warfare,  since  the  artillery  could 
be  of  little  avail  against  an  enemy,  where  every  man  was  protected 
by  a  tree,  and  at  the  same  time  the  English  would  be  exposed  to  a 
point  blank  musket  shot  in  fording  the  river.    As  it  happened, 


1756. 


BRADDOCK  S  DEFEAT. 


186 


however,  M.  de  Beaujeu  and  his  party  did  not  arrive  in  time  to 
execute  this  part  of  the  plan. 

"The  English  were  preparing  to  cross  the  river,  when  the  French 
and  Indians  reached  the  defiles  on  the  rising  ground,  where  they 
posted  themselves,  and  waited  until  Braddock's  advanced  columns 
came  up.  This  was  the  signal  for  the  attack,  which  was  made  at 
first  in  front,  and  repelled  by  so  heavy  a  discharge  from  the  Bri- 
tish, that  the  Indians  believed  it  proceeded  from  artillery,  and 
showed  symptoms  of  wavering  and  retreat.  At  this  moment  M. 
de  Beaujeu  was  killed,  and  the  command  devolving  upon  M.  Du- 
mas, he  showed  great  presence  of  mind  in  rallying  the  Indians,  and 
ordered  his  officers  to  lead  them  to  the  wings  and  attack  the  enemy 
in  the  flank,  while  he  with  the  French  troops  would  maintain  the 
position  in  front.  This  order  was  promptly  obeyed,  and  the  attack 
became  general.  The  action  was  warm  and  severely  contested  for 
a  short  time ;  but  the  English  fought  in  the  European  method, 
firing  at  random,  which  had  little  effect  in  the  woods,  while  the 
Indians  fired  from  concealed  places,  took  aim,  and  almost  every 
shot  brought  down  a  man.  The  English  columns  soon  got  into 
confusion ;  tho  yell  of  the  savages,  with  which  the  woods  resounded, 
struck  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the  soldiers,  till  at  length  they  took 
to  flight,  and  resisted  all  the  endeavors  of  their  officers  to  restore 
any  degree  of  order  in  their  escape.  The  route  was  complete,  and 
the  field  of  battle  was  left  covered  with  the  dead  and  wounded,  and 
all  the  artillery,  ammunition,  provisions,  and  baggage  of  the  British 
army.  The  Indians  gave  themselves  up  to  pillage,  which  prevented 
them  from  pursuing  the  English  in  their  flight. 

"Such  is  the  substance  of  the  accounts  written  at  the  time  by  the 
French  officers,  and  sent  home  to  their  government.  In  regard  to 
the  numbers  engaged  there  are  some  slight  variations  in  the  three 
statements.  The  largest  number  reported  is  two  hundred  and  fifty 
French  and  Canadians,  and  six  hundred  Indians.  If  we  take  a 
medium,  it  will  make  the  whole  number  led  out  by  M.  de  Beaiyeu, 
at  least  eight  hundred  and  fifty.  In  an  imperfect  return,  three 
officers  were  stated  to  be  killed,  and  four  wounded;  about  thirty 
soldiers  and  Indians  killed,  and  as  many  wounded.  When  these 
fiiuits  are  taken  into  view,  the  result  of  the  action  will  appear  much 
less  wonderful,  than  has  generally  been  supposed.  And  this  won- 
der will  still  be  diminished,  when  another  circumstance  is  recurred 
to,  worthy  of  particular  consideration,  and  that  is,  the  shape  of  the 
ground  upon  which  the  battle  was  fought.  This  part  of  the  de- 
scription, so  essential  to  the  understanding  of  military  operations. 


186 


braddock's  defeat. 


1765. 


and  above  all  in  the  present  instance,  has  never  been  touched 
upon,  it  is  believed,  by  any  writer.  We  have  seen  that  Braddock's 
advanced  columns,  after  crossing  the  valley,  extending  nearly  half 
a  mile  from  the  margin  of  the  river,  began  to  move  up  a  hill,  so 
uniform  in  its  ascent,  that  it  was  little  else  than  an  inclined  plane 
of  a  somewhat  crowning  form.  Down  this  Inclined  surface 
extended  two  ravines,  beginning  near  together,  at  about  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  yards  from  the  bottom  of  the  hill,  and  proceeding  in 
different  directions,  till  they  terminated  in  the  valley  below.  In 
these  ravines  the  French  and  Indians  were  concealed  and  pro* 
tected.  At  this  day  they  are  from  eight  to  ten  feet  deep,  and  suf- 
ficient  in  extent  to  contain  at  least  ton  thousand  men.  At  the  time 
of  the  battle,  the  ground  was  covered  with  trees  and  long  g.tiss,  so 
that  the  ravines  were  entirely  hidden  fh>m  view  till  they  were 
approached  within  a  few  feet.  Indeed,  at  the  present  day,  although 
the  place  is  cleared  from  trees,  and  converted  into  pasture,  they 
are  perceptible  only  at  a  very  short  distance.  By  this  knowledge  cf 
the  local  peculiarities  of  the  battle  ground,  the  mystery  that  the  Bri- 
tish conceived  themselves  to  be  contending  with  an  invisible  foe,  is 
solved.  Such  was  literally  the  fact.  They  were  so  paraded  between 
the  ravines,  that  their  whole  front  and  right  flank  were  exposed  to 
the  incessant  fire  of  the  enemy,  who  discharged  their  muskets  over 
the  edge  of  the  ravines,  concealed  during  the  operation  by  the  grass 
and  bushes,  and  protected  by  an  invisible  barrier  below  the  surface 
of  the  earth.  William  Butler,  a  veteran  soldier,  who  was  in  this 
action,  and  afterward  at  the  plains  of  Abraham,  said,  'We  could 
only  tell  where  the  enemy  was  by  l^e  smoke  of  their  muskets.'  A 
few  scattering  Indians  were  behind  trees,  and  some  were  killed 
venturing  out  to  take  scalps,  but  much  the  larger  portion  fought 
wholly  in  the  ravines. 

"  It  is  not  probable  that  either  G^nend  Braddock,  or  any  one  of 
his  officers,  suspected  the  actual  situation  of  the  enemy  during  the 
whole  bloody  contest  It  was  a  fiault  with  the  general,  for  which 
no  apology  can  be  offered,  that  he  did  not  keep  scouts  and  guards 
in  advance,  and  on  the  wings  of  the  army,  who  would  h%ve  made 
all  proper  discoveries  before  the  whole  had  been  brought  into  a 
asare.  This  neglect  was  the  primary  cause  of  his  defeat ;  which 
might  have  been  anroided.  Had  he  charged  with  the  bayonet,  the 
lavine  would  have  been  cleared  instantly ;  or  had  he  brought  hit 
airtUlerj  to  the  points  where  the  ravines  terminated  in  the  valley, 
and  scoured  tbem  with  grape-shot,  the  same  consequence  would 
ham  fiDllowed. 


1755.. 


BBAPDOOK'S  DBtBAT. 


18T; 


^1*088,  80 

ey  were 
ilthougb 
are,  they 
vledgecf 
ttheBri- 
ble  foe,  is 
.between 
sposed  to 
|ket8  over 
thegraas 
le  surface 
in  thii 
e  coold 
:etB.'   A 
|re  killed 
fougbt 


*<But  the  total  lnsub(»dinaticii  of  his  troops  would  have  p)%* 
vented  both  these  movements,  even  if  he  had  become  acquainted 
with  the  ground  in  the  early  part  of  the  action.  The  disasters  of 
this  day,  and  the  £a,te  of  the  oommander,  brave  and  resolute  as  he 
andoubtedly  was,  are  to  be  ascribed  to  his  contempt  of  Indian  war- 
fare, his  overweening  confidence  in  the  prowess  of  vetenm  troops, 
hia  obsUnate  s^f-complaoency,  his  disregard  of  prudent  counsel, 
and  his  negligence  in  leaving  his  army  exposed  to  a  surprise  on 
their  march.  He  freely  consulted  Colonel  Washington,  whose  ex- 
perience and  judgment,  notwith.9tanding  his  youth,  cMmed  the 
highest  respect  for  his  opinions ;  but  the  general  gave  little  heo^ 
to  his  advice.  Wbila  on  his  march,  Geoige  Croghan,  the  Indian 
interpreter,  joined  him  with  one  hundred  friendly  Indians,  who 
offered  their  eervices.  These  were  accepted  in  so  cold  a  manner, 
and  the  Indians  themselves  treated  with  so  much  neglect,  that  they 
deserted  him  one  after  another.  Washington  pressed  upon  him 
the  importance  of  these  men,  and  the  necessity  of  conciliating  and 
retaining  them,  but  without  effect. 

"When  the  battle  was  over,  and  the  remnant  of  Braddock's 
army  had  gained,  in  their  flight,  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river^ 
Colonel  Washington  was  dispatched  by  the  general  to  meet  Colonel 
Dunbar,  and  order  forward  wagons  for  the  wounded  with  all  pos- 
sible speed.    But  it  was  not  till  the  11th,  after  they  had  reached 
Gist's  plantation,  with  great  difficulty  and  much  suffering  from 
hunger,  that  any  arrived.    The  general  was  first  brought  off  in  a 
tumbrel ;  he  was  next  put  on  horseback,  but  being  unable  to  ri'de, 
was  obliged  to  be  carried  by  the  soldiers.    They  all  reached  Dun- 
bar's camp,  to  which  the  panic  had  already  extended,  and  a  day 
was  passed  there  in  great  coufosion.    The  artillery  was  destroyed, 
and  the  public  stores  and  heavy  baggage  were  burnt;  by  whose 
order  was  never  known.    They  moved  forward  on  the  18th,  and 
that  night  General  Braddock  died,  and  was  buried  in  the  road,  for 
the  purpose  of  concealing  his  body  from  the  Indians.    The  spot  is 
still  pointed  out,  within  a  few  yards  of  the  present  national  road, 
and  about  a  mile  west  of  the  site  of  Fort  I^ecessity,  at  the  great 
meadows.    Captain  Stewart,  of  the  Virginia  forces,  had  taken  par- 
ticular charge  of  him  from  the  time  he  was  wounded  till  his  death. 
On  the  17th,  the  sick  and  wounded  arrived  at  Fort  Cumberiand, 
and  were  soon  after  joined  by  Colonel  Dunbar,  with  the  remaining 
fragments  of  the  army." 
The  French  sent  oui  a  party  as  far  as  Dunbar's  camp,  and  de- 

10 


m-. 


■**.- 


■^'- 


^^#t 


"»■ 


im 


LEWIS    EXPEDITION. 


1766. 


Strayed  everj  thing  that  was  left.    Colonel  Washington,  being  in 
very  feeble  health,  proceeded  in  a  few  days  to  Mount  Vernon. 

Although  the  doings  of  1755  could  not  be  looked  on  as  of  a  very 
amicable  character,  war  was  not  declared  by  either  France  or  Eng- 
land until  May,  the  following  year;  and  even  then  France  was  the 
last  to  proclaim  the  contest  which  she  had  been  so  long  carrying 
on,  though  more  than  three  hundred  of  her  merchant  vessels  had 
been  taken  by  British  privateers.  The  causes  of  this  proceeding 
are  not  very  clear.  France  thought,  beyond  doubt,  that  George 
would  fear  to  declare  war,  because  Hanover  was  so  exposed  to 
jlttack;  but  why  the  British  movements,  upon  the  sea  particularly, 
(^id  not  lead  to  the  declaration  on  the  part  of  France,  is  not  easily 
suggested.  Early  in  1756,  however,  both  kingdoms  formed  alli- 
ances in  Europe.  France  with  Austria,  Russia,  and  Sweden ;  Eng- 
land with  the  great  Frederic.  And  then  commenced  the  Seven 
Years'  War,  wh'  "ein  most  of  Europe,  North  America,  and  the 
East  and  West  Indies  partook  and  suffered. 


-^; 


The  defeat  of  Braddock,  and  the  failure  of  the  expedition,  left 
the  whole  western  frontier  of  the  English  colonies  exposed  to  the 
hostile  excursions  of  the  French  and  Indians.  At  that  time  the 
western  settlements  extended  only  to  the  head  waters  of  the  Sus- 
quehanna, the  Potomac,-  the  Shenandoah,  James,  and  Roanoke 
rivers.  Settlements,  indeed,  had  been  made  between  1745  and 
1750,  near  the  sources  of  the  Cumberland,  Clinch,  and  Holstou 
rivei's.  These  were  broken  up,  and  the  settlers  compelled  to  retire 
beyond  the  mountains,  by  the  Cherokees.  The  valley  of  the  Blue 
ridge  was  desolated  by  the  Shawauees,  and  to  avenge  their  inroads 
in  Virginia,  Governor  Dinwiddle,  in  January,  1756,  dispatched 
Col.  Lewis  to  destroy  their  towns  on  the  Scioto,  and  to  build  a  fort  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Great  Sandy,  as  a  barrier  against  their  incursions. 

Col.  Lewis  organized  his  expedition,  and  proceeded  from  Salem, 
across  New  River,  to  the  Great  Sandy,  but  with  supplies  inadeqaate 
for  so  long  a  march  through  an  uninhabited  country.  Before  the 
troops  reached  the  Ohio,  their  provisions  were  exhausted,  and  they 
were  compelled  to  depend  upon  the  chase  for  their  subsistence. 
When  within  ten  miles  of  the  Ohio,  a  message  was  received  from 
the  governor,  commanding  Col.  Lewis  to  abandon  the  enterprise, 
and  return.  His  n^en  consented  with  great  reluctance  to  abandon 
^eir  hope  (^meeting  the  enemy,  and  obey  ordera  dictated  with  ft 
regard  to  their  safety.  Gi-eat  suffering  ensued.  The  lateness  of 
til©  season  cut  off  their  supply  of  game,  and  they  were  compelled 


'k 


1756. 


ARHSTBONO'S   EXPEDITION. 


189 


to  sabsist  on  nuts  found  in  the  woods.  Soon  the  deep  snows  cut 
off  this  resource,  and  they  were  obliged  to  kill  their  pack  horses  for 
food.  And  when  this  supply  fiuled,  it  is  said,  they  sought 
and  devoured  all  the  skins  and  leather  within  their  reach.  At 
length,  after  such  sufferings  as  rendered  them  almost  incapable  of 
pursuing  their  march,  they  reached  the  settlement  in  safety.* 

At  the  same  time  the  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania  were  continually 
harassed  by  the  Belawares.  To  guard  against  these  incursions,  a 
chain  of  forts  was  erected  along  the  whole  border  of  that  province. 
On  the  east  side  of  the  Susquehanna,  Fort  Henry  was  built,  at  the 
pass  of  the  Swatara;  Fort  Lebanon,  at  the  forks  of  the  Schuylkill ;  and 
Fort  Allen,  at  Gnadenhutten.  On  the  west  of  that  river  were  Fort 
Lowther,  at  Carlisle;  Fort  Morris,  at  Shippensburg;  Fort  Granville 
and  Fort  Shirley,  on  Augwick  branch ;  Fort  Littleton  and  Fort  Lou- 
don, near  Conococheague  creek.  These  forts  along  the  west  side  of 
the  Susquehanna  were  garrisoned  by  eight  companies,  under  the 
command  of  Lieutenant  Oolonei  John  Armstrong.  Notwithstanding 
these  precautions,  the  Indians  continued  their  devastations,  and 
penetrated  beyond  the  line  of  the  English  forts.  These  incursions 
were  made  from  Kittanning,  an  Indiai  village  on  the  Allegheny 
river,  where  the  noted  Captain  Jacobs,  and  occasionally  Shinghis, 
lived.  To  Ifreak  up  this  rendezvous,  and  thus  to  relieve  the  border 
settlements  from  the  horrors  of  Indian  war.  Col.  Armstrong  planned 
and  executed  an  expedition  against  it  His  official^  report  is  a  suf- 
ficient history  of  the  expedition. 

"Fort  Littleton,!  Sept.  14th,  1766. 

"Agreeable  to  mine  of  the  29th  ult.,  we  marched  from  Fort 
Shirley  the  day  following,  and  on  Wednesday,  the  3d  instant,  joined 
our  advanced  party  at  the  Beaver  Dams,  a  few  miles  from  Franks- 
town,  on  the  north  branch  of  the  Juniata.  We  were  there  informed 
that  some  of  our  men  having  been  out  on  a  scout,  had  discovered 
the  tracks  of  two  Indians  on  this  side  of  the  Allegheny  mountain, 
and  but  a  few  miles  from  the  camp.  From  the  freshness  of  the 
tracks,  their  killing  of  a  cub  bear,  and  the  marks  of  their  fires,  it 
seemed  evident  that  they  were  not  twenty-four  hours  before  ns,  which 
might  be  looked  upon  as  a  particular  Providence  in  our  &vor,  that 
we  were  not  discovered.    Next  morning  we  decamped,  and  in  two 


*  Monette'8  Valley  of  the  Mississippi,  vol.  i.  p.  812. 

f  In  Bedford  county,  on  the  way  flrom  Kittanning  to  Carlisle. 


140 


ARMSTRONO'S  BXPEDITION. 


1766. 


days  came  witbin  fifty  miles  of  Kittanuiug.  It  was  there  adjudged 
necessary  to  send  some  persons  to  reconnoitre  the  town,  and  to  get 
the  best  intelligence  they  could  concerning  the  situation  and  posi- 
tion of  the  enemy.  Whereupon  an  officer,  with  one  of  the  pilots, 
and  two  soldiers,  were  sent  oli'for  that  purpose. 

*'  The  day  following  we  met  them  on  their  return,  and  they  in- 
formed us  that  the  roads  were  entirely  clear  of  the  enemy,  and  that 
they  had  the  greatest  reason  to  believe  they  were  not  discovered ; 
but  from  the  rest  of  the  intelligence  they  gave  it  appeared  they  had 
not  been  nigh  enough  the  town,  either  to  perceive  the  situation  of 
it,  the  number  of  the  enemy,  or  what  way  it  might  be  most  advan- 
tageously attacked. 

"  We  continued  our  march,  intending  to  get  as  near  the  town  as 
possible  that  night,  so  as  to  be  able  to  attack  it  the  next  morning 
about  daylight,  but  to  our  great  dissatisfaction,  about  nine  or  ten 
o'clock  at  night,  one  of  our  guides  came  and  told  us  that  he  per- 
ceived a  fire  by  the  roadside,  at  which  he  saw  two  or  three  Indians, 
a  few  perchec  distant  from  our  front.  Whereupon,  with  all  possi- 
ble silence,  I  ordered  the  rear  to  retreat  about  one  hundred  perches, 
in  order  to  make  way  for  the  front,  that  we  might  consult  how  we 
could  best  proceed  without  being  discovered  by  the  enemy. 

"Some  time  after,  the  pilot  returned  a  second  time,  and  assured 
us,  from  the  best  observations  he  could  make,  there  were  not  above 
three  or  four  Indians  at  the  fire.  On  which  it  was  proposed  that  we 
should  immediately  surround,  and  cut  them  off;  but  this  was  thought 
to  be  too  hazardous,  for,  if  but  one  of  the  enemy  had  escaped, 
it  would  have  been  the  means  of  discovering  the  whole  design,  and 
the  light  of  the  moon,  on  which  depended  our  advantageously  post- 
ing our  men,  and  attacking  the  town,  would  not  admit  of  our  stay* 
lug  till  the  Indians  fell  asleep.  On  which  it  was  agreed  to  have 
Lieut.  Hogg  go  with  twelve  men  and  the  person  who  first  discov- 
ered the  fire,  with  orders  to  watch  the  enemy,  but  not  to  attack 
them  till  break  of  day,  and  then,  if  possible,  to  cut  them  off  It 
was  also  agreed,  (we  believing  ourselves  to  be  but  about  six  miles 
from  the  town,)  to  leave  the  horses,  many  of  them  being  tired,  with 
what  blankets  and  other  baggage  we  then  had,  and  take  a  circuit 
off  of  the  road,  which  was  very  rough  and  incommodious,  on  ac- 
count of  the  stones  and  fallen  timber,  in  order  to  prevent  our  being 
heard  by  the  enemy  at  the  fire-place.  This  interruption  much 
retarded  our  march,  but  a  still  greater  loss  arose  from  the  igno- 
rance of  our  pilots,  who  neither  knew  the  true  situation  of  the  town, 
nor  the  best  paths  that  lead  thereto;  by  which  means,  after  cross- 


.m 


armstronq's  expedition. 


141 


a  number  of  hills  and  valleys,  our  fi-ont  reached  the  river  Allegheny, 
about  one  handred  perches  below  the  main  body  of  the  town,  a 
little  before  the  setting  of  the  moon,  to  which  place,  rather  than  by 
pilots,  we  were  guided  by  the  beating  of  the  dmm,  and  the  whoop- 
ing of  the  warriors,  at  their  dances. 

««It  then  became  us  to  make  the  host  use  of  the  remaining 
moonlight;  but  ere  we  were  aware,  an  Indian  whistled  in  a  very  sin- 
gular manner,  about  thirty  perches  from  our  front,  in  the  foot  of  a 
cornfield,  upon  which  we  immediately  sat  down,  and  after  passing 
silence  to  the  rear,  I  asked  one  Baker,  a  soldier,  who  was  our  best 
assistant,  whether  that  was  not  a  signal  to  the  warriors,  of  our 
approach.  He  answered,  no;  and  said  it  was  the  manner  of  a 
young  fellow  calling  a  squaw,  after  he  had  done  his  dance,  who, 
accordingly  kindled  a  fire,  cleaned  his  gun,  and  shot  it  off  before 
he  went  to  sleep. 

"All  this  time  we  wero  obliged  to  lay  quiet,  and  hush  till  the 
moon  was  fairiy  set.  Immediately  after,  a  number  of  fires 
appeared  in  different  parts  of  the  cornfield,  by  which.  Baker  said 
the  Indians  lay,  the  night  being  warm,  and  that  these  fires  would 
immediately  be  out,  as  they  were  designed  only  to  disperse  the 
gnats. 

"r>y  this  time  it  was  break  of  day,  and  the  men  having  marched 
thirty  miles,  were  mostly  asleep;  the  line  being  long,  the  three 
companies  of  the  rear  were  not  yet  brought  over  the  last  precipice. 
For  these,  some  proper  hands  were  immediately  dispatched,  and 
the  weary  soldiers  being  roused  to  their  feet,  a  proper  number 
under  sundry  officers,  were  ordered  to  take  the  end  of  the  hill,  at 
which  we  then  lay,  and  march  along  the  top  of  the  said  hill,  at  least 
one  hundred  perches,  and  so  much  further,  it  being  then  daylight, 
as  would  carry  them  opposite  the  upper  part,  or  at  least  the  body 
of  the  town ;  for  the  lower  part  thereof,  and  the  cornfield,  presu- 
ming the  warriors  were  there,  I  kept  rather  the  larger  number  of 
the  men,  promising  to  postpone  the  attack  on  that  part,  for  eighteen 
or  twenty  minutes,  until  the  detachment  along  the  hill  should  have 
time  to  advance  to  the  place  assigned  them.  In  doing  of  which, 
they  were  a  little  unfortunate. 

"The  time  being  elapsed,  the  attack  was  made  in  the  cornfield, 
and  the  men  with  all  expedition  possible,  dispatched  through  the 
several  parts  thereof.  A  party  being  also  dispatched  to  the  houses, 
which  were  then  discovered  by  the  light  of  day.  Oaptain  Jacobs, 
immediately  then  gave  the  war  whoop,  and  with  sundry  other 
Indians,  as  the  English  prisoners  afterward  told  us,  cried,  "the  white 


142 


ARMSTROMO'S   KXPEDITION. 


1766. 


men  were  at  last  come,  they  would  have  scalps  enough,"  hut  at 
the  same  time,  ordered  their  squaws  and  children  to  flee  to  the 
woods. 

"  Our  men  with  great  eagerness  passed  through  and  fired  in  the 
cornfield,  where  they  had  several  returns  from  the  enemy,  as  they 
also  had  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  Presently  after,  a 
brisk  fire  began  among  the  houses,  which  from  the  house  of 
Captain  Jacobs,  was  returned  with  a  great  deal  of  resolution ;  to 
which  place  I  immediately  repaired,  and  found,  that  from  the 
advantages  of  the  house,  and  port-holei?,  sundry  of  our  people  were 
wounded,  and  some  killed;  and  finding  that  returning  tiiefire  upon 
the  house  was  ineffectual,  ordered  the  contiguous  houses  to  be  sot 
on  fire,  which  was  performed  with  a  great  deal  of  activity — the 
Indians  always  firing  whenever  an  object  presented  itself,  and 
seldom  missing  of  wounding  or  killing  some  of  our  people;  from 
which  house,  I  received,  in  moving  about  and  giving  the  necessary 
orders,  a  wound  with  a  large  musket  ball  in  the  shoulder.  Sundry 
persons  during  the  action,  were  ordered  to  tell  the  Indians  to  sur- 
render themselves  prisoners,  but  one  of  the  Indians,  in  particular, 
answered  and  said,  "he  was  a  man,  and  would  not  be  a  prisoner." 
Upon  which  he  was  told,  in  Indian,  he  would  be  burnt.  To  this 
he  replied,  he  did  not  care,  for  he  would  kill  four  or  five  before  he 
died;  and  had  we  not  desisted  from  exposing  ourselves,  they  would 
have  killed  a  great  many  more ;  they  having  a  number  of  loaded 
guns  there.  As  the  fire  began  to  approach,  and  the  smoke  grow 
thick,  one  of  the  Indian  fellows  to  show  his  manhood,  began  to 
sing.  A  squaw  in  the  same  house,  and  at  the  same  time,  was 
heard  to  cry  and  to  make  a  noise,  but  for  so  doing,  was  severely 
rebuked  by  the  men;  but,  by  and  by,  the  fire  being  too  hot  for 
them,  two  Indian  fellows  and  a  squaw,  sprung  out,  and  made  for 
the  cornfield,  who  were  immediately  shot  down  by  our  people; 
then  surrounding  the  houses,  it  was  thought  Captain  Jacobs  tum- 
bled himself  out  at  the  garret  or  cockloft  window,  at  which  he  was 
shot — our  prisoners  offering  to  be  qualified  to  the  powder  horn  and 
pouch,  there  taken  off  him,  which  they  say  he  had  lately  got  from 
a  French  officer,  in  exchange  for  Lieutenant  Armstrong's  boots, 
which  he  carried  from  Fort  Greenville,  where  the  lieutenant  was 
killed.  The  same  prisoners  say  they  are  perfectly  assured  of  his 
scalp,  as  no  other  Indians  there  wore  their  hair  in  the  same 
manner.  They  also  say  they  know  his  squaw's  scalp,  by  a  particu- 
lar bob,  and  also  know  the  scalp  of  a  young  Indian  called  the 
King's  son.    Before  this  time,  Captain  Hugh  Mercer,  who  early  in 


1766. 


ARMBTROKa'S  XXPHDITIOK. 


148 


the  action  was  wounded  in  tlie  arm,  had  been  taken  to  the  top  of 
the  hill  above  the  town,  to  where  a  number  of  the  men  and  some 
of  the  officers  were  gathered;  from  whence  they  had  discovered 
some  Indians  cross  the  river  and  take  the  hill,  with  an  intention, 
they  thought,  to  surround  us,  and  cut  us  off  from  our  retreat,  from 
whom  I  had  sundry  presding  messages  to  leave  the  house,  and 
retreat  to  the  hill,  or  we  should  all  be  out  off;  but  to  this  I  could 
by  no  means  consent,  till  all  the  houses  were  set  on  fire ;  though 
our  spreading  on  the  hill  appeared  very  necessary,  yet,  it  did 
prevent  our  researches  of  the  cornfield  and  river  side,  by  which 
means  sundry  scalps  were  left  behind,  and  doubtless  some  squaws, 
children,  and  English  prisoners,  that  otherwise  might  have  been 
got 

"During  the  burning  of  the  houses,  which  were  nearly  thirty  in 
number,  we  were  agreeably  entertained  with  a  quick  succession  of 
charged  guns  gradually  firing  off,  as  they  were  reached  by  the  fire; 
bat  more  so  with  the  vast  explosion  of  sundry  bags  and  large  kegs 
of  gunpowder,  wherewith  almost  every  house  abounded.  The 
prisoners  afterward  informing  us  that  the  Indians  had  frequently  said 
they  had  a  sufficit  it  stock  of  ammunition  for  ten  years,  to  war  with 
the  English.  With  the  roof  of  Captain  Jacob's  house,  where  the 
powder  blew  up,  was  thrown  the  leg  and  thigh  of  an  Indian,  with 
a  child  of  three  or  four  years  old,  such  a  height  that  they  appeared 
as  nothing,  and  fell  into  the  adjacent  cornfield.  There  was  also  a 
great  quantity  of  goods  burnt,  which  the  Indians  had  received  but 
ten  days  before  from  the  French. 

"By  this  time,  I  had  proceeded  to  the  hill,  to  have  my  wound 
tied  up  and  the  blood  stopped,  when  the  prisoners,  who,  in  the 
morning  had  come  to  our  people,  informed  me  that  that  very  day, 
two  batteaux  of  Frenchmen,  with  a  large  party  of  Delaware  and 
French  Indians  were  to  join  Captain  Jacobs  at  Kittanning,  and  to 
set  out  early  next  morning  to  take  Fort  Shirley,  or,  as  they  called 
it,  George  Groghan's  fort,  and  that  twenty-four  warriors  who  had 
lately  come  to  town,  were  sent  before  them  the  evening  before,  for 
what  purpose  they  did  not  know,  whether  to  prepare  meat,  to  spy 
the  fort,  or  to  make  an  attack  on  some  of  our  back  settlements. 

"Soon  -ifter,  upon  a  little  reflection,  we  were  convinced  these 
warriors  were  all  at  the  fire  we  had  discovered,  but  the  night  before, 
and  began  to  doubt  the  fate  of  Lieutenant  Hogg  and  his  party. 
From  this  intelligence  of  the  prisoners,  our  provisions  being  scaf- 
folded some  thirty  miles  back,  except  what  were  in  the  men's  haver- 
sacks, which  were  left  with  the  horses  and  blankets  with  Lieuton- 


144 


ARBISTRONO'S  BXPBDITION. 


1756. 


ent  Hogg  and  his  party,  and  a  number  of  woanded  people  then  on 
hand,  by  the  advice  of  the  officers  it  was  thoaght  impmdont  then 
to  wait  for  the  cutting  down  of  the  cornfield  which  was  before 
designed,  but  immediately  to  collect  our  wounded  and  force  our 
march  back  in  the  best  manner  we  could,  which  we  did  by  collect- 
ing a  few  Indian  homos  to  carry  off  our  wounded. 

"From  the  approhensioft  of  being  waylaid  and  surrounded, 
especially  by  some  of  the  woodsmen,  it  was  difficult  to  keep  the 
men  together;  our  march  for  sundry  miles  not  exceeding  two  miles 
an  hour— which  apprehensions  were  heightened  by  the  attempt  of 
a  few  Indians,  who,  for  some  time  after  the  march,  fired  on  each 
wing  and  immediately  ran  off,  from  whom  we  received  no  other 
damage  but  one  of  our  men  being  wounded  through  both  legs. 
Captain  Mercer  being  wounded  was  induced,  as  we  have  reason  to 
believe,  by  some  of  his  men,  to  leave  the  main  body  with  his  ensign, 
John  Scott,  and  ten  or  twelve  men,  they  being  heard  tell  him  that 
we  were  in  great  danger,  and  that  they  could  take  him  into  the 
road  a  nigh  way,  is  probably  lost,  there  being  yet  no  account  of 
him,  and  most  of  the  men  have  ootAe  in.  A  detachment  was  sent 
to  bring  him  in,  but  could  not  find  him,  and,  upon  the  return  of  the 
detachment,  it  was  generally  reported  he  was  seen  with  the  above 
number  of  men  take  a  different  road. 

"Upon  our  return  to  the  place  where  the  Indian  fire  had  been 
discovered  the  night  before,  wc  met  with  a  sergeant  of  Captain 
Mercer's  company  and  two  or  three  others  of  his  men,  who  had 
deserted  us  that  morning,  immediately  after  the  action  at  the  Eit- 
tanning.  These  men  in  running  away  had  met  Lieutenant  Hogg, 
who  lay  wounded  in  two  different  parts  of  his  body,  by  the  road- 
side. He  then  told  them  of  the  fatal  mistake  of  the  pilot,  who  had 
assured  us  that  there  were  but  three  Indians  at  the  most,  at  the 
ire-place;  but  when  they  came  to  attack  them  that  morning, 
according  to  orders,  he  found  a  number  considerably  superior  to 
his,  and  believes  they  killed  or  mortally  wounded  three  of  them  at 
the  first  fire,  after  which  a  warm  engagement  began,  and  continued 
for  about  an  hour,  when  three  of  his  best  men  were  killed  aiid  him- 
self twice  wounded;  the  residue  fleeing  off,  he  was  obliged  to  squat 
in  a  thicket  where  he  might  have  lain  securely,  if  this  teowardly 
sergeant  and  others  that  fled  with  him,  had  not  taken  him  away. 

"They  had  marched  but  a  short  space  when  tout  Indians  appeared, 
on  which  these  deserters  began  to  flee.  The  lieutenant  then,  not- 
withstanding his  Wounds,  as  a  brave  soldier,  urging  iand  command- 
ing them  to  stand  and  fight,  which  they  all  reflised. 


1766. 


ARMBTROMa's  BXPEDITIOir. 


145 


<*  The  Indian"  pursued,  killing  one  man,  and  wounding  the  lieu- 
tenant n  third  time  in  the  belly,  of  which  he  died  in  a  few  hours; 
but  he,  having  some  time  before  been  put  en  horseback,  rode  some 
milcB  from  the  place  of  action.  But  this  last  atta<:k  of  the  Indiaris 
upon  Lieutenant  Hogg  and  the  deserters  was,  by  the  before-men- 
tioned sergeant,  represented  to  us  in  a  vnry  different  light ;  he  t(  11- 
ing  as  that  there  was  a  far  larger  num\>er  of  the  Indians  there  than 
appeared  to  them,  and  that  they  fought  five  rounds.  That  he  had 
there  seen  the  lieutenant  and  sundry  others  killed  and  scalped,  and 
bad  also  discovered  a  number  of  Indians  throwing  themselves  be- 
fore UB,  and  insinuated  a  great  deal  such  stuff,  as  threw  us  into 
much  confusion.  So  that  the  officers  had  a  great  deal  to  do  to 
keep  the  men  together,  but  could  not  prevail  on  them  to  collect 
what  horses  and  other  baggage  the  Indians  had  left,  after  their 
conquest  of  Lieutenant  Hogg,  and  the  party  under  his  command, 
in  tlie  morning,  except  a  few  of  the  horses,  which  some  of  tho 
bravest  of  the  men  were  prevailed  on  to  collect.  So  that  from  ♦be 
mistake  of  the  pilot,  who  spied  the  Indians  at  the  fire,  and  the 
cowardice  of  the  said  sergeant,  and  other  deserters,  we  have  sus- 
tained a  considerable  loss  of  our  horses  and  baggage. 

*'  It  is  impossible  to  ascertain  the  exact  loss  of  the  enemy  killed 
in  the  action,  as  some  were  destroyed  by  fire,  and  others  in  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  cornfield ;  but,  on  a  moderate  computation,  it  is 
generally  believed  there  cannot  be  less  than  thirty  or  forty  killed, 
or  mortally  wounded,  as  much  blood  was  found  in  sundry  parts  of 
the  cornfield,  and  Indians  seen  in  several  parts  crawl  into  the 
woods,  on  hands  and  feet,  whom  the  soldiers,  in  pursuit  of  others, 
then  overlooked,  expecting  to  find  and  scalp  them  afterward,  and 
also  several  killed  and  wounded  in  crossing  the  river. 

''  On  beginning  our  march  back,  we  had  about  a  dozen  of  scalps, 
and  eleven  English  prisoners,  but  now  find  that  four  or  five  of  the 
scalps  are  missing ;  part  of  which  were  lost  on  the  road,  and  part 
in  possession  of  the  men  with  Captain  Mercer,  separated  from  the 
main  body,  with  whom  also  went  four  prisoners,  the  other  seven 
being  now  at  this  place,  where  we  arrived  on  Sunday  night ;  not 
being  attacked  through  our  whole  march  by  the  enemy,  though  we 
expected  it  every  day.  Upon  the  whole,  had  our  pilots  understood 
the  situation  of  the  town,  and  the  paths  leading  to  it,  so  as  to  have 
posted  us  at  a  convenient  place,  where  the  disposition  of  the  men, 
and  the  duty  assigned  them  could  have  been  performed  with  greater 
advantage,  we  had,  by  divine  assistance,  destroyed  a  much  greater 
number  of  the  enemy,  recovered  more  prisoners,  and  sustained 


'4. 


146 


ARHSTBONO'S  B^PBDITION. 


1756. 


less  damage  than  what  we  have  at  present.  Bat  the  advantage 
gained  over  these  our  common  enemies  is  far  from  being  satisfac- 
tory to  us,  yet  we  most  not  despise  the  smallest  degree  of  success 
that  God  is  pleased  to  give,  especially  at  a  time  when  the  attempts 
of  our  enemies  have  been  so  prevalent  and  successfal.  I  am  sure 
tliere  was  the  gi;eate8t  inclination  to  do  more,  had  it  been  in  our 
power,  as  the  officers,  and  most  of  the  soldiers,  throughout  the 
whole  action,  exerted  themselves  with  as  much  activity  and  resolu- 
tion as  could  possibly  be  expected. 

"  Our  prisoners  inform  us  the  Indians  have  for  some  time  past 
talked  of  fortifying  at  the  Eittanning,  and  other  towns.  That  the 
number  of  French  at  Du  Quesne  is  about  four  hundred.  That  the 
principal  part  of  their  provisions  came  up  the  river,  from  the  Mis- 
sissippi; and  that  in  the  three  other  forts,  which  the  French  have 
on  the  Ohio,  there  are  not  more  men,  taken  together,  than  what 
there  are  at  Fort  Du  Quesne. 

"  I  hope  as  soon  as  possible  to  receive  your  Honor's  instructions, 
with  regard  to  the  distribution  or  stationing  of  the  sundry  compa- 
nies in  this  battalion ;  and,  as  a  number  of  men  are  now  wanting 
in  each  of  the  companies,  whether  or  no  they  should  be  immedi- 
ately recruited;  and  if  the  sundry  officers  are  to  recruit,  that  money 
be  speedily  sent  for  that  purpose. 

"  I  beg  the  favor  of  your  Honor,  as  soon  as  possible,  to  furnish 
Governor  Morris  with  a  copy  of  this  letter,  and  the  gentlemen 
commissioners  for  the  province  another,  as  my  present  indisposi- 
tion neilher  admits  me  to  write  or  dictate  any  more  at  this  time. 

"  In  case  a  quantity  of  ammunition  is  not  already  sent  to  Car- 
lisle, it  should  be  sent  as  soon  as  possible;  and  also  if  the  compa- 
nies are  to  be  recruited  and  completed,  there  must  be  an  immediate 
supply  of  about  three  hundred  blankets,  as  there  have  been  a  great 
many  lost  in  the  present  expedition.  Enclosed  is  a  list  of  the 
killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  of  the  several  companies.  I  expect 
to  get  to  Carlisle  in  about  four  days. 

JOHN  ARMSTRONG." 


The  progress  of  the  war  in  the  next  year  was  unfavorable  to 
the  colonies.  The  indecision  of  the  British  cabinet,  the  inca- 
pacity of  the  British  officers  in  America,  the  want  of  harmony  in 
the  colonial  governments,  conspired  to  paralyze  all  effisrt.  A 
project  indeed  was  set  on  foot  to  reduce  Louisburg,  but  on  the 
information  of  that  post  being  reinforced  by  a  French  fleet,  it  was 
abandoned.    Taking  advantage  of  the  absence  of  the  provincial 


1756. 


1757. 


PITT  HADB  MINISTER. 


147 


Antage 
itisfac- 
iuccebs 
tempts 
m  sure 
in  our 
»ut  the 
resolu- 

ne  past 
'hat  the 
'hat  the 
he  Mis- 
ch  have 
in  what 

uctions, 
compa- 
wauting 
immedi- 
it  money 

>  furnish 
ntlomen 
idisposi- 
time. 
to  Car- 
compa- 
mediate 
a  great 
of  the 
I  expect 

•NG." 

rable  to 
16  inca- 
naony  in 
"Tort.  A 
on  the 
t,  it  was 
l-ovincial 


army  which  waa  collected  at  Halifax  to  aid  in  the  attack  on  Louis- 
burg,  Montcalm  laid  siege  to  Fort  William  Henry.  After  a 
spirited  resistance,  Colonel  Monroe  surrendered.  It  was  stipulated 
that  the  garrison  should  be  allowed  the  honors  of  war,  and  pro- 
tected to  Fort  Edward.  But  no  sooner  had  the  soldiers  left  the 
place,  than  they  were  attacked  by  the  Indians  in  the  French  army, 
aud  all  who  could  not  escape  were  massacred.  The  British  fleet, 
too,  while  cruising  offLouisbourg,  was  dispersed,  and  many  of  the 
vessels  driven  ashore  and  destroyed.  In  Europe,  too,  England 
suffered;  the  great  Frederic  was  borne  down,  the  navy  of  England 
was  defeated  in  the  Mediterranean,  and  the  British  colonies  in  the 
East  were  menaced  by  the  activity  of  the  French. 

But  on  the  29th  of  June,  1757,  the  great  Pitt  was  made  Prime 
Miuister.  An  immediate  re-organization  of  the  military  forces  of 
the  kingdom  was  made ;  measures  were  taken  to  prosecute  the  war 
with  vigor,  aud  the  year  1758  opened  under  better  auspices.  On 
sea  and  land,  in  Asia,  Europe  and  America,  Britain  regained  what 
had  been  lost.  The  Austriaus,  Russians  and  Swedes,  all  gave  way 
before  the  great  captain  of  Prussia,  and  Pitt  sent  his  own  strong, 
hopeful,  and  energetic  spirit  into  his  subalterns.  In  North 
Amenca,  Louisburg  yielded  to  Boscawen,  Fort  Frontenac  was 
taken  by  Bradstreet,  and  Du  Quesne  was  abandoned  upon  the 
approach  of  Forbes  through  Pennsylvania. 

The  history  of  this  last  capture,  was  more  particularly  connected 
with  the  "West.  The  details  of  the  march  may  be  seen  in  the 
letters  of  Washington,  who,  in  opposition  to  Colonel  Bouquet,  was 
in  favor  of  crossing  the  mountains  by  Braddock's  road,  whereas. 
Bouquet  wished  to  cut  a  new  one  through  Pennsylvania.  In  this 
division.  Bouquet  was  listened  to  by  the  general ;  and  late  in  the 
season  a  new  route  was  undertaken,  by  which  such  delays  and 
troubles  were  produced,  that  the  whole  expedition  ci\me  near 
proving  a  failure.  Braddock's  road  had,  in  early  times,  been 
selected  by  the  most  experienced  Indians  and  frontier  men  as  the 
most  favorable  whereby  to  cross  the  mountains,  being  nearly  the 
route  by  which  the  national  road  has  been  since  carried  over  them. 
In  1758,  it  waa  opened  by  the  Ohio  Company.  It  was  afterward 
improved  hy  the  provincial  troops  under  "Washington,  and  was 
finished  ^y  Braddock's  engineers;  aud  this  route  was  now  to  be 
given  up,  and  a  wholly  new  one  opened,  probably,  as  Washington 
suggested,  through  Pennsylvania  influence,  that  her  frontier  might 
thereby  be  protected,  and  a  way  opened  for  her  traders.    The 


148 


DISSATISFACTION  OF  THS  INDIANS. 


1768. 


hardships  and  dangers  of  the  march  from  Rajstown  to  Fort  Du 
Quesne,  where  the  British  van  arrived  upon  the  25th  of  Novemher, 
may  be  seen  slightly  pictured  by  the  letters  of  Washington,  and 
the  journal  of  Post,  and  may  be  more  vividly  conceived  by  those 
who  have  passed  through  the  valley  of  the  upper  Juniata. 

But  the  position  of  things  in  the  West,  during  the  autumn  of 
1768,  was  very  unfavorable.  The  French  did  their  utmost  to 
alienate  the  Biz  Kations  and  Delawares  from  their  old  connection 
with  the  British;  and  so  politic  were  their  movements,  so  accurate 
their  knowledge  of  Indian  character,  that  they  fully  succeeded. 
The  English  had  made  some  attempts  to.get  a  claim  to  the  western 
lands,  and  had  even  obtained  gn^nts  of  those  lands;  but  the  wild 
men  saw  they  had  been  deceived,  and  listened  to  the  French  pro- 
fessions of  friendship,  backed  as  they  were  by  presents  and  polite- 
ness, and  accompanied  by  no  attempts  to  buy  or  wheedle  lands 
from  them.  Early,  therefore,  many  of  the  old  allies  of  England 
joined  her  enemies;  and  the  treaties  of  Albany,  Johnson  Hall,  and 
Easton,  did  little  or  nothing  towards  stopping  the  desolation  of  the 
frontiers  of  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia.  The  Quakers 
always  believed  that  this  state  of  enmity  between  the  Delawares 
and  themselves,  or  their  rulers,  might  be  prevented  by  a  little 
friendly  communion;  but  the  persuasions  of  the  French,  the 
renegade  English  traders,  and  others  who  had  gone  to  the  West, 
were  great  obstacles  to  any  friendly  intercourse  on  the  one  side, 
and  the  common  feeling  among  the  whites  was  an  equal  difficulty 
on  the  other. 

The  depraved  character  of  the  English  traders  among  the  Indian  b 
doubtless  had  much  to  do  in  exciting  and  keeping  alive  their  resent- 
ment. They  are  thus  described  in  a  message  of  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania  to  the  Assembly,  immediately  after  the  Lancaster 
Treaty  of  1744.*  "I  cannot,"  says  he,  "but  be  apprehensive  that 
the  Indian  trade,  as  it  is  now  carried  on,  will  involve  us  in  some 
fatal  Quarrel  with  the  Indians.  Our  Traders,  in  Defiance  of  the 
Law,  carry  spirituous  Liquors  among  them,  and  take  the  Advan- 
tage of  their  inordinate  Appetite  for  it,  to  cheat  them  of  their  Skins 
and  their  Wampum,  which  is  their  Money,  and  often  to  debauch 
their  Wives  into  the  Bargain.  Is  it  to  be  wondered  at  then,  if, 
when  they  recover  from  their  dranken  Fit,  if  they  should  take  some 


*  Thompson's  Causes  of  the  Alienation  of  the  Delaware  and  Shawanese  Indian!?, 
don,  1769,  pp.  56  and  76. 


Lou- 


1758. 


CHARAOTES  OF  THE  INDIAN  lUlADERS. 


14» 


oevere  Revenges.  If  I  am  rightly  iaformed,  the  like  abos'  t  of  the 
Traders  in  New  England  were  the  principal  Causes  of  the  Indiaa 
Wars  there,  and  at  length  obliged  the  Goveromont  to  take  the 
Trade  into  their  own  Hands.  This  is  a  Matter  that  well  deserves 
your  attention,  and  perhaps  will  soon  require  your  Imitation." 

The  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  too,  in  an  address  to  the  Gov- 
ernor, in  1754,  ''bewail  the  miserable  condition  of  our  Indian  Trade 
carried  on,  some  few  excepted,  by  the  vilest  of  our  own  Inhabitants 
and  Convicts  imported  from  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  by  which 
Means  the  English  I^ation  is  unhappily  represented  among  our 
Indian  Allies  in  the  most  disagreeable  manner.  These  trade  with- 
out Control,  either  beyond  the  limits,  or  at  least  beyond  the  power 
of  our  Laws,  debauching  the  Indians  and  themselves  with  spiritu- 
ous Liquors,  which  they  now  make,  in  a  great  Measure,  the  princi- 
pal Article  of  their  Trade  in  direct  Violation  of  our  Laws,  supplied, 
as  we  are  informed,  by  some  Magistrates,  who  hold  a  Commission 
under  thit  <  >vernment,  and  other  Inhabitants  of  our  back 
Counties." 

The  char&  jI  the  traders  here  complained  of,  is  fully  borne  out 
by  the  speech  of  an  Indian  chief,  to  the  Commissioners  at  Carlisle, 
in  1753. 

"Your  Traders,"  says  he,  "bring  scarce  anything  but  Rum  and 
Flour.  They  bring  little  Powder  and  Lead,  or  other  valuable 
Goods.  The  Rum  ruins  us.  We  beg  you  would  prevent  its  coming 
in  such  Quantities  by  regulating  the  Traders.  We  never  under- 
stood the  trade  was  to  be  for  Whisky  and  Flour.  We  desire  it 
may  be  forbidden,  and  none  sold  in  the  Indian  Country ;  but  that, 
if  the  Indians  will  have  any,  they  may  go  among  the  Inhftbitants 
and  deal  with  them  for  it.  When  these  Whisky  Traders  come,  they 
bring  thirty  or  forty  Cags,  and  put  them  down  before  us,  and  make 
us  drink,  and  get  all  the  Skins  that  should  go  to  pay  the  Debts  we 
have  contracted  for  Goods  bought  of  the  fair  Traders,  and  by  this 
Means  we  not  only  ruin  ourselves,  but  them  too.  These  wicked 
Whisky  Sellers,  when  they  have  got  the  Indians  in  Liquor,  make 
them  sell  the  very  Clothes  from  their  Backs.  In  short,  if  this  Prac- 
tice be  continued,  we  must  be  inevitably  ruined.  We  most  earn- 
estly, therefore,  be^ech  you  to  remedy  it." 

In  the  autumn  of  1756,  a  treaty  was  held  at  Easton  with  the 
Pennsylvania  Delawares,  and  peace  agreed  to.  But  this  did  not 
bind  the  Ohio  Indiana  even  of  the  same  nation,  much  less  the 
Shawanese  and  Mingoes;  and  though  the  Sachem  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania savages,  Teedyuscung,  promised  to  call  his  western  relatives 


■M" 


150 


FOKBIft'  EXPBDTnOir. 


1768. 


witli  a  loud  v#se,  they  did  not  or  would  not  hear  hnn;  the  toma- 
hawk was  iilin  brandished  among^the  rocky  mountain  fitstneas^s  of 
the  interior.  <  Ifoi^  i^  any  heart  but  pity  the  red  men.  They  knew 
not  whom  to  brieve,  nor  where  to  look  ibr  a  true  Mend.  The 
French  said  tfaeyxame  to  defend  ^em  firom  the  English  r  the 
English  said  they  came  to  defend  them  from  the  Erench;vand 
between  the  two  powers  they  were  wasting  away,  and  their  hoitnes 
disappearing  before  them.  *'The  lar/fca  of  France  and  England," 
said  Teedyuscung,  "have  settled  this  land  so  as  to  coop  us  up  as  if 
in  a  pon.  This  very  j^und  that  is  under  me  was  my  laud  and 
inheritance,  and  is  taken  from  me  by  fraud."  Such  being  the  feel- 
ing of  the  natives,  and  success  being  of  late  nearly  balanced  between 
the  two  European  powers,  no  wonder  that  they  hung  doubting,  and 
knew  not  which  way  to  turn.  The  French  wished  the  eastern 
Delawares  to  move  west,  so  as  to  bring  them  within  their  influence, 
and  the  British  tried  to  persuade  them  to  prevail  on  their  western 
brethren  to  leave  their  new  allies  and  be  at  peace. 

In  1758,  the  condition  of  affitirs  being  as  stated,  and  Forbes' 
army  on  the  eve  of  starting  for  Fort  Dn  Qnesne,  and  the 
French  being  also  disheartened  by  the  British  success  elsewhere, 
and  their  force  at  Bn  Quesne  weak,  it  was  determined  to  make  an 
effort  to  draw  the  western  Indians  over,  and  thereby  still  fhrther  to 
weaken  .^efbrce  that  would  oppose  General  Forbes.  It  was  no 
easy  matter,  however,  to  find  a  true  and  tmstworthy  man,  whose 
courage,  skill,  ability,  knowledge,  and  physical  power,  would  fit 
him  for  such  a  mission.  He  was  to  pass  through  a  wilderness  filled 
with  doubtfol  friends,  into  a  coun^  filled  with  open  enemies.  The 
whole  French  interest  would  be  against  him,  and  the  Indians  of  the 
Ohio  were  little  to  be  trtisted.  Every  stream  on  his  way  had  been 
dyed  with  blood,  every  hill-side  had  rung  with  the  death-yell,  and 
grown  red  in  the  light  of  burning  huts.  Tlie  man  who  was  at  last 
chosen  was  a  Moravian,  who  had  lived  among  the  savages  seven- 
teen years,  and  married  among  them;  his  name,  Ohristian  Frederic 
Poet  Of  his  journey,  au^rings,  and  doings,  his  own  journal  is 
the  evidence,  though  Heckewelder  says  that  those  parts  which 
redound  most  to  his  own  credit  he  omitted  when  printing  it  He 
left  Philadelphia  upon  the  15th  of  July,  1758 ;  aiid,  against  the 
protestations  of  Teedyuscung,  who  said  he  would  surely  lose  his 
life,  proceeded  up  the  Susquehanna,  passing  "many  plantations 
deserted  and  laid  waste."  Upon  the  7th  of  August,  he  came  to  the 
Allegheny,  opposite  French  creek,  and  was  forced  to  pass  under  the 


1758. 


post's  MtSSZOW  TO  TUB  nTDIAKS. 


15t 


veiy  eyes  of  the  garrison  of  Fori  Venango,  bttt  wM^fptot  ttiolestedf. 
Fron»  Yenango  he  went  to  <*]^tiBhknshkee,"  whioh  Iran  on  4>r  near 
Big  BeavOT  creek.  *'  This  pUjoe"  he  says,  "eontainedainety  honses 
and  two  hundred  able  warriors."  At  this  place  Poft:  had  much 
talk  with  the  chiefe,  who  seemed  well  disposed,  bnt  somew^iat 
afraid  of  the  French.  The  great  conference,  howeyer^it  Wasde^er- 
mined,  shonld  s  held  opposite  Fort  Pa  Qnesne,  where  there  were 
IndiaDS  of  eight  nations.  The  messenger  was  at  first  nnwilling  to 
go  thither,  fearing  the  French  wonid  seize  him ;  but  the  savages  r^ 
said,  "they  woi^ld  cany  him  in  their  bosom,  he  need  fear  nothing,"' 
and  they  well  redeemed  this  promise.  On  the  24th  of  Angqst, 
Post,  with  his  Indian  friends,  reached  the  point  opposite  the  fort ; 
and  there  immediately  followed  a  series  of  s^^ecches,  explanations, ' 
and  agreements,  which  are  found  in  his  journal.  At  first  he  was 
received  rather  hardly  by  an  old  and  deaf  Onondago,  who  claimed 
the  land  whereon  they  stood  as  belonging  to  the  Six  Nations;  but 
a  Delaware  rebuked  him  in  no  very  polite  terms.  "That  man 
speaks  not  as  a  man,"  he  said,  "he  endeavors  to  T/ghten  us  by 
Baying  this  ground  is  his;  he  dreams ;  he  and  his  father  (the  French) 
have  certidnly  drank  too  much  liquor:  they  are  drunk;  pray  let 
them  go  to  sleep  till  they  are  sober.  T  on  do  not  know  what  your 
own  nation  does  at  home,  how  much  they  have  to  say  to  the..Eng- 
liah.  Ton  do  nothing  bat  smoke  your  pipe  here.  Go  to  sleep 
with  your  &ther,  and  when  you  are  sober  we  will  speak  to  yon." 

It  was  clear  that  the  Delawares,  and  indeed  all  the  western 
Indians,  were  wavering  in  their  affection  for  the  French ;  and, 
though  some  opposition  was  made  to  a  union  with  the  colonists, 
the  general  feeling  produced  by  the  prospect  of  a  quick  approach 
of  Forbes'  Mrmy,  and  by  the  Ixuth  and  kindness  of  Post  himself, 
was  in  favor  of  England.  The  Indians,  however,  complained 
bitterly  of  the  disposition  which  the  whites  showed  in  claiming  and 
seizing  their  lands.  "Why  did  you  not  fight  your  battles  at  home . 
or  on  the  sea,  instead  of  coming  into  our  country  to  fight  them?" 
they  asked  again  and  again,  and  were  mournful  when  Ihey  thought 
of  the  fhture.  "  Your  heart  is  good,"  they  said  to  Post,  "you  speak 
sincerely;  but  we  know  there  is  always  a  great  number  who  wish 
to  get  rich;  they  have  enough^  look!  we  do  not  want  to  be  rich, 
and  take  away  what  others  have.  The  white  people  think  we  have 
no  brains  in  our  heads;  that  they  are  big',  and  we  a  little  handfol; 
hut  remember,  when  yon  hunt  for  a  rattlesnake  you  cannot  find  it, 
and  perhaps  it  will  bite  you  before  you  see  it."  Wlien  the  war  of 
Poutiac  came,  this  saying  might  have  been  justly  rememberedi 


'    -'r'--    ■■■■'...  '  \-,:  ■        ■ 

;|ll||y^|i^il^m  FfOAoli  BOOQlt  And  indlwM,  t«a«^ed  the 

Bi^^id^  (B^ii,)0^i^tQ9r#wfM^^^  they 

w«E(tt  :$|riy:iprS^pt#aLb«ii^  the  geuend  pewh^dBsyetowis  whither 
he  JNw^  i^fp  oi^de^  he«D  h»pt 

ti||i^v>  Brnool^ Jus  nc^  ttoofMi  at  Fort  OowtberiMid.  Meantime 
two  piU)e|w  G^  the  J^  yii;^i%  rej^ineQt  hadl  gone  separately, 
ea4%  t|fi&  his  p^u^  to  iiefoonQoitre:  F<>rt'  Da  ^^esney  and  had 
biougilt  IW)^  ^f  iUi  t^ondi^oii  op  to  the  19tb  <^  Aagaat^  T^< 
t^i^^  deeii^  deeixaJ^lje^  W  to  ha^  iq|Ns.8tatetaeist».^iao 
Ih^  w^  fihle  tQ:^v%  a  parl^  <^  eight  hundred  inen  nudeir  Ivfigor 
OinaVwilh  whom  jir^li^  "iill^Qir  ^nd^rew  Lewilb  of  Yii:g^ua)  waa 
fl4^l^forwfu^;<Ma  thfe  iltb  of  Septeiip^iier,  to  gmn  tiie  dei^ed  infor- 

^'  tkej  fbir^  "^y.  Aft^  their  mard),  tiie^  iM^yed  within  eleyeu 
nu^ef  t^  iNlft^a  Qnesne^  and  halted  till  three  o'olocl^ in.l^e  a|ter- 
n^]D^  th0n  m^rohed  witJUn  two  mil^  of  thfi  fcurt)  and;  Ufti  their 
l^i^ggage  thcffe  under  %  goaid,  and  arriyed,  aH  Eleven  o'clock  at 
nji^l^;  n|pci «  UM  a  quarter-of a  njiile  instant  &0m  it.  Mf^or  Q^rant 
sent  two'jodBlcQrp  igid  ifiHy  in«ii  tot  attack  aU  the  Indians  they  could 
.^B^jb^  saw  none,  nor  were  they  chal- 

|«gi^4l;hy  !^ie  (lentriiMa  Aa  ^ey  rfitpmed,  they  set  fire  tp  a  large 
8to^pert^>i||Mi:,^  pat  oat  as,  so^'iit  M  they  l^it.    Mhreak 

oi|^d^^|i«|pr  |«0wia  wisa  sej^t,  witH  fonr  hnndred  nitiw^to  lie  in 
simhlQui^a  niUeto^  the  mi»n  body,  on  the  path  on 

wlbjiph  thiy  le6^i|ieig  bi^^p^e,  iqiftgming  Uie  French  would  send  a 
tosff^t'Otafiitibt^  and  seiise  it  Fonr  hundred  men 

w^  pd8t!^4^ong  the  Mli&Qing  the  fort,  to  coyer  thd^  retreat  of 
Qll|^tpll9  H^i)on9J4^8;  compf^^y,  ^iSlaiiO  jwarehed  with  drams  heatiug 
^|ir«iid.i^  In  Older  to  drawa  pwrtgr,  oat  of  it,  as  H^or  Qrant 
Idi^.flrio^iaiet  xeasQiii  to  hell9V«  tjltejce^wero  not  more  tiban  two  hundred 
npn,t|^HB^j  jnclnding  I^  they  heard  the  drama, 

fej^f4ovt  in  gre|k|i  nimbers^  hQ^  Fvsnch,  and  JMdans,  and 
iQ^pise^.  M*!^^ald»  m4  two  eolninns  thsit  wi^ra.  posted 
IfPlllJ^nl^  hill  t04!ec«¥e  them.  TheJiighlanders  e^qiosed  them* 
Be]lVes.wi&<Hit:fiay  eoyers,  and  were  shot  down  in  great  nnmben) 
4fl&  soon  feiroe^  to  retreat.    The  G^rolinians,  Marylanders,  and 


^ 


1766. 


OBANT'8  dbvbat. 


168 


Lower  Oountiy  men,  oonoeaUng  themselves  behind  trees  and  the 
brush,  made  a  good  defense,  but  were  overpowered  by  numbers, 
and,  not  being  supported,  were  obliged  to  follow  the  rest.  Miyor 
Grant  exposed  himself  in  the  thickest  of  the  fire,  and  endeavored 
to  rally  his  men,  but  all  to  no  purpose,  as  they  were  by  this  time 
flanked  on  all  sides.  Migor  Lewis  and  his  party  came  up  and 
engaged,  but  were  soon  obliged  to  give  way,  the  enemy  having  the 
hill  of  him,  and  flanking  him  every  way.  A  number  were  driven 
into  the  river,  most  of  whom  were  drowned.  M^or  Grant  retreated 
to  the  baggage,  where  Gaptain  Bullet  was  posted  with  fifty  men, 
and  again  endeavored  to  rally  the  flying  soldiers,  by  en^eating 
them  in  the  most  pathetic  manner  to  stand  by  him,  but  all  in  vain, 
as  the  enemy  were  close  at  their  heels.  As  sopn  as  the  enemy 
came  up  to  Gaptain  Bullet,  he  attacked  them  very  furiously  for 
some  time,  but  not  being  supported,  and  most  of  his  men  killed, 
was  obliged  to  give  way.  '  However,  his  attacking  them  stopped 
the  pursuit,  so  as  to  ^ve  many  an  opportunity  of  escaping.  The 
enemy  followed  Miyor  Grant,  and  at  last  Gaptain  Bullet  was 
obliged  to  make  ofi".  He  imagined  the  migor  must  be  taken,  as  he 
was  surrounded  on  all  sides,  but  the  enemy  would  not  kill  him, 
and  often  called  to  him  to  surrender.  The  French  gave  quarter 
to  all  that  would  accept  it"*  The  loss  sustained  in  this  engage- 
ment was  two  hundred  and  seventy  killed,  forty-two  wounded,  and 
several,  including  Major  Grant,  taken  prisoners.f  "It  was,"  says 
Washington,  "a  very  ill-concerted,  or  a  very  ill-executed  plan, 
perhaps  both,  but  it  seems  to  be  generally  acknowledged  that 
Mi^or  Grant  exceeded  his  orders,  and  that  no  disposition  was  made 
for  engaging." 

The  French  and  Indians,  emboldened  by  their  victory  over 
Grant,  made  an  attack,  on  the  14th  of  October,  on  the  advance- 
guard  of  the  army,  at  Loyalhanna.  The  attacking  party  con- 
sisted of  twelve  hundred  French  and  two  hundred  Indians,  and  the 
attack  was  continued  for  four  hours,  and  afterward  renewed  at 
night.  But  the  assailants  gained  no  r  dvantage,  and  retired  to  Fort 
Du  Quesne.  The  returns  of  the  army  show  a  loss  in  this  engage- 
ment of  twelve  killed,  seventeen  wounded,  and  thirty-one  prisoners. 


On  the  18th  of  November,  the  army  marched  from  Loyalhanna, 
and,  on  the  evening  of  the  24th,  arrived  at  Turtle  creek.  "Here," 
says  Mr.  Ormsby,  a  commissary  in  the  army,  "  a  council  of  war 


*Cn!g'8  HiBtoi7  of  nttabnrgh,  p.  74. 
11 


fBMrly  History  of  PennsylTaniR,  p.  188. 


IM 


FRENCH  EVAOUATE  FORT  DU  QUE8KI. 


1768. 


was  held,  the  resnlt  of  which  was,  that  it  was  impraotioable  to  pro- 
ceed; all  the  provisions  and  forage  being  ezhaasted.  On  the  gene- 
ral's being  told  of  this,  he  swore  a  ftirions  oath  that  he  would  sleep 
in  the  fort,  or  in  a  worse  place,  the  next  night.  It  was  a  matter  of 
indifference  to  the  emaciated  general  where  he  died,  as  he  was  car- 
ried the  whole  distance  from  Philadelphia  and  back  on  a  litter. 
About  midnight  a  tremendous  explosion  was  heard  from  the  west- 
ward, on  which  Forbes  swore  that  the  French  magazine  was  blown 
up,  by  design  or  accident,  which  revived  our  spirits.  This  con- 
jecture of  the  '  head  of  iron'  was  soon  confirmed  by  a  deserter  from 
Fort  Du  Quesne,  who  said  that  the  Indians,  who  had  watched  the 
English  army,  reported  that  they  were  as  numerous  as  the  trees  in 
the  woods.  This  so  terrified  the  French,  that  they  set  fire  to  their 
magazines,  barracks,  &c.,  and  pushed  off  in  their  boats,  some  up, 
and  some  down  the  Ohio,  so  that  the  next  morning  we  took  peace- 
able possession  of  the  remains  of  the  fort.  The  place  had  a  most 
desolate  appearance,  as  all  the  improvements  made  by  the  French 
had  been  burnt  to  the  ground."     , 

Thus  the  forks  of  the  Ohio,  the  occupation  of  which  had  been  the 
cause  of  the  war,  came  again  into  the  possession  of  the  English.  It 
was  necessary  to  make  immediate  provision  for  securing  the  posses- 
sion of  that  point,  which  had  cost  so  much  blood  and  treasure  to 
acquire,  and  a  small  fortification  was  thrown  up  on  the  bank  of  the 
Monongahela,  and  named,  in  honor  of  the  great  minister,  Fort  Pitt 
Colonel  Hugh  Mercer,  of  Virginia,  was  left  in  command,  with  two 
hundred  men,  and  the  main  army  marched  back  to  the  settlements. 
It  reached  Philadelphia  on  the  17th  of  January,  1759,  and,  on  the 
11th  of  March,  Gen.  Forbes  died,  and  was  buried  in  the  chancel  of 
Christ  church. 


Christian  Frederic  Post,  meanwhile,  had  been  sent  westward 
with  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  [Nations,  with  a  report  of  the  treaty  of 
Easton.  He  followed  after  General  Forbes,  from  whom  he  received 
messages  to  the  various  tribes,  with  which  he  once  more  sought 
their  chiefs;  and  was  again  instrumental  in  preventing  any  junc- 
tion of  the  Indians  with  the  French.  Indeed,  but  for  Post's 
mission,  there  would  in  all  probability  have  been  gathered  a  strong 
force  of  western  savages  to  waylay  Forbes  and  defend  Fort  Da 
Quesne;  in  which  case,  so  adverse  was  the  season  atd  the  wsj, 
so  wearied  the  men,Und  so  badly  managed  the  whole  business,  thst 
there  would  have  been  great  danger  of  a  second  "Braddock's  field;" 
so  that  the  humble  Moravian  played  no  unimportant  part  in  seen- 
ring  again  to  his  British  Majesty  the  key  to  western  America. 


% 


1769. 


OAPTURB  OF  QVEBBC. 


166 


The  French  gamaon  of  Fort  Da  Qnesne,  ooniisting  of  about  four 
hundred  men,  separated  after  lei^ving  the  rains.  A  part  of  them 
passed  down  the  Ohio,  and,  according  to  some  aoooonts,  established 
Fort  Massac,  thirty-six  miles  above  its  month.  Of  this  there  may, 
however,  be  a  doubt;  but  it  is  certain  that  the  fort  was  built 
between  the  years  1766  and  1768.  One  hundred  of  th^m  retired 
to  Presqu'  Isle  by  land ;  and  the  remainder,  about  two  hundred,  with 
M.  De  Lignery,  the  commandant,  passed  up  the  Allegheny  to 
Venango,  where  he  told  the  Indians  he  intended  to  stay  daring 
the  winter,  and  dislodge  the  British  from  the  forks  of  the  Ohio 
in  the  spring.  A  small  post,  too,  was  occupied  by  the  French  at 
Kashkoshkee,  a  Delaware  village  located  on  an  elevated  plateau  of 
rich  bottom  land,  on  the  south-west  side  of  the  Mahoning  river, 
foar  miles  above  its  junction  with  the  Shenango,  where  they  con- 
stitate  the  Big  Beaver  river.  At  these  points  the  French  were 
busied  in  preparing  stores  and  arms,  and  in  securing  the  aid  of 
the  Indian  tribes  for  an  attack  in  the  spring  on  Fort  Pitt,  then 
imperfectly  fortified,  and  garrisoned  by  only  two  hundred  and 
eighty  men.* 

The  success  of  the  campaign  of  1768  opened  the  way  for  the 
execution  of  the  great  scheme  of  Pitt — the  complete  reduction  of 
Canada.  Accordingly,  in  1769,  three  expeditions  were  planned,  by 
which  Canada,  already  suffering  and  exhausted  by  the  pressure  of 
the  war,  was  to  be  invaded  on  all  sides.  On  the  west,  Prideaux 
was  to  attack  iN'iagara;  in  the  centre,  Amherst  was  to  advance  on 
Ticonderoga  and  Grown  Point;  and  on  the  east,  Wolfe  was  to 
besiege  Qaebec ;  and  all  these  points  gained,  the  three  armies  were 
to  unite  their  forces  in  the  heart  of  Canada. 

Amherst  appeared  on  the  22d  of  July,  before  Ticonderoga. 
The  French  blew  up  their  works,  and  retired  to  Crown  Point. 
Driven  from  there  by  the  British  army,  they  retired  to  Isle  Aux 
Nois,  and  entrenched  themselves;  but  the  lateness  of  the  season 
prevented  farther  operations,  and  Amherst  went  into  winter  quar- 
ters %t  Crown  Point. 

Early  in  June,  Qeneral  Wolfe,  with  eight  thousand  men,  ap- 
peared before  Quebec.  On  the  night  of  the  12th  of  September, 
Wolfe,  with  five  thousand  men,  silently  passed  up  the  river, 
climbed  the  Heights  of  Abraham,  and  formed  in  order  of  battle. 
I  Montcalm,  who  had  trusted  to  his  defenses,  was  compelled  to  offer 
battle.    The  British  columns,  fiushed  with  success,  attacked  his 


•Craig's  Oldon  Timi,  vol.  1.       lOi. 


166 


d'aubbt  at  TINAVrOO. 


1759. 


half-fonned  rines»  charged  with  the  bftyonet,  Mid  diepened  the 
French  wiUi  a  lose  of  fifteen  hundred.  Both  Montcalm  and  Wolft 
fell  in  the  engagement;  but,  on  the  18th  of  September,  Qaebeo, 
the  key  of  all  Oaoada,  wai  surrendered  to  the  British. 

Meanwhile,  General  Prideaux  moved  up  Lake  Ontario,  and,  on 
the  6th  of  July,  invested  Niagara.  Its  capture  waa  of  great  im- 
portance, since  its  possession  would  cut  off  the  French  of  Canada 
from  the  West ;  and,  accordingly,  every  effort  was  made  by  the 
French  and  Indians  to  raise  the  siege.  That  necessity  saved  Fort 
Pitt  A  letter  written  by  Golonel  Mercer,  at  that  post,  on  July 
17th,  1769,  says : 

"  Again,  on  the  16th  instant,  we  had  the  following  accounts  from 
two  Six  Nation  Indians,  sent  to  spy  at  Venango,  who  left  this 
place  on  the  7th.    They  found  at  Venango  seven  hundred  French 
and  four  hundred  Indians.    The  commanding  officer  told  them  he 
expected  six  hundred  more  Indians ;  that  as  soon  as  they  arrived 
he  would  come  and  drive  us  from  this  place.    Next  day  two  hun- 
dred Indians  came  to  Venango,  and  the  same  number  the  next 
day,  and  the  third  day ;  they  were  all  fitted  off  for  the  expedition 
by  the  11th  at  night,  and  three  pieces  of  cannon  brought  from  Le 
Boeu^  the  others  expected  every  hour,  with  a  great  many  batteaaz 
loaded  with  provisions.    In  the  morning,  the  12th,  a  grand  council 
was  held,  in  which  the  commandant  thanked  the  Indians  for  attend- 
ing him,  threw  down  the  war  belt,  and  told  them  he  would  set  off 
the  next  day.    The  Indians  consented,  but  were  somewhat  dis- 
concerted by  one  of  the  Six  Nations,  who  gave  them  wampum, 
telling  them  to  consider  what  they  did,  and  not  to  be  in  too 
great  a  hurry ;  soon  after,  messengers  arrived,  with  a  packet  for 
the  officer  who  held  the  council,  at  which  he  and  the  other  officers 
appeared  much  coiicer.iied,  and  at  length  he  told  the  Indians— 
'  Children,  I  have  received  bad  news;  the  English  are  gone  against 
Niagara.    We  must  give  over  thoughts  of  going  down  the  river, 
till  we  have  cleared  that  place  of  the  enemy.   If  it  sbould  be  taken, 
our  road  to  you  is  stopped,  and  you  must  become  poor.    Orim 
were  immediately  given  to  proceed  with  the  artillery,  provisions, 
&;c.,  up  French  creek,  which  the  spies  saw  set  <^,  and  tibe  Indians 
making  up  their  bundles  to  follow.    They  reckon  there  were  up- 
ward of  one  thousand  Indians,  collected  from  tweilve  different 
nations,  at  Venango."* 


*  Craig's  Olden  Time,  toL  L,  p.  ^M. 


1769. 


BVBAlirDlR  or  NIAGARA. 


167 


The  French  wid  Indians  who  were  collected  to  attack  Fort  Pitt, 
the  garriion  and  defenses  of  which  were  little  able  to  withstand 
them,  were  thus  withdrawn  to  the  defense  of  Niagara.  It  was, 
indeed,  a  great  effort  they  had  planned  to  retake  the  forks  of  the 
Ohio,  and  thus  to  recoTcr  all  that  they  had  lost  in  the  preceding 
jear.  And  to  that  all  the  French  in  the  valley  had  contributed. 
M.  d'Anbry,  commandant  at  the  Illinois,  brought  to  join  the  enters 
prise  four  hundred  men,  and  two  hundred  thousand  pounds  of 
11  nr,  fiom  Easkaskia  to  Venango.  Gut'  off,  by  the  abandonment 
of  Fort  Dn  Quesne,  from  the  route  of  the  Ohio,  ho  proceeded  with 
his  force  down  the  Mississippi,  and  up  the  Ohio  to  the  Wabash, 
thence  up  that  river  to  the  portage  at  Fort  Miami,  or  Fort  Wayne, 
and  earned  his  stores  over  to  the  Maumee,  passed  down  that  river, 
and  along  the  shore  of  Lake  Erie  to  Presqu'  Isle,  and  carried  again 
his  stores  over  the  portage,  to  Le  Boenf ;  thence  descended  French 
creek  to  Venango.* 

D'Aubiy  was  chosen  to  lead  the  escpedition,  and  embarked  again 
at  Presqu'  Isle,  with  seventeen  hundred  men,  collected  from  the  Illi- 
nois,  Detroit,  and  the  Allegheny,  and  from  the  Indian  allies  of  the 
French,  and  hastened  to  raise  the  siege  of  Niagara.  Prideanx  had 
been  killed  by  the  bursting  of  a  cohom ;  Sir  William  Johnson, 
who  had  succeeded  to  the  command,  advanced  to  meet  D'Aubry 
and  his  reinforcement,  defeated  them,  and  pursued  them  for  five 
miles  through  the  woods.  On  the  next  day,  Niagara,  cut  off  from 
succor,  surrendered. 

General  John  Stanwix  was  appointed  to  the  command,  immedi- 
ately after  the  death  of  General  Forbes,  and  proceeded,  in  July,  to 
the  forks  of  the  Ohio,  to  carry  out  the  orders  of  William  Pitt  in 
regard  to  that  important  point.  Mr.  Pitt  was  strongly  impressed 
with  the  importance  of  securing  the  forks  as  a  military  position,  to 
protect  the  colonial  frontiers,  and  to  overawe  the  Indians ;  so  much 
so  indeed,  that,  immediately  upon  hearing  of  the  abandonment  of 
Fort  Du  Quesne,  under  date  of  January  28d,  1759,  he  wrote : 

"  Sir, — ^I  am  now  to  acquaint  you  that  the  king  has  been  pleased, 
immediately  upon  receiving  the  news  of  the  success  of  his  arms  on 
the  river  Ohio,  to  direct  the  commander-in-chief  of  his  majesty's 
forces,  in  North  America,  and  General  Forbes,  to  lose  no  time  in 
concerting  the  properest  and  speediest  means  for  completely  re- 


*  An  acoonnt  of  Bouqnet's  Expedition,  in  I7C4.    London,  1766.    App.  II. 


158 


BBIOTIOK  or  rOBT  PITT. 


1769. 


storing,  if  poMible,  tho  ruinod  Fort  Da  Qnetne,  to  m  doftniible  and 
retpeotable  state,  or  for  erecting  another  in  the  room  of  it,  of  lufi. 
cient  strength,  and  every  way  adequate  to  the  great  importance  of 
the  several  ol]ti*<>^  o^  maintaining  his  mi^esty's  sabjects  in  the  un- 
disputed possession  of  the  Ohio;  of  effectually  cutting  off  all  trade 
and  communication  this  way,  between  Canada  and  the  western  and 
south-western  Indians;  of  protecting  the  British  colonies  from  the 
incursions  to  which  they  have  been  exposed  since  the  French  built 
the  above  fort,  and  thereby  made  themselves  masters  of  the  navi- 
gation of  the  Ohio;  and  of  fixing  again  the  several  Indian  nations 
in  their  alliance  with  and  dependence  upon  his  majesty's  govern- 
ment."* 

General  Stanwix,  immediately  upon  his  arrival,  perhaps  early  in 
August,  oomn  enced  the  building  of  Fort  Pitt  It  was  of  five 
sides ;  the  two  iltoing  the  country  were  supported  by  a  revetment, 
a  brick  work,  nearly  perpendicular,  supporting  the  rampart  on  the 
outside ;  the  other  three  were  protected  by  a  line  of  pickets,  fixed 
on  the  outside  of  the  foot  of  the  slope  of  the  rampart  Around  the 
whole  work  was  a  wide  ditch,  which  would  be  filled  with  water 
when  the  river  was  at  a  moderate  stage.  Great  anticipations  were 
entertained  at  the  time  of  the  security  and  permanence  that  would 
accrue  to  the  British  government  from  the  position  of  Fort  Pitt. 
A  letter  from  that  post,  dated  September  24th,  1769,  says: 

"  It  is  now  near  a  month  since  the  army  has  been  employed  in 
erecting  a  moaf  formidable  forHJication,  such  a  one  as  will,  to  lateet 
posterity,  secure  the  British  empire  on  the  Ohio.  There  is  no 
need  to  enumerate  the  abilities  of  the  chief  engineer,  nor  the  spirit 
shown  by  the  troops,  in  executing  the  important  task ;  the  fort  will 
soon  be  a  lasting  monument  of  both."t 

Fifteen  years  later  it  was  abandonedj  by  order  of  the  British 
government,  and  now  nothing  of  Fort  Pitt  is  left,  no  memorial 
even  of  the  British  possession  of  the  Mississippi  valley  remains, 
but  a  single  redoubt,  built  in  1764  by  Col.  Bouquet,  outside  the 
fort,  and  now  used  as  a  dwelling. 

With  the  fall  of  Fort  Du  Quesne,  and  the  capture  of  Niagara, 
all  direct  contest  between  the  British  and  French  in  the  West  was 
closed.    With  the  defeat  of  the  French,  the  hostility  of  the  Indians 


*  Craig's  Olden  Time,  toL  i.,  p.  810. 
f  Cnig'a  Olden  Time,  toL  L,  p.  104. 


ITflO. 


■OfTIUTIM  OIAII. 


m 


•bated,  Mid  p«M6  wm  rMtorad  to  the  border  of  the  BnglUh 
colonies. 

Aloug  the  firontierB  of  PenneylvanU  and  northern  Virginia,  the 
old  plantation!  had  been,  one  by  one,  re-oooapied  einoe  1768,  and 
gettlere  were  elowly  pushing  farther  into  the  Indian  ooontiy,  and 
traders  were  onoe  more  bearing  their  burdens  oyer  the  mountains, 
and  finding  a  way  into  the  wiprams  of  the  natives,  who  rested, 
watching  silently,  but  narrowly,  the  coarse  of  their  English  de> 
fenders  and  allies.  For  it  was,  professedly,  in  the  character  of 
defenders,  that  Braddook  and  Forbes  had  come  into  the  West;  and, 
while  every  British  finger  itched  for  the  lands  as  well  as  i  e  furs  of 
the  wild  men,  with  mistaken  hypocrisy  they  would  have  p  jrsuaH.ed 
them  that  the  treasure  and  the  life  of  England  had  been  given  to 
preserve  her  old  allies,  the  Six  Nations,  and  their  dependents,  the 
Delawares  and  Shawanese,  from  French  aggression.  But  the 
savages  knew  whom  they  had  to  deal  with,  and  looked  at  eveiy 
step  of  the  cultivator  with  jealousy  and  hate. 

In  1760,  the  Ohio  Company  once  more  prepared  to  pursue  thel 
old  plan,  and  sent  to  England  for  such  orders  and  instructions  t ' 
the  Virginia  government  as  would  enable  them  to  do  so.*  During 
the  summer  of  that  year,  also.  General  Monkton,  by  a  treaty  at 
Fort  Pitt,  obtained  leave  to  build  posts  within  the  wild  lands,  each 
post  having  ground  enough  about  it  to  raise  com  and  vegetables 
for  the  use  of  the  garrison.  Nor  were  the  settlements  of  the  Ohio 
Oompany,  and  the  forts,  the  only  inroads  upon  the  hunting-grounds 
of  the  savages.  In  1757,  by  the  books  of  the  Secretary  of  Virginia, 
three  millions  of  acres  had  been  granted  west  of  the  mountains. 
Indeed,  in  1758,  that  State  attempted  by  law  to  encourage  settle- 
ments in  the  West;  and  the  report  of  John  Blair,  Olerk  of  the 
Virginia  Council,  in  1768  or  1769,  states  that  most  of  t  >-  -^  grants 
beyond  the  mountains  were  made  before  August,  1754. 

The  fall  of  Quebec  did  not  immediately  produce  the  submission 
of  Canada.  M.  do  Levi,  on  whom  the  common  1  devolved,  retired 
with  the  French  army  to  Montreal.  In  the  spring  of  1760,  he 
besieged  Quebec.  But  the  arrival  of  an  English  fleet  raised  the 
uege,  and  De  Levi  retired  to  Montreal.  Amherst  and  Johnson 
meanwhile  effected  a  junction  of  their  forces,  and  advanced  against 


*  PUin  Ftota,  p.  120,  wher*  » letter  from  the  Company,  dated  September  9t]i,  1761, 
UgiTen. 


160* 


BURRKNDBR  OF  CANADA. 


1760. 


him.  The  combination  of  these  two  armies  convinced  the  French 
that  resistance  would  be  useless;  and,  accordingly,  on  the  8th  of 
September,  M.  de  Vandrenil,  the  Governor  of  Canada,  surrendered 
Montreal,  Detroit,  Mackinaw,  and  all  the  other  posts  within  the 
goverment  of  Canada,  to  the  English  commander-in-chief.  General 
Amherst,  on  condition  that  the  French  inhabitants  should,  during 
the  war,  be  "  protected  in  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion,  and 
the  full  enjoyment  of  their  civil  rights,  leaving  their  fUture  desti- 
nies to  be  decided  by  the  treaty  of  peace." 

Negotiations  for  peace  followed  immediately  af^er  the  surrender 
of  Canada.  They  were  not  successful,  and  "the  family  compact" 
was  entered  into  between  France  and  Spain,  in  which  both  parties 
were  bound  to  share  and  balance  all  losses,  in  the  war  which  it 
was  declared  was  to  be  waged  to  oppose  the  growing  power  of  Eng- 
land. The  continuance  of  the  war  only  contributed  to  the  successes 
of  England,  and  accordingly  negotiations  were  re-opened,  and  on 
the  3d  of  ITovember,  1762,  preliminaries  were  agreed  to  and  signed, 
and  afterward  ratified  at  Paris,  in  February,  1763.  To  secure  the 
restoration  of  Havana,  Spain  was  obliged  to  cede  to  Great  Britian 
East  and  West  Florida.  To  compensate  Spain,  under  the  terms  of 
the  family  compact,  France  coded,  by  a  secret  article,  all  Louisiana 
west  of  the  Mississippi,  to  Spain.  The  following  articles  comprise 
the  most  essential  provisions  of  that  treaty,  in  regard  to  the  origi- 
nal subject  of  dispute. 

"His  most  Christian  Majesty  renounces  all  pretensions  which  he 
has  heretofore  formed,  or  might  form,  to  Nova  Scotia,  or  Arcadia, 
iu  all  its  parts,  and  guarantees  the  whole  of  it,  and  with  all  its 
dependencies,  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain :  moreover,  his  roost 
Christian  Majesty  cedes  and  guarantees  to  his  said  Britannic  Ma- 
jesty, in  full  right,  Canada,  with  all  its  dependencies,  as  well  as 
the  island  of  Cape  ^reton,  and  all  the  other  islands  and  coasts  in 
the  gulf  and  river  of  St.  Lawrence;  and,  in  general,  every  thing  that 
depends  on  the  said  countries,  lands,  islands,  and  coasts,  with  the 
sovereignty,  property,  possession,  and  all  rights  acquired  by  treaty 
or  otherwise,  which  the  most  Christian  King  and  crown  of  France 
have  had,  till  now,  over  the  said  countries,  islands,  lands,  places, 
coasts,  and  their  inhabitants;  so  that  the  most  Christian  King  cedes 
and  makes  over  the  whole  to  the  said  King,  and  to  the  crown  of 
Great  Britain,  and  that  in  the  most  ample  manner  and  form,  with- 
out restriction,  and  without  any  liberty  to  depart  from  the  said 
cession  and  guarantee,  under  any  pretense,  or  to  disturb  Great 
Britain  in  the  possessions  above  mentioned. 


1768. 


TRBATT  OF  PARIS. 


161 


(<  In  order  to  establish  peace  on  solid  and  darable  foundations, 
and  to  remove  forever  all  subjects  of  dispute  with  regard  to  the 
limits  of  the  British  and  French  territories  on  the  continent  of 
America,  it  is  agreed  that  for  the  future,  the  confines  between  the 
dominions  of  his  Britannic  Mfgesty  and  those  of  his  most  Christian 
Majesty  in  that  part  of  the  world,  shall  be  fixed  irrevocably  by  a 
line  drawn  along  the  middle  of  the  river  Mississippi,  from  its  source 
to  the  river  Iberville,  and  from  thence,  by  a  line  drawn  along  the 
middle  of  this  river,  and  the  lakes  Maurepas  and  Pouchartrain,  to 
the  sea;  and  for  this  purpose  the  most  Christian  King  cedes,  in  full 
right,  and  guarantees  to  his  Britannic  Migesty,  the  river  and  port 
of  the  Mobile,  and  every  thing  which  he  possesses,  or  ought  to  pos- 
gesa  on  the  left  side  of  the  river  Mississippi,  with  the  exception  of 
the  town  of  l^ew  Orleans,  and  of  the  island  in  which  it  is  situated, 
which  shall  remain  to  France ;  it  being  well  understood  that  the 
navigation  of  the  river  Mississippi  shall  be  equally  free,  as  well  to 
the  subjects  of  Great  Britain  as  to  those  of  France,  in  its  whole 
breadth  and  length,  from  its  source  to  the  sea;  and  expressly,  that 
part  which  is  between  the  said  island  of  Kew  Orleans,  and  the 
right  bank  of  that  river,  as  well  as  the  passage  both  in  and  out  of 
its  mouth.  It  is  further  stipulated,  that  the  vessels  belon^ng  to 
the  subjects  of  either  nations  shall  not  be  stopped,  visited,  or  sub- 
jected to  the  payment  of  any  duty  whatsoever." 

The  war  was  over.*  Canada,  with  all  its  dependencies,  was  sur- 
rendered to  the  victorious  English ;  and  it  remained  only  to  take 
possession  of  the  western  outposts  of  the  French.  It  was  not  an 
easj  task.  All  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  valley  were  in  alliance 
with  the  French.  Accustomed  as  they  were  to  regard  Englishmen 
as  their  natural  foes,  they  felt  no  obligation  to  submit  to  them  be- 
canse  they  had  conquered  the  French.  The  surrender  of  Quebec, 
and  the  capitulation  of  Montreal,  were  events  they  could  little 
comprehend,  and  it  did  not  occur  to  them  that  they  were  in  any 
way  bound  to  respect  the  acts  of  Bougainville  or  Vaudreuil.  The 
West,  too,  was  then  overrun  by  the  traders  and  emissaries  of  the 
discomfited  French,  who  possessed  the  implicit  confidence  of  the 
Indians;  whose  ruling  passion  was  hatred  of  the  English,  and 
whose  interest  conspired  with  their  feelings  to  arouse  the  fears  and 


*  The  authorities  in  relation  to  this  sutgect  are,  mainly,  Parkman's  Conspiracy  of  Pon- 
tiac,  an  Account  of  Bouquet's  Expedition  against  the  Ohio  Indians,  and  Butler's  History 


of  Kentuoky. 


162 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  POSTS. 


1768. 


inflame  the  passions  of  their  savage  allies.  It  was  obviously  a  dif- 
ficalt  and  delicate  task  to  extend  the  authority  of  England  over  the 
uncivilized  regions  of  the  West,  to  allay  the  hostility  and  conciliate 
the  friendship  of  its  barbarous  inhabitants,  and  thus  to  secure 
what  they  had  so  hardly  earned — ^the  blessings  of  peace  to  the 
exhausted  colonies,  and  the  fruits  of  its  great  conquest  to  the  Eng- 
lish Grown.  The  great  importance  of  the  work  was  overlooked  by 
those  to  whom  its  execution  was  intrusted. 

On  the  12th  of  September,  1760,  Miyor  Robert  Rogers,  received 
orders  from  General  Amherst  to  ascend  the  lakes,  and  take  pos- 
session of  the  French  foit  in  the  north-west.  Rogers  was  well 
fitted  for  the  task.  On  the  borders  of  New  Hampshire,  with  Put- 
nam and  Stark,  he  had  earned  a  great  reputation  as  a  partisan  offi- 
cer ;  and  Rogers'  Rangers,  armed  with  rifle,  tomahawk,  and  knife,  had 
rendered  much  service,  and  won  a  great  name.  Later,  that  reputa* 
tion  was  tarnished  by  greater  crimes.  Tried  for  an  attempt  to  betray 
Mackinaw  to  the  Spaniards,  he  abandoned  the  country,  and  entered 
the  service  of  the  Dey  of  Algiers.  At  the  war  of  Independence,  he 
entered  the  American  service,  was  detected  as  a  spy,  passed  over 
to  the  British,  and  was  banished  by  an  act  of  his  native  state.  Such 
was  the  man  who  was  sent  to  plant  the  British  flag  in  the  great 
valley.  Immediately  upon  receiving  his  orders,  he  set  out  to  ascend 
the  St.  Lawrence,  with  two  hundred  men  in  fifteen  boats. 

On  the  7th  of  November  they  landed  at  the  mouth  of  Cuyahoga 
creek.  Here  they  were  met  by  a  party  of  Indians,  who  were  deputed 
to  them  to  say  that  Pontiac,  the  great  chief  of  the  Ottawas,  was  near, 
and  to  demand  that  they  should  advance  no  further  till  they  should 
receive  his  permission.  During  the  day  the  great  chief  appeared, 
and  imperiously  demanded  why  the  army  was  there  without  hia 
consent.  Rogers  replied  that  Canada  had  been  conquered,  and 
that  he  was  on  his  way  to  occupy  the  French  posts,  and  to  restore 
peace  to  the  Indians.  Pontiac  only  replied  that  he  would  stand  in 
his  path  till  momin  _,^  On  the  next  day  he  delivered  a  formal  reply 
to  the  English  officer,  that  he  consented  to  live  at  peace  with  the 
English  as  long  as  they  treated  him  with  due  deference.  The  calumet 
was  smoked,  and  an  alliance  made.  Pontiac  accompanied  his  new 
friends  to  Detroit.  On  the  way  a  band  of  Indians,  sent  out  by  the 
governor  of  Detroit,  were  waiting  to  destroy  them.  The  iiifluence 
of  Pontiac  was  interposed,  and  the  hostile  Indians  were  induced  to 
ally  themselves  with  the  English.  A  messenger  was  dispatched  to 
Beletre,  the  governor,  to  demand  the  surrender  of  Detroit.  He 
refused,  avowed  his  intention  to  defend  tho  post,  and  sought  to 


1763. 


HOSTILITY  OF  THJB  INDUNS. 


168 


arouse  the  Indians.  It  v^ns  in  vain.  Bogera  arrived  below  the  vil- 
lage. Captain  Campbell  was  dispatched  with  an  order  from 
Vaudreml,  commanding  the  surrender,  and  Beletre  was  compelled 
to  obey.  On  the  29th  of  Novciiiuer,  1760,  the  colors  of  France 
were  taken  down,  and  the  royal  standard  of  England  planted 
within  the  fort ;  and  the  garrison  and  inhabitants,  amidst  the  shouts 
of  the  Indians,  who  looked  on  the  strange  scene  with  mingled  awe 
of  the  English  power,  and  astonishment  at  their  forbearance.  The 
lateness  of  the  season  prevented  further  operations,  but  early  in 
the  next  year,  Mackinaw,  Green  Bay,  Ste  Marie,  St.  Josephs,  and 
Ouiatenon  were  surrendered,  and  nothing  remained  to  the  French 
but  the  settlements  of  the  Illinois. 


A  great  change  had  been  wrought  over  the  Indians  of  the  valley, 
by  the  occupation  of  the  French.  It  was  their  characteristic  policy 
to  render  the  savages  dependent  on  themselves,  and  to  that  end 
they  sedulously  cultivated  among  them  a  taste  for  European  goods, 
and  in  this  way,  £.oni  the  Alleghenies  to  the  Mississippi,  all  the 
tribes  were  dependent  on  the  French  posts  for  their  arms  and 
clothing.  It  was  their  interest  to  secure  peace,  under  the  protec- 
tion of  France,  to  all  the  tribes,  and  thus  to  familiarize  their  minds. 
Artfully,  too,  the  pride  of  the  natives  had  been  fed  by  the  agents 
of  France ;  they  were  the  children  of  the  great  king  who  had  sent 
his  people  among  them  only  to  protect  them  from  their  implacable 
enemies,  the  English.  And  while  the  long  contest  between  the 
rival  nations  lasted,  they  held  the  balance  of  power  between  them, 
and,  in  consequence,  were  free  from  tho  rapacity  of  either.  All 
this  was  changed  now.  The  accustomed  presents  which  French 
policy  bestowed  on  them  were  withheld.  English  traders  robbed, 
bullied,  and  cheated  them.  English  officers  treated  them  with 
rudeness  and  contempt.  Especially,  the  steady  advance  of  the 
population  over  the  mountains,  occupying  their  lands,  and  driving 
away  their  game.  The  wrongs  and  neglect  the  Indians  felt  were 
inflamed  by  the  French.  They  had  every  motive  to  excite  the 
tribes  against  the  English;  their  old  national  rancor,  their  religious 
antipathies,  the  fear  of  losing  tbeir  trade,  and  the  hope  of  reveng- 
ing the  loss  of  an  empire,  all  conspired  to  make  them  treacherous 
and  dangerous.  Accordingly,  they  used  all  the  influence  they 
possessed,  to  precipitate  the  Indians  on  the  English  garrisons. 
Scattered  through  the  country,  they  held  secret  councils  with  the 
sav  ajjes,  and  artfully  appealed  to  their  fears  and  their  hopes.  The 
English,  they  averred,  designed  to  destroy  the  whole  Indian  race. 


164 


SOHBMB  OF  PONTIAO. 


1768. 


They  had  hemmod  them  in  on  the  east  by  their  Bettlements,  they 
were  occupying  the  country  on  the  north  by  their  forts,  and  they 
were  instigating  the  Gherokees.  to  attack  them  on  the  south.  But 
there  was  hope.  Their  father,  the  great  king,  ha«:  been  asleep,  and 
the  English  had  stolen  Canada,  but  he  was  now  awake,  and  he 
was  coming  with  a  great  army,  to  drive  away  his  enemies  and  pro- 
tect his  people. 

Discontent,  under  such  circumstances,  was  natural,  and  soon  all 
the  tribes  from  the  mountains  to  the  Mississippi  were  in  a  ferment 
In  the  summer  of  1761,  a  plot  for  the  surprise  of  the  western  posts 
was  discoyered,  and  arrested.  In  the  next  summer  another  was 
detected,  and  suppressed.  The  officers  in  command  failed  to 
realize  the  extent  of  the  disaffection,  and  to  provide  for  the  coming 
danger.  They  thought  this  discontent  only  the  ebullition  of  the 
restless  spirit  of  the  Indians,  and  despised  rather  than  feared  their 
hostility.  And  indeed  the  hostility  of  barbarous  tribes,  united  by 
no  common  purpose,  but  divided  by  nameless  quarrels,  seemed 
little  to  be  dreaded  by  those  who  bad  just  wrested  an  empire  from 
France.  Eut  they  were  mistaken — ^the  crisis  only  needed  a  leader 
to  direct  it. 

Pontiac,  the  great  chief  of  the  Ottawas,  was  then  about  fifty 
years  old.  "No  chief  of  the  American  Indians,  known  in  the  his- 
toric times,  has  been  so  richly  endowed  with  those  peculiar  qualities 
that  give  to  a  barbarian  warrior  power  over  the  minds  of  men.  He 
shared  indeed  all  the  passions  and  prejudices  of  his  people.  He 
possessed  all  their  vindictive  spirit  and  treacherous  dissimulation. 
He  was  profoundly  ignorant  of  the  great  world  in  which  he  was 
an  actor.  Yet  he  had  a  most  commanding  intellect ;  he  was  capable 
of  the  noblest  magnanimity ;  he  was  imbued  with  the  loftiest  am- 
bition; and  he  possessed  a  power  of  combination  and  of  adaptation 
that  was  shared  by  none  of  his  race. 

He  alone  saw  the  full  force  of  the  crisis  in  the  affairs  of  his 
people.  He  had  been  the  fast  friend  of  the  French,  and  led  the 
warriors  of  the  wilderness  on  the  ill-fated  day  of  1?;  ^ddock's  field. 
He  had  met,  first  of  the  chiefs,  the  English  at  Cnyaiioga,  and  pro- 
tected their  perilous  march  to  Detroit.  He  had  shown  himself  as 
ready  to  ally  himself  to  the  English,  as  he  had  proved  himself 
faithful  to  the  French.  He  had,  nevertheless,  shared  all  the  resent- 
ment the  presence  of  the  English  inspired  among  his  people.  But, 
amid  the  general  discontent,  he  only  saw  the  true  danger,  and  he 
only  could  see  the  true  means  of  averting  it.  The  English  were 
relieved,  by  the  surrender  of  Canada,  from  the  rivalry  of  the 


1768. 


COUNCIL  AT  THE  BC0RCE8. 


166 


French,  and  would  inevitably  crush  the  red  man  in  their  resistless 
advance.  And  to  save  his  race,  it  was  necessary  to  restore  the 
French  power,  as  a  balance  to  the  English.  It  was  the  plan  of  a 
statesman.  It  only  failed  because  the  emissaries  of  the  French 
were  false. 

His  plans  were  matured,  and,  late  in  1762,  his  messengers  car- 
ried the  black  wampum  and  the  red  tomahawk,  and  delivered  the 
message  of  the  great  Fontiac  to  the  villages  of  the  Ottawas,  Ojib- 
was,  Pottawattamies,  Sacs,  Foxes,  Menomonies,  Illinois,  Miamis, 
Shawanees,  Delawares,  Wyandots,  Senecas,  and  the  tribes  of  the 
South.  On  a  certain  day,  in  the  next  year,  said  the  messengers, 
all  the  tribes  are  to  rise,  sieze  all  the  English  posts,  and  then  im- 
mediately attack  the  whole  English  border. 

On  the  27th  of  April,  1763,  the  council  of  all  the  tribes  was  held 
at  the  river  Ecorces.  There,  to  the  assembled  chiefs,  Fontiac  de- 
livered a  speech,  full  of  eloquence  and  art.  He  recounted  all  the 
ii^uries  of  the  Indians,  afid  all  the  encroachments  of  the  English. 
He  portrayed  all  the  rapacity  and  insolence  of  the  hated  race.  He 
unfolded  the  great  danger  of  their  supremacy.  He  presented  a 
belt  from  their  great  fEtther  the  king.  He  indeed  had  been  asleep, 
bat  now  he  was  awake,  and  was  coming  with  his  large  war  canoes, 
to  win  back  Canada  and  destroy  his  enemies.  Yet  further,  he  ap- 
pealed to  their  faith.  An  Indian,  warned  in  a  dream,  had  gone  to 
the  dwelling  of  the  Master  of  Life,  on  a  high  mountain  of  dazzling 
brightness.  There  the  Great  Spirit  chid  him  for  the  degeneracy 
of  his  race,  and  sent  to  them  his  commands  to  drive  the  "  red 
dogs"  from  the  face  of  the  earth.  The  spirit  of  his  wild  hearers 
was  stirred.  The  chiefs  eagerly  accepted  the  war  belt,  and  then 
separated  to  prepare  for  the  coming  strife.  Later,  under  the  pre- 
tense of  dancing  the  calumet  with  the  unsuspecting  garrison,  the 
position  and  defenses  of  the  fort  were  narrowly  scanned,  and  the 
plan  of  attack  laid.    It  was  not  well  kept. 

In  the  village  lived  an  Ojibwa  girl  of  great  beauty,  who  was 
attached  to  the  commandant,  M^jor  Gladwin.  On  the  6th  of  May, 
she  came  to  the  fort  to  bring  a  pair  of  elk  skin  moccasins  she  had 
made  for  him.  Her  face  was  sad,  and  she  lingered  long  in  the 
street  Her  demeanor  attracted  notice,  and  she  was  brought  to 
Gladwin.  She  was  long  silent,  but  at  length  she  revealed  the  plan 
of  the  morrow. 

Early  on  the  next  day  a  great  concourse  of  Indians  thronged 
around  the  fort  Soon  Fontiac,  with  sixty  of  his  warriors,  each 
carrying  his  gun,  shortened  for  the  purpose,  under  the  folda  of  his 


166 


8IBGI!  OF  DETROIT. 


1768. 


blanket,  appeared  at  the  gate,  and  asked  to  hold  a  conncil  with 
his  father  the  commandant.  The  gate  was  thrown  open  and  they 
were  admitted.  When  Fontiac  entered,  he  involuntarily  started 
back,  and  uttered  an  exclamation  of  surprise.  He  saw  at  a  glance 
the  ruin  of  his  plan.  All  the  garrison  were  under  arms,  and  so 
posted  as  to  enclose  the  band.  They  passed  on  to  the  council 
house,  and  there  were  all  the  officers  ready  to  receive  them,  armed 
and  too  plainly  prepared  for  the  conflict.  The  chiefs  were  seated. 
Pontaao  arose  to  speak  with  the  wampum  belt  in  his  hand.  He 
professed  that  he  had  come  to  smoke  the  pipe  of  peace,  and 
brighten  the  chain  of  friendship  with  his  English  brothers,  and, 
though  conscious  that  he  was  detected,  he  raised  the  belt  and  was 
about  to  give  the  fatal  signal.  At  that  instant  Gladwin  waived  his 
hand;  the  drums  beat,  the  officers  drew  their  swords,  the  soldiers 
presented  their  arms,  and  Fontiac  sat  down  overwhelmed  with 
astonishment.  Gladwin  briefly  and  sternly  replied  that  he  should 
enjoy  his  friendship  as  long  as  he  merited  it,  and  should  be 
punished  as  soon  as  he  deserved  it;  and  the  chiefs,  enraged  and 
mortified,  were  allowed  to  withdraw.  The  next  morning  Fontiac 
returned  with  three  only  of  his  chiefs;  they  were  admitted,  smoked 
the  peace  pipe,  and  renewed  their  hollow  pledges  of  friendship. 
On  the  next  again,  Fontiac,  with  a  great  multitude  of  his  warriors, 
appeared  at  the  gate  and  demanded  admittance.  He  was  told  that 
he  only  might  come  in.  He  replied  that  all  his  warriors  wished  to 
smoke  the  pipe  of  peace.  Gladwin  replied  that  none  of  his  rabble 
should  enter  the  fort,  and  Fontiac  turned  away.  At  once  the  Indians 
fell  upon  and  murdered  the  few  English  who  were  without  the  fort. 
Immediate  preparations  were  made  for  a  siege,  and  the  next 
day  the  attack  began.  Convinced,  however,  that  the  affair  was 
only  a  sudden  impulse  of  passion,  Gladwin,  through  a  Canadian, 
proposed  to  redress  any  grievances  the  Indians  had.  Fontiac 
dissembled,  and  asked  that,  a  deputation  of  officers  might  be  sent 
to  treat  with  him.  Major  Campbell  and  Lieutenant  McDougal, 
were  sent,  but  were  detained  as  prisoners.  The  Indians,  foiled  in 
their  efforts  to  obtain  possession  of  the  fort,  sat  down  before  it, 
and  commenced  a  regular  siege.  All  Fontiac's  skill  and  talent 
were  employed  in  governing  and  directing  the  motley  bands 
around  him.  The  Canadian  inhabitants  complained  that  his 
Indians  were  robbing  them  of  their  provisions.  Fontiac  claimed 
that  he  was  fighting  their  battles,  and  that  therefore  they  ought  to 
contribute  to  the  support  of  his  army,  but  forbade  all  depredations 
upon  their  proper^.    To  provide  for  his  bands,  he  levied  a  fixed 


1768. 


MASSACRE  OF  TnB  GARRISON. 


167 


contribution  on  the  Canadians,  orgauized  a  commissariat,  and 
issued  promissory  notes,  drawn  on  bark  of  the  papyrus  birch 
and  signed  with  the  figure  of  an  otter,  for  the  payment  of  supplies, 
all  of  which  were  faithfully  redeemed. 

Meanwhile,  a  recruit  of  ninety-six  men  with  ammunition  and 
provisions  was  advancing  under  Lieutenant  Guyler  for  the  relief  of 
the  garrison,  though  in  ignorance  of  the  danger  to  which  they 
were  exposed ;  and  one  of  the  two  schooners  was  sent  to  meet  it. 
Passing  down  the  river  they  were  attacked  by  a  crowd  of  canoes, 
with  the  unfortunate  Campbell  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  vessel. 
The  wind  sprang  up  and  soon  bore  it  beyond  their  reach.  On  the 
twenty-fourth  day  of  the  siege,  the  fleet  of  boats  was  seen  by  the 
garrison  ascending  the  river.  On  a  near  approach  they  were  seen 
£lled  with  Indians.  One  of  the  crew  when  near  the  fort  escaped 
and  related  the  fate  of  the  convoy.  They  had  landed  below  on  the 
river  bank,  were  attacked  on  shore,  and  driven  to  their  boats; 
three  of  these  were  taken  with  their  crews;  two  escaped  with 
Cuyler,  the  commander,  on  board,  who  returned  to  Niagara.  The 
prisoners  were  taken  above  the  fort  and  burned. 

Soon  after,  intelligence  reached  the  garrison  of  the  fate  of  the  posts 
around  the  lakes.  A  scalping  party  came  into  the  camp,  bringing 
with  them  Ensign  PauUy,  the  commandant  at  Fort  Sandusky.  On 
the  16th  of  May,  seven  Indians  appeared  at  the  gate  of  that  post  and 
asked  to  speak  with  PauUy.  They  were  admitted ;  immediately 
siezed  him,  acid  the  garrison  was  massacred.  Paully  was  brought 
to  Detroit  to  be  burned;  but  was  saved  by  being  adopted  by  an 
Indian  woman,  and  afterward  escaped. 

Soon  after,  a  party  of  Pottawattamies  arrived  with  Ensign  Schlos- 
ser,  the  commandant  at  St.  Josephs,  and  three  men.  They  were 
exchanged,  and  the  fate  of  that  garrison  revealed.  A  large  party 
of  Indians  collected  at  St.  Josephs  on  the  25th  of  May,  on  pretense 
of  friendship,  crowded  within  the  barracks,  and  then  suddenly 
massacred  the  garrison,  and  carried  their  prisoners  to  Detroit. 

The  news  soon  arrived  that  Ouiatenon  was  taken.  Ensign  Jen- 
kins and  several  of  his  men  were  taken  prisoners  by  stratagem,  on 
the  Ist  of  June ;  the  garrison  surrendered  on  promise  of  protection, 
and  were  sent  to  Fort  Chartres,  in  the  Illinois. 

Soon  after  it  was  reported  that  Fort  Miami  had  fallen.  Ensign 
Holmes  was  decoyed  away  from  his  post  on  the  27th  of  May,  by 
an  Indian  girl,  on  the  pretense  of  visiting  a  sick  woman,  and  shot 
The  sergeant  came  out  to  learn  the  cause  of  the  firing,  and  was 
taken;  the  garrison  surrendered  and  were  made  prisoners. 


168 


CAPTURE  OF  MACKINAW. 


176& 


A  scalping  party  came  in  Boon  after  from  Presqn'  Isle,  and 
reported  the  fate  of  that  post.  On  the  15th  of  Jane  an  attack  was 
made  by  two  hundred  Indians,  on  that  fort  The  garrison  retreated 
to  a  block  house,  on  which  the  Indians  began  an  immediate  and 
furious  assault.  A  breastwork  was  thrown  up,  from  which  they  then 
poured  a  constant  fire  upon  the  block  house.  Bepeatedly  it  was 
on  fire,  and  the  indefatigable  garrison,  cut  off  from  water,  dug  a 
well  within  it  to  obtain  a  supply  sufficient  to  subdue  the  flames. 
Next  the  Indians  began  to  mine  the  block  house.  Against  this 
there  was  no  defense,  and  after  forty-eight  hours  of  desperate  fight- 
ing, the  garrison  surrendered,  and  were  carried  prisoners  to 
Detroit,  where  Ensign  Christie,  the  commandant,  escaped. 

The  news  of  the  capture  of  Mackinaw  was  brought  to  the  garrison 
by  Father  Junois,  a  Jesuit  priest.  A  large  band  of  Ottawas,  and 
another  of  Sacs,  were  encamped  near  the  fort  On  the  morning  of 
the  4th  of  June,  a  delegation  came  to  the  gate  to  ask  the  offi- 
cers  and  soldiers  to  come  out  and  see  a  game  of  baggattaway 
played  on  the  plain  by  the  rival  tribes.  The  gates  were  thrown 
open,  the  soldiers  clustered  around  the  outside  of  the  walls,  min- 
gled with  a  large  number  of  Canadians,  and  among  them  a  multi- 
tude of  Indian  women,  closely  wrapped  in  blankets.  At  each  end 
of  the  ground  a  post  was  erected ;  hundreds  of  players  with  bate 
thronged  the  plain,  each  apparently  intent  only  on  driving  the  ball 
to  the  post  Once  and  again,  as  if  in  the  heat  of  the  game,  the 
ball  was  driven  near  the  pickets,  and  the  players  crowded  after  it 
Suddenly  the  ball  rose  high  in  the  air,  and  fell  within  the  fort,  and 
the  whole  multitude  thronged  after  it  through  the  gates.  Instantly 
the  war  whoop  was  raised,  the  warriors  snatched  their  tomahawks 
from  the  women,  who  carried  them  under  their  blankets.  In  a 
moment  the  garrison  were  overpowered,  the  greater  part  of  them 
were  slain.  Captain  Etherington  and  the  remaining  men  were  ca^ 
ried  away  prisoners,  some  of  whom  perished  at  the  hands  of  their 
captors,  a  few  of  them  were  ransomed. 

One  only  of  the  forest  garrisons  escaped,  by  the  good  conduct 
and  address  of  its  commandant.  Lieutenant  Gorell,  in  command 
of  Green  Bay,  devoted  himself  to  the  task  of  conciliating  the  neigh- 
boring savages.  The  Menomonies  were  sharers  in  the  conspiracy, 
but  they  were  attached  to  Gorell,  and  delayed  the  execution  of  the 
work  assigned  them.  On  hearing  of  the  fall  of  Mackinaw,  Gorell 
called  a  council  of  their  chiefs,  told  them  he  was  going  thither  to 
punish  the  enemies  of  his  king,  and  offered  to  leave  the  fort  in  the 
meantime  in  their  care.    The  chiefe  were  divided.    The  warrion 


1768. 


00N7BBBir0|  WIVH  YHH  OAMADUNS. 


M9 


were  waiting  to  strike  ihe  meditated  blow,  but'  providentiaUy  »t 
this  juncture,  A  deputation  of  the  Bacfttohe  speared,  to  denounce 
the  vengeance  of  that  powerfal  oonfederacj  against  the  enemies  of 
theEn^eh.  The  Menomonies  laid  Aside  their  hostile  designs. 
Oocell  and  his  garrison  passed  down  tihe  bay,  and  along  the  lake  to 
Maddnaw,  under  tiieir  escort,  nins<uued  Etherington  -and  twelve  of 
his  men,  And  passed  bj  w»y  of  the  Lake  Huron  and  the  Ottawa 
river,  to  Hontxeal. 

Xhe  beleaguered  garrison  at  Detroit  meanvfhile  maintained  thfiir 
Atabbom  defense,  and  Pontiao  pressed  the  siege  with  a  boldnesB 
and  address  iiftr  beyond  the  habit  of  Indian  warfare.  One  of  the 
vessels  had  been  sent  to  hasten  on  Ouyler's  ill-fated  ddtaohniettt. 
With  him  and  the  Temains  of  his  crew  on  board,  it  was  now. 
returuing,  and  was  passing  by  night  up  the  river,  the  forqe  «n 
board  was  concealed,  and  every  dispoution  was  made  to  invite  an 
attack  from  the  Indians.  Late  at  night  she  was  surrounded  by  a^ 
luultitttde  of  canoes.  The  men  were  arranged  in  silence  for  the 
attack.  At  the  tap  of  a  hammer  on  the  mast,.a  volley  of  grape  and 
musketry  was  poured  upon  the  assulants,  and  they  were  dispersed 
and  driven  ashore.  The  vessel  landed  safely,  brought  a  reinfosee- 
meutof  men,  and, a  supply  of  arms,  and  the  welcome  intelligence 
that  the  Peace  of  Paris  was  signed,  and  all  Canada  was  surrendered 
to  the  British  crown. 

The  Canadians,  craven,  treacherous  and  maligntwt,  wbo,  all  the 
wMIe  under  pretense  of  neutrality,  were  inciting  the  Indians  to 
xaassacre,  and  amusing  them  with  fables  of  the  coming  of  the  great 
Idog,  were  now  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain.  HI'ow  again  they 
redoubledHheir  falsehoods.  The  armies  of  the  great  king  w«re 
even  then  ascending  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Mississippi  to  take 
veogeanoe  on  the  insolent  English.  Ponliac,  weary  of  their 
Qentcality,  called  a  council  of  their  principal  men  and  demanded 
their  aid.  He  had  been  fighting  their  battles;  they  wore  doing 
nothing  to  serve  their  king.  He  had  served  their  cause  &ithfully ; 
they  had  been  uniGuthful  to  him.  They  had  professed  to  be  his 
friends;  yet  they  sought  to  make  a  profit  to  themselves  by  secretly 
aiding  the  English.  This  must  end.  If  they  were  English,  he 
WM  their  enemy.  If  they  were  French,  here  was  the  war  belt  and 
hatchet  The  Canadians  only  deepened  their  dissimulation.  Hating 
the  English  garrison,  they  still  sought  to  incite  the  Indians  to 
destroy  it  Afraid  lO^  the  English  vengeance,  they  sought  to  avoid 
any  share  in  the  wovk  of  blood.  And  concealing  the  treaty  of 
iParis,  thc^  iHToda^d  ii^ain  1^  oapplti^atltm  of  Montreal.  Th« 
12 


ITO 


BATTLB  Of  BUMDT  BVir. 


mi. 


great  king  said  tti«y  bad  hen  oommanded  them  to  be  quiet  till  he 
came,  for  he  designed  to  puniBh  hie  enemies  himself.  If  they  dis- 
obeyed  him  in  this,  they  would  be  punished.  If  the  Indians  made 
war  on  them  for  their  obedience,  they  too  would  be  punuhod. 
Pontiac  was  not  thus  to  be  put  off.  They  must  be  bis  enemies  or 
the  enemies  of  the  English ;  and  accordingly  a  band  of  trappers  and 
voyagers  took  up  the  hatchet  and  joined  the  hostile  tribes.  Bein- 
forced  with  these,  the  Indians  made  an  assault,  and  their  allies 
sought  to  entrench  themselves  near  the  walls. ,  They  were  dislodged 
and  repulsed,  and  m  their  rage  at  the  defeat,  the  Indians  seised  and 
murdered  the  unfortunate  Campbell.  The  two  schooners  that  lay 
near  the  fort  meanwhile  annoyed  the  Indians,  and  they  determined 
to  bum  tbera.  Going  up  the  river,  they  constructed  a  raft  filled 
with  bark  and  sent  it  burning  down  the  current,  but  it  passed  the 
vessels.  Another  was  built,  but  it  too  passed  without  effect. 
Another,  so  large  as  to  sweep  the  river,  was  begun,  but  a  guard  of 
boats,  moored  above  the  vessels,  was  provided  for  their  defense,  and 
the  scheme  was  abandoned. 

In  July,  the  garrison  was  reinforced  by  a  detachment  of  two 
hundred  and  eighty  men  under  Oaptain  Dalzell,  who,  on  his  arri- 
val, insisted  on  making  an  immediate  attack  on  the  camp  of  Pontiac, 
to  disperse  the  Indians  and  raise  the  siege.    Oladwin  was  opposed 
to  the  measure,  but  yielded,  contrary  to  his  judgment,  tc  the  solici- 
tations of  Dalzell.    Preparations  were  made  for  an  attack  on  the 
next  night,  but  the  plan  was  revealed  to  Pontiac  by  the  treachery 
o^the  Canadians.    On  the  night  of  the  80'tb  of  July,  a  detachment 
of  two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  with  two  barges  accompanying  them, 
under  the  command  of  Dalzell,  marched  to  the  attack.    Their  route 
was  along  the  river  bank,  between  the  water's  edge  and  a  row  of 
Canadian  houses  and  gardens.    A  mile  and  a  half  above  the  fori,  a 
creek,  known  since  that  night  as  Bloody  run,  passed  down  to  the 
river  through  a  deep  ravine.    Over  it  was  a  narrow  bridge,  on  the 
ridge  beyond  it  were  the  entrenchments  of  the  old  camp  of  the 
Indians,  piles  of  wood,  fences  and  houses.    Behind  these  the  whole 
force  of  the  Indians  was  posted.    As  the  advance  filed  over  the 
bridge,  they  were  assailed  by  a  volley  from  the  Indians,  and  recoiled. 
Again  they  charged  over  the  bridge  and  up  the  hill,  but  the  Indians 
gave  way  and  escaped  in  the  darkness.    Suddenly  they  appeared 
in  the  rear  with  an  intent  to  cut  the  detachment  off  from  the  fort; 
a  retreat  was  immediately  ordered.    The  Indians  occupied  a  row 
of  houses  and  fences  along  the  line  of  their  march,  and  from  these 
they  poured  a  continual  and  destructive  fire  upon  the  centre  and 


176S. 


NITOH  S  MISSAai  TO  POMTIAO. 


til 


rear  of  the  army.  They  were  thas  thrown  into  disorder  and 
retreated  in  confasiou  along  the  river  bank,  until  Mf^of*  Rogers, 
with  a  party  of  provinoials,  took  possession  of  a  Canadian  house, 
ftom  which  he  attacked  the  pursuers  and  checked  the  puYsuit. 
Captain  Grant  then  secured  another  position  below,  a  line  of  com- 
munication with  the  fort  was  formed,  and  the  rctraat  of  the  doiach- 
ment  thus  protected.  Rogers  and  his  party  were  brought  off  under 
a  fire  from  the  boats,  and  at  length,  after  six  hours  fighting,  the 
whole  party  reached  the  fort  The  loss  of  the  English  on  this  dis- 
astrous night  was  fiffy-nine,  including  the  commander  Dalzell ;  the 
loss  of  the  Indians  was  supposed  to  be  about  fifteen  or  twenty. 

The  Indians  were  greatly  elated  by  their  victory ;  messages  were 
sent  out,  fresh  warriors  came  in,  and  the  siege  was  pressed  with 
renewed  vigor.  One  of  the  schooners  meanwhile  had  gone  to 
Niagara.  On  her  return,  some  Iroquois  were  landed  at  the  mouth 
of  the  river,  and  conveyed  to  the  Indians  the  information  that  she 
was  manned  by  only  ten  men.  A  large  band  of  Indians  in  canoes 
collected  and  surrounded  the  vessel.  They  had  approached  close 
to  the  vessel  in  the  darkness  before  they  were  discovered, 
and  climbing  up  the  vessel's  aide,  made  a  furious  attack  upon  the 
crew,  in  disregard  of  the  musketry  that  was  poured  upon  them. 
The  captain  was  killed,  and  several  of  the  men  were  wounded,  and 
the  assailants  began  to  crowd  the  deck,  when  Lieutenant  Jacobs 
ordered  the  men  to  fire  the  magazine  and  blow  up  the  ship.  The 
Indians  heard  the  order  and  instantly  leaped  overboard  and  swam 
in  eveiy  direction  to  escape  the  threatened  explosion,  and  the  ves- 
sel sailed  up  the  river  to  Detroit. 

Thus  the  siege  wore  on  from  May  to  October,  pressed  with  a 
pertinacity  and  vigor  unknown  to  the  wars  of  the  Indians.  At 
^sngth  the  news  reached  the  Indians  that  a  great  reinforcement 
was  coming  up  the  lake,  under  Major  Wilkins,  to  relieve  the  gar- 
rison, and  some  of  the  bands,  in  despair  and  in  fear,  abandoned  the 
camp  and  returned  home.  Pontiao  and  his  band  remained  and 
kept  up  the  siege.  At  length,  on  the  80th  of  October,  he  received 
a  letter  from  Neyon,  commandant  at  the  Illinois.  That  ofiicer  had 
been  compelled  to  reveal  the  truth  to  the  confiding  savage.  France 
—it  ran — ^had  been  conquered,  and  Canada  was  in  the  possession  of- 
the  English.  There  was  no  truth  in  any  rumors  of  Erench  assist- 
ance to  him,  or  of  French  efforts  to  retake  New  France.  He 
ought,  therefore,  to  make  peace  with  the  English,  the  true  masters 
of  the  country,  to  secure  himself  against  their  vengeance.  The 
great  chieftain  was  confounded.  His  grand  scheme  was  at  an  end; 


172 


WAR  ON  TSB  BOIIDIX0. 


'^v% 


he  had  been  most  cruelly  deceived  by  the  fikithloss  7renoh,  fbr 
whom  l.e  had  risked  ftll,  and  raffered  00  ranch,  and  the  whole 
weight  of  the  English  vengeance  wonld  fall  on  him  and  his  scat- 
tered bands.  SoUenly  and  sadly,  he  broke  np  his  camp,  and,  with 
a  menace  to  the  English  that  he  wonld  retnm  in  the  spring,  be 
passed  down  the  river  to  the  Maumee,  to  prepare  for  a  new 
campaign. 

Along  the  borders,  meanwhile,  the  war  was  raging  with  most 
savage  bmtality.  The  plan  of  the  year  was  there  faithftilly  carried 
out  Suddenly  the  English  traders,  among  all  the  tribes,  were 
massacred;  and  all  the  forts  were  attacked. 

Le  BoBuf  was  surrounded,  on  the  18th  of  May,  by  a  great  multitude 
of  Indians.  After  a  Airious  attack,  the  block  house  was  fired  by 
night,  and  while  they  were  waiting  to  murder  the  inmates,  as  th^ 
escaped  from  the  flames.  Ensign  Price,  and  his  seven  remaining  men, 
escaped  nnperceived  to  the  forest,  and,  after  enduring  great  hard- 
ships, reached  Fort  Pitt.  Fassiug  by  Venango,  they  found  that 
place  in  ruins,  and  the  garrison  slaughtered.  Long  after,  its  fate 
was  revealed  to  Sir  William  Johnson.  A  large  party  of  Senecae 
gained  entrance,  on  pretense  of  friendship,  massacred  the  garrison, 
and  tortured  the  commandant,  Lieut.  Gordon,  for  several  nights, 
over  a  slow  lire,  and  then  burned  the  fort. 
.  On  the  27th  of  May,  bands  of  Indians,  flushed  with  their  victories, 
appeared  before  Fort  Pitt,  and  after  prowling  around,  scalping  strag- 
glers, and  firing  on  the  garrison,  a  delegation  of  their  chiefs  appeared 
and  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  fort  They  were  friends  of  the 
English,  and  they  wanted  to  ^ve  them  good  advice.  Six  great 
nations  had  taken  up  the  hatchet  against  the  English ;  numerous 
bands  were  now  coming  to  scalp  them.  They  ought  to  leave  the  post 
and  go  to  the  settlements,  where  they  would  be  safe.  If  they  went 
now  they  would  protect  them.  If  they  waited  till  their  enemies  came, 
nothing  could  save  them.  Captain  Ecnyer  was  not  to  be  so  easily 
outdone  in  politeness  by  his  taWny  firiends.  He  was  very  well  <^ 
in  his  fort,  and  meant  to  fltay  there.  But  they  ought  to  take  care 
of  their  women  and  children.  There  was  a  great  anmy  of  six 
thousand  coming  to  Fort  Pitt  There  was  an  army  of  three  thou- 
sand going  up  the  lakes.  There  was  another,  with  a  great  multi- 
tude of  Oherokees,  coming  from  the  south.  He  wished  them  to 
hide,  for  he  did  not  want  them  to  get  hurt.  But  he  hoped  they 
trould  not  tell  the  hostile  ^dians,  lest  they  might  escape.  The 
chiefs  were  beaten  ^at  their  own  game,  the  shadows  of  Ecuyei<8 


1768< 


•UAi  Of  foBT  nn. 


178 


three  armiet  flightened  them,  they  abandoned  the  fort  and  fled 
down  tho  river. 

On  the  20th  of  Jnlyv  the  Indiana  again  appeared  in  ooneiderable 
force  aronnd  Fort  Pitt  Shinghis,  Turtle*!  Heart,  and  some  other 
chiefs  ^>peared,  and  were  admitted  to  a  conference.  They  bitterly 
leconnted  the  wrongs  the  English  had  inflioted  upon  their  people. 
They  recited  a  meaMgo  they  had  received  from  the  great  Pontiac. 
His  bands  were  coming  to  strike  the  English  at  the  forks  of  the 
Ohio.  If  they  would  go  home  to  their  wives  and  children  they 
would  be  safe.  IS  they  would  not  they  would  be  in  danger. 
Bcuyer  told  them  he  had  warriors  and  arms  enough  to  defend  him- 
self three  years  against  all  the  Indians  in  the  woods.  That  was 
his  home,  and  if  they  came  about  it,  he  would  fire  bagfulls  of 
ballets  at  them.  They  had  better  go  home,  for  he  did  not  want 
to  hurt  them. 

The  Indians  then,  disappointed  in  obtaining  possession  of  the 
fort  by  stratagem,  commenced  a  general  attack.  On  the  next  night, 
they  crawled  along  the  banks  of  the  rivers,  and  dug  holes  with 
their  knives  in  the  bank,  to  shelter  themselves  from  the  fire  of  the 
garrison.  From  these  a  constant  fire  for  many  days  was  poured 
iqK>n  the  fort,  and  it  was  often  on  fire  from  their  arrows.  A  striking 
^cture  of  the  siege  is  furnished  ia  the  statement  of  one  who  was 
present 

"  I  tell  you  we  had  awful  times  when  Fort  Pitt  was  closely  be- 
neged  by  the  Indians.  You  see  the  yellow  skins  lay  so  close  along 
the  bank  of  the  Allegheny  river,  that  we  could  not  get  a  shot  at 
tbem,  and  we  dare  not  venture  outside.  Any  one  who  showed 
himself  upon  the  rampart  was  sure  to  be  a  mark  for  an  arrow  or 
bullet  Yet  even  then  they  did  not  get  off  always  scot  free.  Some 
of  our  fellows  were  more  than  a  match  for  them  in  every  way. 
One  day  '  Brown  Bill'  procured  some  old  clothes  and  straw,  and 
stuffed  a  paddy  with  the  greatest  care.  Kone  of  us  could  tell  what 
was  in  the  wind,  and  his  only  answer  was  that  he  was  reinforcing 
the  garrison.  At  night  he  told  one  of  us  to  lift  it  up  slowly  above 
the  stockade  and  pull  it  down  quickly  whenever  it  was  fired  at 
He  then  took  his  station  a  few  feet  from  it,  and  when  his  eye  be- 
came accustomed  to  the  darkness,  directed  us  to  raise  it  up.  We 
raised  it  slowly,  and.  a  bullet  passed  through  it,  but  instantly  Bill, 
who  could  fire  at  a  flash,  put  a  bullet  through  the  Indian's  head. 
We  all  laughed  at  the  result,  which  made  Bill  tremendously  angry. 
'  If  you  had  held  your  jaw,'  said  he,  <  the  paddy  might  have  done 
some  time  again ;  now  it  is  of  no  use,  they  will  smell  the  rat'    At 


174 


DESOLATION  OF  THE  B0RBBR8. 


1768. 


last  we  became  weary  of  being  cooped  np,  and  the  officers  began 
to  fear  that  Bill,  and  eome  other  kindred  Bpirits,  would  carry  out 
some  mad  scheme,  to  their  own  undoing.  Who  first  planned  what 
I  am  going  to  tell  you  of  I  do  not  know,  but  the  following  plan 
ro^ieved  ns  from  our  close  blockade,  and  chased  the  Indians  from 
the  bank  of  the  river,  the  position  which  most  annoyed  us.  "We 
built  upon  rollers  a  large  fiat  boat,  with  high  sides;  the  rovrers 
were  secured,  and  port-holes  bored  all  around.  When  finished  and 
reaiiy,  we  rolled  it  into  the  Monongahela,  and  anchored  it  in  such 
a  position  that  we  could  fire  up  the  Allegheny.  The  Indians  were 
astonished ;  they  were  "afraid  to  attack  either  the  boat  or  the  fort, 
which  would  have  placed  them  between  two  fires.  We  raked  then 
from  the  boat  along  the  river  bank ;  they  set  up  the  most  diabolical 
yell  I  ever  heard,  retired  up  stream,  and  never  again  ventured  so 
close  to  us  in  daylight." 

About  the  1st  of  August,  a  rumor  reached  them  that  an  army  was 
coming  to  relieve  the  fort;  the  assailants  abandoned  the  siege,  to 
the  great  relief  of  the  garrison,  and  penetrated  further  to  the  east. 
Meanwhile  the  most  terrible  border  War  known  to  our  history,  was 
raging  along  the  whole  line  of  the  western  frontier.  The  western 
frontier  was  then  the  Blue  Ridge  and  the  Susquehanna.  Cabins, 
clearings,  hamlets,  even  villages,  were  scattered  through  the  forest 
west  of  that  border,  but  a  fixed  population  had  not  passed  beyond 
it.  Along  that  whole  line  from  Albany  to  Carolina,  the  border  was 
attacked  about  the  beginning  of  harvest.  Everywhere  were  expe- 
rienced the  same  horrible  cruelties  of  savage  warfare ;  the  sudden 
surprise,  the  massacre,  the  scalping,  the  burning ;  everywhere  were 
the  ashes  of  cabins,  mingled  with  the  charred  bones  of  their  tenants; 
everywhere  the  ripe  harvest  stood  without  a  reaper.  Twenty 
thousand  people  in  Virginia  were  driven  from  their  homes.  The 
borders  of  that  province  were  protected  by  a  line  of  stockade  forts, 
and  to  these  the  inhabitants  fled  for  protection.  A  thousand  men 
were  raised  and  put  under  the  command  of  Major  Lewis  and  Col. 
Stephen.  That  force  was  greatly  augmented  by  the  borderers  who 
volunteered  to  protect  their  homes.  The  tide  of  savage  war  was 
stayed ;  the  Indians  could  not  stand  their  ground  against  the  bor- 
der riflemen,  and  security  for  the  Virginia  frontier  was  at  length 
obtained  by  the  prompt  measures  of  her  government,  and  the 
bravery  of  her  citizen  soldiery.  The  people  of  the  Pennsylvania 
frontier  were  unprotected,  and  they  were  compelled  to  cowd  into 
the  towns  in  the  interior  for  safety,  and,  stripped  of  everything 
they  possessed,  were  obliged  to  subsist  as  they  best  could  in  huts 


1768. 


KBLIBF  or  FOm  PITT. 


176 


and  tents  on  the  charities  of  the  people.  The  colonial  government 
was  divided  hy  faction ;  its  leaders  were  inimical  to  the  borderers, 
and,  to  its  everlasting  dishonor,  refased  to  furnish  the  many 
adequate  protection,  and  left  the  defense  of  the  frontier  to  those 
who  had  lost  all  by  its  desolation. 

General  Amherst  was  employed  in  ^.he  meantime  in  providing 
measures  of  defense.  The  colonial  establishment  had  been 
exhausted  by  the  French  war,  anrl  further  weakened  by  the 
removal  of  a  great  part  of  the  troof  s  on  the  conclusion  of  peace. 
Of  the  regiments  that  remained,  reduced  in  numbers  and  weakened 
by  disease,  a  small  force  was  with  difficulty  collected  and  equipped 
for  the  service.  All  that  could  be  immediately  done  was  to  pro* 
vide  for  the  defense  of  the  posts.  The  fort  of  Niagara  had  been 
besieged  by  a  band  of  Senecas,  and  the  first  step  was  to  send  suffi- 
''lent  reinforcements  to  that  important  post.  The  next  was  to  send 
a  reinforcement  under  Dalzell  to  Detroit. 

The  garrison  at  Fort  Pitt  consisted  of  three  hundred  and  thirty 
men,  beside  more  than  two  hundred  women  and  children  who 
had  taken  refuge  within  it.  The  supply  of  provisions  was  too 
small  to  sustain  a  long  siege,  and  it  was  necessary  to  Oiflford  it 
immediate  relief.  Orders  were,  therefore,  sent  to  Col.  Bouquet,  at 
Philadelphia,  to  organize  an  expedition  without  delay,  for  the  relief 
of  that  important  post. 

Gol.  Henry  Bouquet  was  a  native  of  Switzerland,  of  the  canton 
of  Berne.  He  first  held  a  commission  in  the  army  of  Sardinia,  and 
afterward  entered  the  service  of  the  states  of  Holland.  When  the 
corps  of  Eoyal  Americans  was  organized  in  the  French  war,  he 
entered  the  English  service  as  lieutenant-colonel  of  that  regimdnt. 
lu  the  provinces,  great  confidence  was  reposed  in  his  bravery  and 
skill.  As  a  mili',ary  man  he  was  distinguished  for  activity  of  mind, 
a  great  facility  of  resource,  and  an  unusual  power  of  adaptation  to 
the  circumstances  with  which  he  was  surrounded.  And  these 
qualities  fitted  him  in  an  eminent  degree  for  the  practice  of  the 
new  and  often  perplexing  tactics  of  Indian  warfare. 

With  much  difficulty,  Colonel  Bouquet  collected  of  the  remains 
of  the  forty-second  and  seventy-seventh  regiments,  a  force  of  about 
five  hundred  men;  brave,  indeed,  but  enfeebled  by  disease,  and 
unused  to  savage  warfare.  Sixty  of  these  were  so  weak,  that  they 
were  conveyed  in  baggage  wagons,  only  for  the  relief  of  the  garri- 
son. Orders  were  dispatched  to  collect  stores  and  provisions  on 
the  frontier,  but  when  Bouquet  reached  Carlisle,  on  the  1st  of  July, 


'i  ■■ 


;  !i 


i 


1T6 


BATTLE  OP  BUSHY  RUBT. 


1768. 


no  provisions  had  been  collected.  The  whole  settlement  was  in  a 
panic.  The  country  was  deserted,  and  the  wretched  and  famishing 
people  had  crowded  into  the  town  for  protection.  Instead  of 
receiving  supplies  from  them,  Bouquet  was  obliged  to  share  with 
them  his  own  scanty  stores.  Eighteen  days  were  spent  in  collects 
ing  stores  and  means  of  transportation,  and  the  army  commenced  its 
perilous  march  with  the  worst  forebodings  of  the  people,  through  the 
wilderness.  The  route  lay  through  an  unbroken  forest  for  two 
hundred  miles,  infested  with  savages  far  more  numerous  and 
more  determined  than  those  that  destroyed  the  ill-fated  army  of 
Braddock.  The  army  of  Bouquet  was  less  than  those  that  fell  on 
that  bloody  day,  and  the  people  of  the  border,  without  hope  of 
success,  only  waited  for  the  defeat  of  the  army  to  desert  the 
country  and  fly  beyond  the  Susquehanna. 

The  army  pursued  the  route  opened  by  General  Forbes,  five  years 
before,  and  on  their  march,  relieved  Forts  Bedford  and  Ligonier, 
both  beleaguered  by  the  Indians.  Lctis  than  a  day's  march  west  of 
Ligonier,  by  the  dangerous  defile  of  Turtle  creek,  Bouquet  deter- 
mined to  march  to  Bushy  run,  and  rest  there  until  night,  and  then 
pass  Turtle  creek  under  cover  of  the  darkness.  When  within  half  a 
mile  of  Bushy  run,  the  army  was  suddenly  attacked  in  front ;  a  charge 
was  made  and  the  enemy  dispersed.  Instantly  the  attack  was  renewed 
in  the  rear,  and  again  the  assailants  were  beaten  off.  Again  and  again 
the  attack  was  made,  and  the  Indians  were  driven  back,  only  to 
renew  their  assault.  Sheltered  behind  trees,  the  Indians  poured  a 
constant  fire  upon  the  army  on  all  sides,  and  were  so  disposed  as 
to  assault  the  line  the  moment  it  wavered.  To  receive  them,  the 
troops  were  disposed  in  a  circle  around  their  baggage,  exposed 
indeed  to  the  constant  fire  of  an  invisible  foe,  but  maiutained  their 
position  with  the  steady  valor  of  disciplined  troops.  Thus  the 
can  test  raged  for  seven  hours,  darkness  suspended  hostilities,  and 
the  troops  maintained  their  position  and  lay  on  their  arms  during 
the  night.  At  the  dawn  of  day,  the  attack  was  renewed  with 
great  fury,  and  continued  without  intermission  until  nearly  noon. 
It  was  impossible  for  the  army  to  move,  and  equally  impotssible  to 
make  any  impression  on  the  enemy,  and  there  seemed  to  be  no 
other  prospect  before  the  troops,  than  that  of  gradually  melting 
away  under  the  fire  of  an  invisible  foe.  The  genius  of  Bouquet 
was  equal  to  the  emergency.  Two  companies  were  ordered  to  fall 
within  the  circle  and  march  backward,  as  if  commencing  the 
retr  .at;  two  other  companies  were  detailed  to  He  in  ambuscade  in 
advance  of  the  army.    The  thin  line  of  troops  took  possession  of 


1763. 


VfLOOLAUAfOiOV  OF  TBE  aOVBBNMBNT. 


177 


the  deserted  space,  aad  were  drawn  newer  to  the  centre.  These; 
movements  were  mistaken  by  the  Indians  for  a  retreat,  and  made, 
a  furious  assault  on  the  line.  The  two  companies  that  had  been 
ordered  to  the  rear,  suddenly  wheeled  and  poured  a  volley  on 
them  in  flank,  and  then  charged  them  with  the  bayonet.  The, 
Indians  were  completely  surprised  and  fled  in  disorder  before  them. 
Suddenly  the  ambuscade  arose  and  poured  their  flaT'^  upon  the: 
crowd  of  savages,  and  joined  the  pursuit.  The  route  was  complete^ 
and  the  remaining  savages  abandoned  their  positions  and  fled. 
About  sixty  Indians  were  slain.  One  hundred  and  sixteen  privates 
and  eight  officers  of  the  army  were  killed,  and  a  great  number 
wounded. 

After  the  battle,  the  army  marched  without  interruption  twenty- 
five  miles  to  Fort  Pitt,  relieved  the  garrison  and  supplied  the  post 
with  arms,  ammunition,  and  provision,  and  thus  secured  it  against 
the  danger  of  a  siege,  or  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  savages. 

The  campaign  had  been  disastrous  to  the  English,  but  it  waa 
fatal  to  the  plans  of  Pontiac.  Detroit  had  resisted  his  utmost 
efforts  to  surprise  or  reduce  it,  and  was  now  in  a  posture  for  suc- 
cessful defense.  All  hope  of  any  co-operation  was  at  an  end.  The 
battle  of  Bushy  run  and  the  relief  of  Fort  Pitt  closed  the  campaign,. 
with  the  exception  of  a  few  scalping  parties,  on  the  frontier  and  so 
disheartened  the  Indians  that  they  abandoned  their  towns  to  escape 
the  vengeance  of  the  white  men,  and  retired  to  the  Muskingum. 
All  these  circumstances  co-operated  to  break  the  hostile  confederacy 
and  dispose  the  tribes  to  peace ;  and  this  disposition  was  furthered 
by  a  proclamation,  authorized  by  the  government  and  issued  f(W 
the  purpose,  quieting  the  fears  and  suspicions  of  the  Indians. '  It 
contained  the  following  prohibitions  and  restrictions : 

''And,  whereas,  it  is  just  and  reasonable,  and  essential  to  our 
interest  and  the  security  of  our  colonies,  that  the  several  nations  or 
tribes  of  Indians  with  whom  we  are  connected,  and  who  live  under 
our  protection,  should  not  be  molested  or  disturbed  in  the  possession 
of  such  pai-ts  of  our  dominions  and  territories  as,  not  having  been 
ceded  to,  or  purchased  by  us,  are  reserved  to  them,  or  any  of  them, 
as  their  hunting  grounds;  we  do,  therefore,  with  the  advice  of  our 
privy  council,  declare  it  to  be  our  royal  will  and  pleasure,  that  no 
Governor  or  Commander-in-chief,  in  any  of  our  colonies  of  Quebec, 
East  Florida,  or  West  Florida,  do  presume,  upon  any  pretense 
whatever,  to  grant  warrants  of  survey,  or  pass  any  patents  for  lauds 

beyond  tlie  bounds  of  their  respective  governments,  as  described  in 


178 


PROCLAMATION  OF  THH  eOYBRRMKNT. 


1768. 


their  commissions ;  aa,  also,  that  no  Governor  or  Gommander-in> 
chief  of  our  other  colonies  or  plantations  in  America,  do  presume 
for  the  present,  and  until  our  farther  pleasure  he  known,  to  grant 
warrants  of  survey,  or  pass  patents  for  any  lands  heyond  the  heads 
or  sources  of  any  of  the  rivers  which  fall  into  the  Atlantic  ocean 
from  the  west  or  north-west ;  or  upon  any  lands  whatever,  which, 
not  having  heen  ceded  to,  or  purchased  hy  us,  as  aforesaid,  are 
reserved  to  the  said  Indians  or  any  of  them. 

"  And  we  do  further  declare  it  to  be  oar  royal  will  and  pleasure, 
for  the  present,  as  aforesaid,  to  reserve  under  our  sovereignty,  pro- 
tection, and  dominion,  for  the  use  of  the  said  Indians,  all  the  land 
and  territories  not  included  within  the  limitd  of  our  said  three  new 
governments,  or  within  the  limits  of  the  territory  granted  to  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company ;  as  also  all  the  lands  and  territories  lying 
to  the  westward  of  the  sources  of  the  rivers  which  fall  into  the  sea 
from  the  west  and  north-west  as  aforesaid ;  and  we  do  hereby  strictly 
forbid,  on  pain  of  our  displeasure,  all  our  loving  subjects  from 
making  any  purchases  or  settlements  whatever,  or  taking  possession 
of  any  of  the  lands  above  reserved,  without  our  special  leave  and 
license  for  that  purpose  first  obtained. 

"  And  we  do  further  strictly  enjoin  and  require  all  persons  what- 
ever, who  have  either  willfully  or  inadvertently  seated  themselves 
upon  any  lands  within  the  countries  above  described,  or  upon  any 
Other  lands,  which,  not  having  been  ceded  to,  or  purchased  by  us, 
are  still  reserved  to  the  said  Indians,  as  aforesaid,  forthwith  to 
remove  themselves  from  such  settlements. 

"  And,  v/hereas,  great  frauds  and  abuses  have  been  committed 
in  purchasing  lands  from  the  Indians,  to  the  great  prejudice  of  our 
interests,  and  the  great  dissatisfaction  of  the  Indians ;  in  order, 
therefore,  to  prevent  such  irregularities  for  the  future,  and  to  the 
end  that  the  Indians  may  be  convinced  of  our  justice  and  determined 
resolution  to  remove  all  reasonable  cause  of  discontent,  we  do,  with 
the  advice  of  our  privy  council,  strictly  enjoin  and  req\iire  that  no 
private  person  do  presume  to  make  any  purchase  from  the  said 
Indians,  of  any  lands  reserved  to  the  said  Indians,  within  those 
parts  of  our  colonies  where  we  have  thought  proper  to  allow  flottle- 
ment ;  but  that,  if  at  any  time,  any  of  the  said  Indians  should  he 
inclined  to  dispose  of  the  said  lands,  the  same  shall  be  purchased 
only  for  us,  in  our  name,  at  some  public  meeting  or  assembly  of 
the  said  Indians,  to  be  held  for  that  purpose,  by  the  Governor  or 
Commander-in-chief  of  our  colony,  respectively,  within  which  they 
•hall  lie :  and  in  case  they  shall  lie  within  the  limits  of  any  propri- 


1764. 


bradbtbibt's  UBBDinoir. 


vm 


etaries,  conformable  to  saoh  directions  and  instructions  as  we  or 
they  Bhall  think  proper  to  give  for  that  purpose :  and  we  do,  by  the 
advice  of  oar  privy  council,  declare  and  ei\ioin,  that  the  trade  with 
the  said  Indians  shall  be  free  and  open  to  all  our  subjects  whatever : 
Provided,  That  every  person  who  may  incline  to  trade  with  the  isAd 
Indians,  do  take  out  a  license,  for  carrying-on  such  trade,  from  the 
Governor  or  Commander-in-chief  of  any  of  our  colonies,  respec- 
tively, where  eucli  person  shall  reside ;  and  also  give  security  to 
observe  such  regulations  as  we  shall  at  any  time  think  fit,  by 
ourselves  or  commissaries  to  be  appointed  for  this  purpose,  to 
direct  and  f^poiut  for  the  benefit  of  the  said  trade ;  and  we  do 
hereby  authorize,  enjoin,  and  require  the  Governors  and  Com- 
manders-in-chief of  all  our  colonies,  respectively,  as  well  those 
under  our  immediate  government  as  those  under  the  government 
and  direction  of  proprietaries,  to  grant  such  licenses  without  fee 
or  reward,  taking  especial  care  to  insert  therein  a  condition  that 
such  license  shall  be  void,  and  ^he  security  forfeited,  in  case  the 
person  to  whom  the  same  is  granted  shall  refuse  or  neglect  to 
observe  such  regulations  as  we  shall  think  proper  to  prescribe  as 
aforesaid." 


The  war  was  nevertheless  resumed  in  the  spring  of  the  following 
year.  Pontiac  again  laid  siege  to  Detroit,  and  the  English  border 
was  again  attacked  with  great  fury.  To  protect  the  settlements, 
and  to  chastise  the  Indians,  General  Gage,  now  in  command  of  the 
army  in  the  colonies,  resolved  to  carry  the  war  into  their  own 
country.  For  this  purpose  two  expeditions  were  organized.  Col. 
Bradstreot  was  ^ 'dered  to  lead  an  army  against  the  Indians  of 
the  lakes,  and  Col.  Bouquet  to  proceed  with  an  army  against  the 
Indians  of  the  Ohio. 

Col.  Bradstreet  collected  a  force  of  twodve  bnnd''ed  men,  and 
arrived  at  Niagara  early  in  July.  There  he  t*  oi  a  jr  jat  concourse 
of  the  Indians  of  the  lakes,  who  had  come  'o  (".n^at  iv:  peace.  Sir 
William  Johnson  had  availed  himself  of  his?  in^l'vjnce  xover  the 
Indians,  to  dispose  them  for  peace.  In  the  past  year  he  'ip.d  suc- 
ceeded, by  conferences,  promises,  and  presents,  in  preventing  the 
greater  portion  of  the  Iroquois  from  joining  the  confederacy,  and 
tliua  secured  the  frontiers  of  New  York  from  the  horrors  of  savage 
war.  During  the  winter  his  messengeivs  !md  visited  all  the  tribes, 
warned  them  of  their  danger,  and  invited  them  tc  come  to  Niag- 
ara, and  treat  with  him  for  peace.  Ihe  represf/^tatives  of  the 
Menomoniea,  Ottawas,  Ojibwas,  Mississaguas,  Canawagas,  Wyan- 


im 


BttADSf  BRBX'S  BXPBDITIOir« 


1784. 


dk>t%  Iroquois^  Saoa^  Foxes^  Wiimebagoe»,  Osagea,  and  other 
tribes  were  present,  and  witih^hem,  after  much  delay,  treaties  were 
made,  and  a  peace  concluded.  This  done,  Bradstreet  embarked 
his  army  at  Fort  Schlosser^  on  the  8th  of  August,  and  landed  on 
the  12th  at  Presqu'  Isle.  There  he  met  a  band  of  Shawanees  and 
Delawares,  who  pretended  they  had.  come  to  treat  for  peace.  la 
spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  his  officers,  and  of  the  wrath  of  his 
Indian  allies,  Bradstreet  allowed  himself  to  be  duped  by  their  pro. 
fessions,  concluded  a  peace  with  them  on  condition  that  they  would 
deliver  up  their  prisoners  at  Sandusky  withiu  twenty-five  days,  and 
difdpatched  a  message  to  Bouqu^  to  direct  him  to  abandon  his  ex- 
pedition, on  the  ground  that  the  war  was  closed.  Thence  the  army 
proceeded  along  the  lake  to  Sandusky.  There  agiiin  a  deputation 
of  Ottawas,  Wyandots,  and  Miamis  mot  them  to  ask  a  bUBpensioa 
of  hostilities,  on  the  promise  that  they  would  meet  them  at  Dotroit 
and  conclude  a  peace.  The  easy  credulity  of  Bradstreet  was  again 
imposed  on,  and  they  were  dismissed  with  the  assurance  that  they 
should  not  be  molested. 

On  the  26th  of  August,  the  army  reached  Detroit,  relieved  the 
garrison,  that  had  been  confined  to  their  ramparts  for  more  than 
fifteen  months,  and  dispersed  the  Indians  that  yet  lay  around  the 
fort.  Poutiae  was  gone,  and  the  tribes  of  that  region  were  invited 
to  treat  for  peace.  The  chiefs  of  the  Ottawas,  Ojibwas,  Pottawat> 
tamies,  Miamis,  Sacs,  and  Wyandots,  appeared  at  the  council.  A 
treaty  was  made.  The  Indians  pledged  themselves  to  give  up 
their  prisoners ;  to  relinquish  the  title  to  the  English  posts  and  tiiei 
territory  aror.ad  them  for  the  distance  of  &  cannon  shot;  to  give 
up  all  the  murderers  of  white  men,  to  be  tried  by  English  law; 
to  acku;mledg6  the  sovereignty  of  the  English  government,  and 
to  gho  hostages  for  the  performance  of  the  terms  of  the  treaty. 
Pes'-o  with  the  tribes  of  the  uorth-west  being  thus  secured,  Bradstreet 
returned  to  Sandusk/,  to  nr.edt  the  Delawares  and  Shawanees,  with 
their  prisoners.  At  length  he  discovered  he  was  duped.  ITo  delr 
egations  appeared.  Ho  learned  that  the  war  had  still  raged  along 
the  frontier,  regardless  of  their  promises  to  him.  A  mepf^age  was 
received  from  Sage,  annulling  his  treaties  with  the  Ohio  Indicns, 
and  ordering  him  immediately  to  attack  their  towns.  Greatij 
exasperated  and  mortified  at  the  deception  that  had  been  practiced 
upon  him,  and  at  the  rebuke  his  misconduct  had  merited,  and  em- 
barrassed by  the  lateness  of  the  season,  the  want  of  provisions,  and 
the  discontent  of  his  troops,  he  broke  up  his  camp,  abandoned  hia 
expedition^  and  returned  to  Niagara. 


1764. 


BOUQUBT'S  RXPBI>1TI0(IT. 


lei 


Col.  Bouquet  inarched  from  Oarlisle  on  the  Sth  of  August,  wttii 
five  hundred  regulars,  the  most  of  whom  had  fought  at  Busbj  run, 
in  the  preceding  year,  and  about  a  thousand  rolunteers  from  Pean- 
flvlvania  and  Yii^nia.  At  <Fort  London  he  ii^as  met  by  a  dispatch 
from  Bradstreet,  advising  him  that  peace  was  concluded  with  tibie 
Indians,  and  that  his  advance  was  unnecessary.  Bouquet  saw 
thiough  the  deception  that  had  been  practiced  on  Bradstreet,  and 
continaed  his  march  to  Fort  Pitt,  where  be  arrived  on  tho  17th  of 
September.  There  a  delegation  of  chiefs  met  him  with  the  same 
pretenses  that  had  so  completely  deceived  Bradsiareet.  Bouquet 
promptly  arrested  them  as  spies,  and  sent  one  of  them  back  with  a 
message  to  the  tribes,  charging  them  with  their  faithlessness,  aad 
threatening  to  put  to  death  their  chiefs,  unless  they  would  abandon 
their  hostility,  and  allow  his  messengersto  pass  safely  through  their 
country  to  Detroit.  The  message  was  carried  to  the  tribes  on  the 
Muskingum,  and  its  decisive  tone  convincad  them  that  it  was  their 
best  policy  to  seek  peace  to  avert  their -ruin.  On  the  8d  of  Octo- 
ber the  army  left  Fort  Pitt,  and  marched  down  the  Ohio,  and  across 
to  the  Tuscarawas,  and  arrived  at  the  vicinity  of  Frederic  Post's  late 
missionary  station  on  the  15th.  There  preparatione  were  made 
for  a  council.  The  representatives  of  the  Delawares,  Senecas,  and 
Shawanees  appeared  on  the  17th.  A  conference  was  held.  The 
chiefs  laid  the  blame  of  the  war  on  their  young  men,  and  the  west- 
em  tribes  asked  for  peace,  and  promised  to  surrender  their  pris- 
oners. Bouquet  replied  sternly,  that  it  was  their  duty  to  restrain 
their  young  men;  that  they  had  lareaeherously  murdered  the  traders 
that  had  gone  among  them,  and  the  messengers  that  had  been  sent 
to  them;  that  they  had  violated  their  engagements  to  Bradstreet; 
that  they  had  been  false  to  every  proomisethey  had  made,  and  now 
he  would  trust  them  no  longer.  All  the  other  tribes  had  made 
peace ;  they  stood  alone,  and  it  was  easy  to  destroy  them.  If  they 
delivered  up  all  the  prisoners  in  their  hands  within  twelve  days, 
they  might  hope  for  peace;  if  not,  they  might  expect  no  meroy. 
This  reply  completely  humbled  Ihe  •  savages.  They  judged  of  tibe 
temper  of  the  whites  from  the  haughty  tone  of  their  demands,  .and 
in  fear  of  their  vengeance,  they  separated,  and  hastened  to  collect 
their  captives. 

On  the  25th  ilie  army  proceeded  down  the  river  to  the  junction 
of  the  Tuscarawas,  and  the  White  Woman,  and  there  made  pre- 
parations for  the  reception  of  the  prisoners.  There  they  remained 
until  the  18th  of  November;  from  day  to  day  prisoners — men, 
womer,  and  children — were  brought  in,  and  delivered  up  to  their 


182 


TRBATT  or  TEB  OBRMAV  TLATS. 


1766. 


finends.  Strong  attachments  in  many  cases  bad  grown  up  between 
tbe  savages  and  tbeir  captives;  tbey  surrendered  tbem  witb  great 
reluctance,  some  even  witb  tears.  Every  attention  tbey  could  desire 
was  paid  to  tbem ;  presents  were  bestowed  upon  tbem,  and  some 
of  the  Indians  followed  tbe  objects  of  tbeir  attachment  to  Fort  Pitt, 
and  even  to  the  settlements.  Two  hundred  and  six  prisoners  were 
recovered.  One  hundred  more  remained,  who  were  given  up  by  tbe 
Sbawanees  in  the  next  year.  After  tbe  Indians  bad  complied 
with  bis  requisitions.  Bouquet  relaxed  bis  reserve,  held  a  council 
witb  tlie  chiefs,  received  from  tbem  assurance  that  they  would 
give  up  all  prisoners  that  could  be  found,  and  that  tbey  would  meet 
Sir  William  Johnson  in  council  in  the  spring,  to  make  a  definite 
treaty  of  peace,  and  took  from  tbem  six  hostages  for  the  due  per- 
formance of  tbeir  agreement. 

Every  thing  being  then  arranged  witb  the  Indians,  tbe  army 
broke  up  its  encampment  on  tbe  18tb  of  November,  and  reached 
Fort  Pitt  on  the  28tb.  From  that  pl^ce  tbe  volunteers  returned  to 
tbeir  homes,  and  Col.  Bouquet  with  his  troops  marched  to  Phila- 
delphia, where  he  arrived  about  tbe  beginning  of  tbe  next  year. 

The  promise  the  Indians  made  to  Bouquet  was  faithfully  kept 
Tbe  representatives  of  all  tbe  tribes  of  the  west  met  Sir  William 
Johnson  early  in  tbe  next  spring,  at  the  German  Flats,  and  made 
a  treaty  of  peace.  A  tract  of  land  within  the  Indian  territory  was 
ceded  for  tbe  benefit  of  the  traders  who  hadT  suffered  by  tbe  break- 
ing out  of  tbe  war,  and  the  Indians  proposed  to  fix  a  definite  boun- 
dary along  tbe  Allegheny  river,  beyond  which  tbe  white  men 
should  not  be  allowed  to  go.  But  Johnson  excused  himself  on 
the  ground  of  a  want  of  power  from  acceding  to  the  demand,  and 
thus  tbe  great  subject  of  controversy  remained  unsettled. 


With  tbe  returning  representatives  of  tbe  Belawares  and  Sbawa- 
nees, George  Grogban,  tbe  commissioner  of  Sir  William  Johnson, 
went  to  tbe  west  to  learn  tbe  disposition  of  the  French  inhabitants, 
to  secure  if  possible  tbeir  adhesion  to  the  English  interest,  and 
thus  to  prevent  tbe  recurrence  of  Indian  war.  On  tbe  16tb  of  May, 
Orogban  left  Fort  Pitt,  and  on  tbe  8th  of  June  was  taken  prisoner 
by  a  party  of  Indians,  and  carried  to  Vincennes.  His  journal  gives 
much  information  in  regard  to  the  disposition  of  tbe  French  and 
Indians  of  the  Illinois  at  that  period. 

"On  my  arrival  there,  I  found  a  village  of  about  eighty  or 
ninety  French  families  settled  on  the  east  side  of  this  river,  being 
one  of  the  finest  situations  that  can  be  found.    The  country  is 


1766. 


oroghan's  joubval. 


188 


level  and  dear  and  the  soil  very  rich,  producing  wheat  and 
tobacco.  I  think  the  latter  preferable  to  that  of  Maryland  or 
Virginia.  The  French  inhabitants  hereabouts,  are  an  idle,  lazy 
people,  a  parcel  of  renegadoes  from  Canada,  and  are  much 
worse  than  the  Indians.  They  took  a  secret  pleasure  at  oar 
misfortunes,  and  the  moment  we  arrived,  they  came  to  the  Indians, 
exchanging  trifles  for  their  valuable  plunder.  As  the  savages 
took  from  me  a  considerable  quantity  of  gold  and  silver  in  specie, 
the  French  traders  extorted  ten  half  Johannes  from  them  for  one 
pound  of  vermilion.  Here  is  likewise  an  Indian  village  of  the 
Pyankesbaws,  who  were  much  displeased  with  the  party  that  took 
me,  telling  them  that  'our  chiefs  and  your  chiefs  are  gone  to 
make  peace,  and  you  have  begun  a  war,  for  which  our  women 
and  children  will  have  reason  to  cry.'  From  this  post  the 
Indians  permitted  me  to  write  to  the  commander,  at  Fort  Chartres, 
but  would  not  suffer  me  to  write  to  any  body  else,  (this  I  appre- 
hend was  a  precaution  of  the  French,  lest  their  villany  should  be 
perceived  too  soon,)  although  the  Indians  had  given  me  permission 
to  writ*  to  Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  and  Fort  Pitt,  on  our  march,  before 
we  arrived  at  this  place.  But  immediately  after  our  arrival  they 
had  a  private  council  with  the  French,  in  which  the  Indians  urged, 
(as  they  afterward  informed  me,)  that  as  the  French  had  engaged 
them  in  so  bad  an  afiair,  which  was  likely  to  bring  a  war  on  their 
nation,  they  now  expected  a  proof  of  their  promise  and  assistance. 
They  delivered  the  French  a  scalp  and  part  of  the  plunder,  and 
wanted  to  deliver  some  presents  to  the  Pyankesbaws ;  but  they 
refused  to  accept  of  any,  and  declared  they  would  not  be  concerned 
in  the  afiair.  This  last  information  I  got  from  the  Pyankesbaws, 
as  I  had  been  well  acquainted  with  them  several  years  before 
this  time. 

'Tost  Vincent  is  a  place  of  great  consequence  for  trade,  being  a 
fine  hunting  country  all  along  the  Ouabache,  and  too  fiur  for  the 
Indians,  which  reside  hereabouts,  to  go  either  to  the  Illinois,  or 
elsewhere,  to  fetch  their  necessaries. 

"June  2M.  Early  in  the  morning  we  set  out  through  a  fine 
meadow,  then  some  clear  woods;  in  the  afternoon  came  into  a 
very  large  bottom  on  the  Ouabache,  within  six  miles  of  Ouicatanon ; 
here  I  met  several  chiefs  of  the  Kickapoos  and  Musquattimes,  who  ' 
spoke  to  their  young  men  who  had  taken  us,  and  reprimanded 
them  severely  for  what  they  had  done  to  me,  after  which  they 
returned  with  us  to  their  village,  and  delivered  us  all  to  their 
chiefs. 


■■?►! 


184 


OBOOBAM'B  JOUHKAL. 


1766. 


*' The  cUstanoe  firom Post  Yinoratto  Onicatanon is  two  hundrtd 
«nd  ten  miles.  This  plaoe  is  ntnated  on  the  Oaahn/^be.  Aboat 
foarteen  French  families  are  living  in  the  fovt,  which  atonds  on  th« 
north  side  of  the  liver.  The  Eiokapooa  and  Musquattimes  whose 
iwarriors  had  taken  ns,  live  nigh  the  fort,  on  the  same  side  of  th« 
river,  where  they  have  two  villages;  and  the  Ouicatonoos  have 
«  village  on  the  south  side  of  the  river.  At  our  arrival  at  thie 
.post,  several  of  the  WMvoottonans,  (or  Ouioatauons)  with  whom  I 
had  been  formerly  acquainted,  came  to  visit  me,  and  seemod  greatly 
concerned  at  what  had  happened.  They  went  immediately  to  the 
jCiekapoos  and  Musquattimes,  and  charged  them  to  take  the  greatest 
care  <^  us,  till  their  cbie&  should  arrive  from  the  Illinois,  when 
they  were  gone  to  meet  me  some  time  ago,  and  who  were  entirely 
ignorant  of  this  affair,  and  said  the  French  had  spirited  up  this 
party  to  go  and  strike  us. 

'<*  The  French  have  a  great  influence  over  these  Indians,  and 
never  fail  in  telling  them  many  lies  to  the  prejudice  of  his  majesty's 
interest,  by  making  the  English  nation  odious  and  hateful  to  them. 
I  had  the  greatest  difficulties  in  removing  these  prejudices.  As 
vl^eee  Indians  are  a  weak,  foolish,  mid  credulous  people,  they  ue 
easily  imposed  on  by  «  designing  people,  who  have  led  them  hith- 
erto as  thej  pleased.  The  French  told  them  that  as  the  southern 
Indiatiig  had  for  two  years  past  made  war  on  them,  it  must  have 
heen  at  ika  instigation  of  the  English,  who«re<a  bad  people.  How- 
•^ever  I  havebeen  fortunate  enough  to  remove  their  prejudice,  and 
■in  a  great  measure,  their  suspicions  against  the  English.  The 
•oountry  hereabouts  is  exceedingly  pleasant,  being  open  and  clear 
<fw  many  miles ;  the  soil  veiy  rich  and  well  watered ;  all  plants 
have  a  quic&  vegetati(m,>«nd  the  climate  veiy  temperate  through 
the  winter.  This  post  has  always  been  a  very  considerable  trading 
-plaoe.  The  great  pleniy  of  inn  taken  in  this  country,  induced  the 
^rendi  to  establish  tlus  post,  which  was  the  first  on  the  Ouabache, 
ittnd  by  avery  advfmtageoos  ttade  tk&y  have  been  richly  recom- 
pensed for  their  labor. 

"Attgtut  lat.  The  Twigtwee  viikge  is  situated  on  botheides 
of  a  river,  called  St.  Joseph.  This  rivw  where  it  falls  into  the 
-Hiame  river,  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  this  place,  is  one  hun- 
dred yards  wide,  on  the  eaat  side  of  which  stands  a  stockade  fort, 
somewhat  ruinous. 

' «  The  Indian  village  consists  of  about  forty  or  fifty  cabins,  besides 
nine  or  ten  French  houses,  a  runaway  colony  from  Detaoit,  during 
the  late  Indian  war;  they  were  concerned  in  it,  and  being  afrsid 


# 


1766. 


oroqhan'b  journal. 


185 


of  panishment,  came  to  this  post,  where  ever  since  they  have 
epirited  up  the  Indians  against  the  English.  All  the  French 
residing  here  are  a  lazy,  indolent  people,  fond  of  breeding  mischief, 
and  spiriting  up  the  Indians  against  the  English,  and  should  by  no 
means  be  suffered  to  remain  here.  The  country  is  pleasant,  the 
soil  rich  and  woU  watered.  After  several  conferences  with  these 
Indians,  and  their  delivering  me  up  all  the  English  prisoners  they 

had, 

*<  On  the  6th  of  August  we  set  out  for  Detroit,  down  the  Miames 
river  in  a  canoe. 

**Augu8l  nth.    In  the  morning  we  arrived  at  tlv      rt,  which  is  a 
large  stockade.  Inclosing  about  eighty  houses;  it  stu. .  Js  close  on  the 
north  aide  of  the  river,  on  a  high  bank,  commands  a  very  pleaflant 
prospect  for  nine  miles  above,  and  nine  miles  below  the  fort;  the 
country  is  thick  settled  with  French,  their  plantations  are  generally 
laid  out  about  three  or  four  acres  in  breadth  on  the  river,  and  eighty 
acres  in  depth ;  the  soil  is  good,  producing  plenty  of  grain.    All 
the  people  here  are  generally  poor  wretches,  and  consist  of  three 
or  four  hundred  French  families,  a  lazy,  idle  people,  depending 
chiefly  on  the  savages  for  their  subsistence;  though  the  land,  with 
little  labor,  produces  plenty  of  grain,  they  scarcely  raise  as  much 
as  will  supply  their  wants,  in  imitation  of  the  Indians,  whose  man- 
ners and  customs  they  have  entirely  adopted,  and  cannot  subsist 
without  them.    The  men,  women,  and  children  speak  the  Indian 
tongue  perfectly  well.    In  the  last  Indian  war  the  most  part  of  the 
French  were  concerned  in  it,  (although  the  whole  settlement  had 
taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  his  Britannic, majesty)  they  have, 
therefore,  great  reason  to  be  thankful  to  the  English  clemency  in 
not  bringing  them  to  deserved  punishment.   Before  the  late  Indian 
war  there  resided  three  nations  of  Indians  at  this  place :  the  Puta- 
watimes,  whose  village  was  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  about  one 
mile  below  the  fort;  the  Ottawas,  on  the  east  side,  about  three 
miles  above  the  fort;  and  the  Wyandotte,  whose  village  lies  on  the 
east  side,  about  two  miles  below  the  fort.    The  former  two  nations 
have  removed  to  a  considerable  distance,  and  the  latter  still  remain 
where  they  were,  and  are  remarkable  for  their  good  sense  and 
hoBpitality.     They  have  a  particular  attachment  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion,  the  French,  by  their  priests,  having  taken  uncom- 
mon puns  to  instruct  them." 

There  were  six  settlements  of  the  French  on  the  east  of  the 
MisBiesippi,  in  what  was  called  the  Illinois,  which,  though  not 
18 


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186 


d'abadie'8  ohabtbr  to  laclxdb. 


1768. 


incladed  in  tlie  oApitalation  of  Montreal,  were  oeded  by  the  treatjr 
of  Paris  to  Great  Britain.  They  were,  Cahokia,  at  the  month  Oi 
Oahokda  creek,  lees  than  fonr  miles  below  the  site  of  Bt.  Lonis; 
St.  Philip,  forty-five  miles  below  Cahokia,  on  the  Mississippi; 
Easkaskia,  on  Kaskaskia  river,  ^  miles  from  it«  month;  Fort 
Ghartres,  abont  fifteen  miles  north-west  from  Easkaskia,  on  the 
Mississippi;  Prairie  dn  Rocher,  near  Fort  Ghartres;  andYincennea, 
on  the  Wabash.  All  these  settlements  were  nnder  the  govern- 
ment of  St.  Ange  de  Belle  Rive,  commandant  at  Fort  Ghartres, 
subordinate  to  M.  B'Abadie,  at  New  Orleans,  who  was  director- 
general  and  civil  and  military  commandant  of  the  province  of 
Louisiana,  under  the  king.  It  was  known  that  Lonisiana  east 
of  the  Mississippi  had  been  surrendered  to  the  English ;  it  -wm 
not  known  that  Louisiana  west  of  the  Mississippi  had  been  ceded 
to  Spain,  and  accordingly,  immediately  after  the  capitulation  of 
Ganada  was  known  in  Louisiana,  movements  were  set  on  foot  to 
extend  the  settlements  and  power  of  France  beyond  the  Mis- 
sissippi. 

The  most  important  of  these,'  was  the  settlement  of  St.  Louii. 
On  the  16th  of  March,  1763,  after  the  cession  of  Western  Louisiana 
to  Spain,  D'Abadie  was  appointed  governor  of  Louisiana.  Shortly 
alter  his  arrival,  on  the  29th  of  June,  at  Kew  Orleans,  he  granted 
to  Pierre  Ligeuste  Laclede,  and  his  associates,  under  the  name  of 
"  The  Louisiana  Fur  Gompany,"  a  charter  containing  "the  necessary 
powers  to  trade  with  the  Indians  of  Missouri,  and  those  west  (rf 
the  Mississippi,  above  the  Missouri,  as  far  north  as  the  river  St 
Peters,"  with  authority  to  establish  such  posts  as  they  might  think 
fit  in  furtherance  of  their  enterprise.  Accordingly,  on  the  8d  of 
August,  Laclede  with  his  party,  including  Augusta  and  Pierre 
Ohouteau  in  his  family,  both  then  very  young,  left  New  Orleana, 
and  on  the  8d  of  November,  reached  St.  Genevievo. 

At  that  period  there  were  only  two  aettlements  of  the  Freneb 
west  of  the  Mississippi,  above  the  post  of  Arkansas.  On  the 
present  site  of  New  Madrid,  a  trading  post  was  established  m 
early,  according  to  tradition,  as  1740.  The  early  inhabitants,  were 
chiefly  hunters  and  traders ;  and,  from  the  great  number  of  beare 
in  that  region,  their  principal  occupation  was  the  chase  of  that 
animal,  and  the  preparation  and  sale  of  bear's  oil,  which  they 
collected  and  shipped,  by  the  Easkaskia  traders,  to  New  Orleaaa* 
From  this  circumstance,  and  from  the  fact  that  it  was  situated  on 
a  bend  of  the  river,  it  was  named  in  keeping  with  French  Greole 
humor,  <*L'Anse  d'  la  Gresse,"  (greasy  bend.)    On  a  beautiflil 


1764. 


» 


SKCTLBMBirT  Of  ST.  LOUIS. 


1«7 


plateau  of  aAlnyion,  oondstmg  of  some  five  thousand  acres,  and 
extending  some  three  miles  below  the  present  town  of  tfaitt 
the  old  village  of  St.  Genevieve  was  located.  It  was  settled] 
as  an  agncoltaral  hamlet  about  1755,  but,  in  addition  to  its 
agricttltoral  advantages,  its  proximity  to  the  mines,  and  its  beau- 
tifiil  sitttation  on  the  Mississippi,  invited  settlers;  and  a  considera- 
ble accession  to  its  population  was  afterward  made  by  the  French, 
who  retired  beyond  the  Missibsippi  immediately  afte^  the  treaty  of 
Paris,  to  avoid  the  rule  of  the  British. 

Laclede  found  the  position  of  St  Genevieve  too  far  firom  the 
mouth  of  the  Missouri  to  serve  lAi  purposes ;  no  house,  indeed,  in 
it  iwas  found  large  enough  to  accommodate  his  stores.  Having 
been  offered  by  the  commandant  the  use  of  the  store  at  Fort 
Chartres  for  that  ptttpose,  he  proceeded  to  that  place,  where  his 
party  spent  t||ie  winter.  In  the  meantime,  he  explored  the  western 
side  of  the  Mississippi,  and  chose  a  site  on  its  western  bank, 
eighteen  miles  below  the  mouth  of  the  Missouri.  It  was  a  grove 
of  heavy  timber  skirting  the  river  bank,  and  behind  it,  at  an  eleva- 
tion of  some  thirty  feet,  there  extended  a  beautiflil  expanse  of 
undulating  prairie.  Betuming  to  Fort  Chartres,  he  collected  his 
party,  increased  by  some  families  from  Gahokia,  Easkaskia,  and 
the  other  French  villages,  and,  on  the  15th  of  Februaiy,  1764, 
landed  at  tiie  site  he  had  chosen,  took  formal  possession  of  it  in 
the  name  of  France,  and  laid  off  the  lines  of  a  town  which  he 
pamed  St.  Louis,  in  honor  of  Louis  XV.* 

The  position  of  the  new  town  v^as  inviting;  the  French  of  the 
niinOia  were  deeply  dissatisfied  with  the  cession  of  the  treaty  of 
Paris,  and,  to  avoid  living  under  the  government  of  their  hereditary 
enemies,  and,  as  they  hoped,  to  remain  under  the  protection  of 
their  mother  country,  many  of  them  crossed  the  river  and  located 
themeelves  at,  or  near  St.  Louis.  The  hamlets  of  Vide  Poche,  or 
Oarondelet,  established  by  De  Tergette,  in  1767,  six  miles  below 
St  Louis;  Les  Petites  Cotes,  now  St  Charles,  established  by 
Blanchette,  in  1769;  Florisant,  established  by  Demegant,  between 
St  Louis  and  St.  Charles,  in  1776,  and  the  Portage  des  Sioux, 
established  about  the  same  time,  eight  miles  above  the  mouth  of 


*St.  Look  KTH  long  fsmilUrly  known  to  the  French  on  the  MiBsissippi,  In  acoordknoe 
with  dnbr  hibita  of  humorous  oarrioatnre,  by  the  name  of  "Pain  OouH,"  (Short 
Bread,)  in  allusiea  to  the  neglect  ti  agriculture  by  its  citisens.  who  were  generality 
employed  in  the  twx  trade. 


188 


SUBBBITDER  OF  ILLINOIS. 


1766. 


the  MiBsoori,  were  aIbo  points  around  which  the  French  population, 
dissatisfied  with  the  English  rule,  collected. 

Early  in  February,  1764,  Captain  G«orge  Johnston  arrived  tt 
Fensacola,  with  a  regiment  of  troops,  to  take  possession  of  Loui- 
siana; and,  on  the  27th  of  that  month,  dispatched  Migor  Loftos, 
to  occupy  Fort  Chartres.  Loftns  proceeded  with  his  detachment 
up  the  Mississippi,  until  he  reached  a  point  ten  miles  above  Bed 
river,  where  he  was  attacked  by  a  strong  force  of  Tunica  Indians; 
was  slaii^,  with  a  large  number  of  his  men,  and  the  detachment 
returned.  After  this  reverse,  the  attempt  to  occupy  the  IllinoiB, 
was  abandoned  until  after  the  general  peace  with  the  Indians  in  the 
next  year. 

Early  in  1765,  Captain  Stirling,  of  the  British  army,  was  dis- 
patched by  Gen.  Gage,  then  commander-in-chief  of  the  British 
forces  in  North  America,  by  way  of  Detroit,  to  the  Illinois,  to  take 
possession  of  the  posts  and  settlements  of  the  French  east  of  the 
Mississippi.  On  his  arrival,  St.  Ange  surrendered  Fort  Chartres, 
and  retired  with  the  garrison  of  twenty-one  men,  and  with  about 
one-third  of  the  French  inhabitants,  to  St.  Louis,  where  he  exer- 
cised  the  functions  of  commandant,  by  the  consent  of  the  people, 
till  he  was  superseded  by  the  Spanish  governor  Piernas,  in  1770. 
Captain  Stirling  received  the  allegiance  of  the  French  that 
remained ;  and,  upon  his  assuming  the  government,  published  the 
following  proclamation  from  General  Gage. 

"Whereas,  by  the  peace  concluded  at  Paris,  the  10th  day  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1763,  the  country  of  Illinois  has  been  ceded  to  his  Britannic 
M^esty,  and  the  taking  possession  of  the  said  country  of  the  Illi- 
nois, by  the  troops  of  his  miyesty,  though  delayed,  has  been  deter- 
mined upon;  we  have  found  it  good  to  make  known  to  the 
inhabitants — 

"That  his  mfyesly  grants  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Illinois,  the 
liberty  of  the  Catholic  religion,  as  has  already  been  granted  to  his 
subjects  in  Canada.  He  has  consequently  ^ven  the  most  precise 
and  effective  orders  to  the  end,  that  his  new  Boman  Catholic  snb- 
Jects  of  the  Illinois  may  exercise  the  worship  of  their  reli^on, 
According  to  the  rites  of  the  Romish  church,  in  the  same  manner 
as  in  Canada. 

"  That  his  majesty,  moreover,  agrees  that  the  French  inhabitants 
or  others,  who  have  been  subjects  of  the  most  Christian  king,  (the 
king  of  France,)  may  retire  in  full  safety  and  freedom  wherever 
they  please,  even  to  New  Orleans,  or  any  part  of  Louisiana;  lUthough 


1766. 


BBITISH  DOMDriON  KSTABLISHEO. 


*189 


it  should  happen  thft  the  Spaniards  take  possession  of  it  in  the 
name  of  his  Catholic  migesly,  (the  king  of  Spain,)  itnd  they  may 
sell  their  estates,  provided  it  he  to  the  snbjepts  of  his  migesty,  and 
transport  their  effects  as  well  as  their  persons,  without  restnunt 
upon  their  emigration,  under  any  pretense  whatever,  except  in 
consequence  of  debts,  or  of  criminal  processes. 

"That  those  who  choose  to  retain  their  lands,  and  become  sub- 
jects of  his  majesty,  shall  ei^oy  the  same  rights  and  privileges,  the 
same  security  for  dieir  persons  and  effects,  and  the  liberty  of  trades 
as  the  old  subjects  of  the  king. 

"  That  they  are  commanded  by  these  presents,  to  take  the  oath 
of  fidelity  and  obedience  to  his  miyesty,  in  presence  of  Sienr  Stir- 
ling, captwin  of  the  Highland  re^men^  the  bearer  hereof,  and  fur- 
nished with  our  full  powers  for  this  purpose. 

"  That  we  recommend  forcibly  to  the  inhabitants,  to  conduct 
themselves  like  good  and  faithful  subjects,  avoiding,  by  a  wise  and 
prndent  demeanor,  all  causes  of  complaint  against  them. 

"  That  they  act  in  concert  with  his  migesly's  officers,  so  that  his 
troops  may  take  possession  of  all  the  forts,  and  order  be  kept  in 
the  coantiy.  By  this  means  alone  they  will  spare  his  majesty  the 
necessity  of  recurring  to  force  of  arms,  and  will  find  themselves 
saved  from  the  scourge  of  a  bloody  war,  and  of  all  the  evils  which 
the  march  of  an  army  into  their  country  weald  draw  after  it. 

"We  direct  that  these  presents  be  ready  published  and  posted 
up  in  the  usual  places. 

"  Done  and  given  at  head-quarters,  Ifew  York — signed  with  our 
hands — sealed  with  our  seal  at  arms,  and  countersigned  by 
our  Secretary,  this  80th  of  December,  1764. 

"THOMAS  GAGE. 
"By  his  Excellency,  G.  Marturin." 

Captain  Stirling  remained  but  a  short  time  in  Dlinois.  He  was 
succeeded  by  Migor  Farmer,  of  whose  administration  little  is 
known.  Next  in  office  was  Colonel  Beed,  who  made  himself  con- 
spicuous by  a  series  of  military  oppressions,  of  which  complaints 
were  made  without  redress.  He  became  odiously  unpopular  and 
left  the  colony.  The  next  in  command  was  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Wilkins,  who  arrived  at  Easkaskia  on  the  6th  of  September,  1198. 
On  the  2l8t  of  November  following,  he  issued  a  proclamation* 
etating^that  he  had  received  orders  from  General  Gage  to  establish 
a  court  of  justice  in  Illinois,  for  settling  all  disputes  and  contro- 
versies between  man  and  man,  and  all  claims  in  relation  to  pro- 


190 


PmiA*  IN  XLUVOIf. 


iT«e. 


perty,  l)oth  real  and  petsonaL  As  militaiy  ootmnandant,  Oolontl 
WlUdns  appobted  Beven  judges,  who  met  and  lield  their  first  court 
at  Fort  Ohartres,  December  6th,  1768.  Ck>iirt8  were  then  held  once 
in  each  month.  Even  this  system,  though  gr^tiy  preferable  to  a 
military  tribunal,  was  &r  from  satisfying  the  claims  of  the  people. 
They  insisted  on  a  trial  by  jury,  which  being  denied  them,  the 
court  became  unpopular.  In  1772,  the  seat  of  goremment  w»» 
removed  to  Kaekaskia.  It  is  not  known  at  what  period  Oolonel 
Wilkins  left  the  country,  nor  who  succeeded  Mm.  When  it  was 
taken  possession  of  by  Colonel  Glark,  hi  1778,  M.  Boohblave  was 
(Commandant. 

A  detailed  and  interesting  description  oi  the  French  settlements 
of  the  Illinois,  at  the  time  of  their  cessiim  to  Great  Britain,  is  given 
in  "  The  Present  State  of  the  European  Settlements  on  the  Missis- 
sippi," by  Gaptun  Philip  Pitman— a  quarto  volume  published  in 
London,  in  1770.  Gapt  Pitman  was  military  engineer  in  the  British 
army,  and  in  that  capacitjr  was  sent  to  survey  the  forts,  munitions 
of  war  and  towns  in  Florida,  in  1768,  when  the  British  took  pos- 
session of  that  country.  Having  surveyed  the  fortifications  of  Pen- 
sacola  and  Mobile,  near  the  gulf,  he  proceeded  to  the  settlonents 
on  the  Misriisippi,  and,  after  surveying  the  posts  in  Louisiana,  he 
reached  Illinois  about  1766.  He  describes  "  the  country  of  Illinois, 
as  bounded  by  the  Mississippi  on  the  west,  by  the  river  niinob  on 
the  north,  the  rivers  Ouabache  and  Miamies  on  the  east,  and  the 
Ohio  on  the  south."    Of  this  tract  of  country  he  says: 

'^The  air,  in  general,  is  pure,  and  the  s^  serene,  except  in  the 
month  of  March,  and  the  latter  end  of  September,  when  there  are 
heavy  nuns  and  hard  gales  of  wind.  The  months  of  May,  June, 
July,  and  August,  are  excessively  hot,  and  subject  to  sudden  and 
violent  storms.  January  and  February  are  extremely  cold,  the 
other  months  in  the  year  are  moderate." 

Yeiy  probably  during  the  seasons  Captain  Pitman  was  in  Illi- 
nois,  *' heavy  nuns  "  occurred  in  the  latter  end  of  September,  bat 
in  the  proportion  of  five  years  out  of  six,  the  autumnal  months  are 
dry,  the  pastures  decay,  and  the  farmers  find  inconvenience  in  sow- 
ing wheat,  from  the  drouth.  During  the  periodical  rise  of  the  rivers 
in  the  spring,  and  especially  the  annuel  rise  of  the  Missouri  k 
June,  rain  frdls  to  a  greater  or  less  extent.  Captain  Pitman,  whose 
accuracy,  in  general,  cannot  be  questioned,  probably  drew  his  com- 
parison of  the  climate  and  seasons  in  Illinois  with  England^  to 
which  he  had  been  accustomed.    He  continueB-<- 

"The  principal  Indian  nations  in  this  country  are  the  GasooB- 


17W. 


pasoBxraoH  or  tbb  oouvtbt. 


191 


quiaa,  KahoqaiM,  Mitchigamiaa,  uid  Peofyaa;  these  four  tribes  are 
generally  called  the  IlUnoie  Indiana.  Except  in  the  hunting  sea- 
aoni,  they  reside  near  the  English  settlements  in  this  oonntiy. 
They  axe  %  poor,  debaaohed,  and  detestable  people.  They  count 
about  three  hundred  and  fifiy  warriors.  The  Pianquichas,  Mas- 
coutins,  Miamies,  Eickapous,  and  Pyatonons,  though  not  very 
numerous,  are  a  brave  and  warwUke  people, 

"The  soil  of  this  country,  in  gMieral,  is  very  rich  and  luxuriant; 
it  produces  all  sorts  of  E  ropean  £^ns,  hops,  hemp,  flax,  cotton, 
and  tobacco,  «nd  Europer  i  fruits  come  to  great  perfection. 

«The  inlutbitants  make  wine  of  the  wild  grapes,  which  is  very 
inebriating,  and  is,  in  color  and  taste,  very  like  the  red  wine  of 

"In  the  late  wars,  ITew  Orleans  and  the  lower  parts  of  Louisiana 
were  supplied  with  flour,  beef,  wines,  hams,  and  other  provisions, 
fh)m  this  country.  At  present  its  commerce  is  mostly  confined  to 
the  peltry  and  furs,  which  are  got  in  traffic  from  the  Indians;  for 
which  are  received  in  return,  such  European  commodities  as  are 
necessaiy  to  carry  on  that  commerce,  and  the  support  of  the  inhab- 
itants." 

Of  Fort  Chartres,  which  was  rebuilt  in  1756,  under  the  authority 
of  the  French  government,  in  view  of  the  hostilities  then  existing 
between  England  and  France,  for*  the  possession  of  the  country  on 
the  Ohio,  Oaptain  Pitman  gives  the  following  description : — 

"Fort  Chartres,  when  it  belonged  to  France,  was  the  seat  of  gov- 
ernment of  the  Illinois.  The  head-quarters  of  the  English  com- 
manding officer  is  now  here,  who,  in  fact,  is  the  arbitrary  governor 
of  this  countiy.  The  fort  is  an  irregular  quadrangle ;  the  sides  of 
the  exterior  polygon  are  490  feet  It  is  built  of  stone,  is  plastered 
over,  and  is  only  designed  as  a  defense  against  the.  Indians.  The 
walls  are  two  feet  two  inches  thick,  and  are  pierced  with  loop-holes 
at  regular  distances,  and  with  two  port-holes  for  cannon  in  the  faces, 
and  two  in  the  flanks  of  each  bastion.  The  ditch  has  never  been  fin- 
ished. The  entrance  to  the  fort  is  through  a  very  handsome  rustic 
gate.  Within  the  walls  is  a  banquette  raised  three  feet,  far  the 
men  to  stand  on  when  they  fire  through  the  loop-holes.  The  build- 
ings Vithin  the  fort  are,  a  commandant's  and  commissary's  hoi^e, 
the  magazine  of  stores,  corps  de  garde,  and  two  barracks ;  these 
occupy  the  square.  Within  the  gorges  of  the  bastion  are  a  powder 
magazine,  a  bake>house,  and  a  prison,  in  the  lower  floor  of  which 
are  four  dungeons,  and  in  the  upper,  two  rooms^  and  an  out-house 
belonging  to  commandant    The  pommandant's  house  is  thirty-two 


198 


DBSOBIPTION  Of  FOBT  OHARTBM. 


1768. 


yards  long,  and  ten  broad,  and  contains  a  kitchen,  a  dining-room, 
a  bed'Chamber,  one  small  room,  five  closets  for  servants,  and  a  ceU 
lar.  The  commissary's  honse,  (now  ooonpied  by  officers,)  is  bnilt 
on  the  same  line  as  this,  and  its  proportion  and  the  diitribntion  of 
its  apartments  are  the  same.  Opposite  these  are  the  store-house 
and  the  gnard-honse ;  they  are  each  thirty  yards  long,  and  eight 
broad.  The  former  coDsists  of  two  large  store-rooms,  (under  which 
is  a  laige  vaulted  cellar,)  a  large  room,  abed-chamber,  and  a  closet 
for  the  store-keeper;  the  latter  of  a  soldiers'  and  officers'  guard- 
room, a  chapel,  a  bed-chamber,  a  closet  for  the  chaplain,  and  an 
artillery  store-room.  The  lines  of  barracks  have  never  been  fin- 
ished; they  at  present  consist'  of  two  rooms  each  for  officers,  and 
three  for  solders:  they  are  each  twenty  feet  square,  and  have  be- 
twixt them  a  small  passage.  There  are  fine  spacious  lofts  over  each 
building,  which  reach  from  end  to  end;  these  are  made  use  of  to 
lodge  regimental  stores,  working  and  entrenching  tools,  &c.  It  is 
generally  believed  that  this  is  the  most  convenient  and  best  built 
fort  in  North  America." 

In  1756,  the  fort  stood  half  a  mile  from  the  bank  of  the  river;  in 
1766,  it  was  eighty  yards.  In  two  years  after.  Captain  Pitman 
states: — 

"  The  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  next  the  fort,  is  continually  falling 
in,  being  worn  away  by  the  current,  which  has  been  turned  from 
its  course  by  a  sand-bank,  now  increased  to  a  considerable  island, 
covered  with  willows.  Many  experiments  have  been  tried  to  stop 
this  growing  evil,  but  to  no  purpose.  Eight  years  ago  the  river 
was  fordable  to  the  Island;  the  channel  is  now  forty  feet  deep. 

"In  the  year  1764,  there  were  about  forty  families  in  the  village 
near  the  fort,  and  a  parish  church,  served  by  a  Franciscan  fnar, 
dedicated  to  Ste.  Anne.  In  the  following  year,  when  the  Englbh 
took  possession  of  the  country,  they  abandoned  their  houses,  except 
three  or  four  poor  families,  and  settled  in  the  villages  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Mississippi,  choosing  to  continue  under  the  French 
government." 

About  the  year  1770,  the  river  made  farther  encroachments,  and 
in  1772,  it  inundated  portions  of  the  American  bottom,  and  formed 
a  channel  so  near  this  fort,  that  the  wall  and  two  bastions  on  the 
west  side,  next  the  river,  were  undermined  and  fell  into  it.  The 
British  garrison  abandoned  the  place,  and  it  has  never  since  been 
occupied.  Those  portions  of  the  wall  which  escaped  the  flood, 
have  been  removed  by  the  inhabitants  of  Easkaskia  and  adjacent 
settlements  for  building  purposes. 


1766. 


DUORirnON  07  VOBT  OHABTBIS. 


198 


In  1820,  Dr.  Lewis  0.  Beok,  of  New  York,  whik  collecting 
materials  for  his  Gazetteer  of  Illinois  and  Missouri,  visited  these 
rains,  and  made  a  complete  and  accurate  survey,  with  an  engraved 
plan  of  the  fort  as  it  then  appeared.  The  line  of  the  exterior  wall 
was  one  thousand  four  hundred  and  forty-seven  feet  The  two 
houses,  formerly  occupied  by  the  commandant  and  commissary, 
were  each  ninety-six  feet  in  length  and  thirty  feet  in  breadth. 

The  following  description,  as  it  then  appeared,  is  from  Beck's 
Gazetteer: 

"In  front,' all  that  remains  is  a  small  stone  cellar,  which  has  no 
doubt  been  a  magazine ;  some  distance  above,  or  north  of  this,  is 
an  excavation  in  the  earth,  which  has  the  appearance  of  having 
been  burned;  it  may  have  been  a  furnace  for  heating  shot,  as  one 
of  the  cannon  must  have  been  in  this  vicinity.  Not  a  vestige  of 
the  wall  is  to  be  seen  on  this  side,  except  a  few  stones,  which  still 
remain  in  the  ravine  below.  At  the  south-east  angle  there  is  a 
gate,  and  the  wall  is  perfect  It  is  about  fifteen  feet  high  and  three 
feet  thick,  and  is  built  of  coarse  lime-stone,  quarried  in  the  hills 
ahout  two  miles  distant,  and  is  well  cemented.  The  south  side  is, 
with  few  exceptions,  perfect;  as  is  also  the  south-east  bastion. 
The  north-east  is  generally  in  ruins.  On  the  east  face  are  two  port 
holes  for  cannon,  which  are  still  perfect;  they  are  about  three  feet 
square,  formed  by  solid  rocks  or  clefts  worked  smooth,  and  into 
proper  shape;  here  is  also  a  large  gate,  eighteen  feet  wide,  the 
rides  of  which  still  remain  in  a  state  of  tolerable  preservation ;  the 
cornices  and  casements,  however,  which  formerly  ornamented  it, 
have  all  been  taken  away.  A  considerable  portion  of  the  north 
side  of  the  fort  has  also  been  destroyed. 

"The  houses  which  make  up  the  squfire  inside  are  generally  in 
rains.  Sufficient,  however,  remains  to  enable  the  visitor  to  ascer- 
tain exactly  their  dimensions  and  relative  situations.  The  well,, 
which  is  little  iigured  by  time,  is  about  twenty-four  feet  north  of 
the  north-east  house,  which,  according  to  Pitman,  was  the  comman- 
dant's house.  The  banquette  is  entirely  destroyed.  The  magazine 
is  in  a  perfect  state,  and  is  an  uncommon  specimen  of  solidity.  Its 
walls  are  four  feet  thick,  and  it  is  arched  in  the  inside. 

"  Over  the  whole  fort  there  is  a  considerable  growth  of  trees, 
and  in  the  hall  of  the  houses  there  is  an  oak  about  eighteen  inches 
in  diameter." 

There  is  now  a  large  island  in  the  river  where  a  sand-bar 
"covered  with  willows,"  had  commenced  at  the  period  of  Captain 
Pitman's  survey.    A  "  slough  "  is  next  the  ruins.    Trees  more  than 


194 


DMcnuTZOv  or  kai kabkza. 


1766. 


three  feet  in  diameter,  are  witiiin  the  walU.  It  is  a  rain  in  the 
midst  of  a  dense  forest,  and  did  we  not  know  its  origin  and  history, 
it  might  famish  a  firaitAil  theme  of  aniiqnarian  speoalation. 

Oaptidn  Pitman  gives  the  following  description  of  KcukasktOt  or, 
apoordlng  to  Hm  French  orthography  of  the  period,  which  he  fol- 
*  lows,  OcueatqiriM. 

"The  Village  of  Notre  Dame  de  Oascasqaias,  is  by  &r  the  most 
considerable  settlement  in  the  coantiy  of  niinois,  as  well  from  its 
Bomber  of  inhabitants,  as  from  its  advantageous  situation. 

**Mons.  Paget  was  the  first  who  introduced  water  mills  in  this 
country,  and  he  constructed  a  very  fine  one  on  the  river  Gascas* 
quias,  which  was  both  for  grinding  com  and  sawing  boards.  It 
lies  about  one  mile  from  the  village.  The  mill  proved  £&tal  to  him, 
being  killed  as  he  was  working  it,  with  two  negroes,  by  a  party  of 
Oherokees,  in  the  year  1764. 

"The  principal  buildings  are,  the  church  and  Jesuits'  -house, 
which  has  a  small  chapel  ac^oining  it ;  these,  as  well  as  some  other 
houses  in  the  village,  are  built  o£  stone,  and,  considering  this  part 
of  the  world,  make  a  very  good  appearance.  The  Jesuits'  planta> 
tion  consisted  of  two  hundred  and  forty  arpents  of  cultivated  land,* 
a  very  good  stock  of  cattle,  uid  a  brewery;  which  was  sold  by  the 
French  comtnandant,  after  the  country  was  ceded  to  the  English, 
for  the  crown,  in  consequence  of  the  suppression  of  the  order. 

"Mons.  Beauvais  was  the  purchaser,  who  is  the  richest  of  the 
Bnglish  subjects  in  this  country;  he  keeps  eighty  slaves;  he  fiiN 
'  nishes  eighty-six  thousand  weight  of  flour  to  the  king's  magazine, 
which  was  only  a  part  of  the  harvest  he  reaped  in  one  year. 

"  Sixty-five  fismilies  reside  in  this  village,  besides  merchants, 
other  casual  people,  and  slaves.  The  fort,  which  was  bumt  down 
in  October,  1766,  stood  on  the  summit  of  a  high  rock  opposite  the 
village,  and  on  theyepposite  side  of  the  Kaskaskia  river.  It  was 
an  oblongular  quadrangle,  of  which  the  exterior  polygon  measured 
two  hundred  and  ninety,  by  two  hundred  and  fifty-one  feet  It 
was  built  of  very  thick,  squared  timber,  and  dove-tailed  at  the 
angles.  An  officer  mxd  twenty  soldiers  are  quartered  in  the*  village. 
The  officer  governs  the  inhabitants,  under  the  direction  of  the 
eommandant  at  Ohartres.  Here  are  also  two  companies  of 
militia." 


*  Aaai}wilis8ft-100thsofM|BMglidisor«. 


1766. 


vmmtnvm  pv  oahoku. 


196 


Pi»irie  da  Boohtr,  or  «  L»  Piviri*  d«  BoohM,"  m  Oftpteia  Pit- 
num  hM  it,  is  ntzt  deMiibed*-* 

"  At  about  seventeen  [fourteen]  miles  from  OascM^ias.  It  is  a 
small  village,  consisting  of  twelve  dwelling-houses,  all  of  which 
are  inhabited  bj  as  muiy  fimiilies.  Here  is  a  little  d^pel,  formerly 
a  chapel  of  ease  to  the  church  at  Fort  Ohaitres.  The  inhabitants 
here  are  veiy  industrious,  and  raise  a  great  deal  of  com,  and  every 
kind  of  stock.  The  village  is  two  miles  ttom.  Fort  Ohartres.  It 
takes  its  name  from  its  situation,  being  built  undw  a  rock  that 
rons  parallel  with  the  river  Misdssippi,  at  a  league  distance,  for 
forty  miles  up.  Here  is  a  company  oi  militia,  the  captain  of  which 
regulates  the  police  of  the  village." 

"  Saint  Philippe  is  a  small  village  about  five  miles  fh>m  Fort 
Chartres,  op  the  road  to  Kaoquias.  There  are  about  sixteen  houses 
and  a  small  church  standing;  all  of  the  inhabitants,  except  the 
captun  of  the  militia,  deserted  it,  1765,  and  went  to  the  French 
aide  [Missouri].  The  captain  of  the  militia  has  about  twenty  slaves, 
a  good  stock  of  cattle,  and  a  water-mill  for  com  and  planks.  This 
village  stands  in  a  veiy  fine  meadow,  about  one  mile  from  the 
Mississippi." 

Next  follows  a  description  of  Gahokia,  or,  in  the  orthography  of 
the  time,  **  !Kaoquias."  It  will  be  remembered  that  Oaptain  Pit> 
man  was  officially  employed  in  surveying  all  the  forts,  villages, 
and  improvements,  to  be  found  in  the  English  territories  on  the 
Mississippi  and  gulf  of  Mexico ;  that  he  was  engaged  several  years 
in  this  work,  by  personal  observation,  and  that  the  work  from 
which  these  extracts  are  made  is  an  official  document  of  great  value, 
as  filling  up  a  chasm  in  the  histcHy  of  Illinois,  for  which  no  other 
correct  sources  of  information  are  to  be  found. 

"The  village  of  Saint  Famille  de  Eaoquias,"  Pitman  writes,  "is 
generally  reckoned  fifteen  leagues  from  Fort  Chartres,  and  six 
leagues  below  the  mouth  of  the  Missouri.  It  stands  near  the  side 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  is  marked  from  the  river  by  an  island  of 
two  leagues  long.  The  village  is  opposite  the  centre  of  this  island; 
it  is  long  and  straggling,  being  three-quarters  of  a  mile  from  one 
end  to  the  other.  It  contains  forty-five  dwelling-houses,  and  a 
chorch  near  its  centre.  The  situation  is  not  weU  chosen ;  as  in  the 
floods  it  is  generally  overflowed  two  or  three  feet  This  was  the 
4r8t  settlement  on  the  Mississippi.  The  land  was  purchased  of 
the  safiages  by  a  few  Canadians,  some  of  whom  married  women  of 
the  Eaoquias  nation,  and  others  brought  wives  from  Canada,  and 
then  rended  there,  leaving  their  children  to  succeed  them. 


196 


raAHBVlft  Of  WSSTBBN  LOUIiUNA. 


C  iT6e. 


**  The  inhftbitftnto  of  thii  place  depend  more  on  hunting,  and 
their  Indian  trade,  than  on  agrioultnre,  as  they  icaroely  raise  com 
enough  for  their  own  consumption ;  they  have  a  great  plenty  of 
popltry,  and  good  stocks  of  homed  cattle. 

«  The  mission  of  St  Sulpice  had  a  very  fine  plantation  here,  and 
an  excellent  house  built  on  it.  They  sold  this  estate,  and  a  very 
good  mill  for  com  and  planks,  to  a  Frenchman  who  chose  to  re- 
main under  the  English  government  They  also  disposed  of  thirty 
negroes  and  a  good  stock  of  cattle,  to  different  people  in  the  coun- 
try, and  returned  to  France  in  1764.  What  is  called  the  fort,  is  a 
small  house  standing  in  the  centre  of  the  village.  It  differs  nothing 
tcom  the  other  houses,  except  in  being  one  of  the  poorest.  It  was 
formerly  inclosed  with  high  palisades,  but  these  were  torn  down 
and  burnt   Indeed,  a  fort  at  this  place  could  be  of  little  use." 

The  cession  of  Westem  Louisiana  was  made  by  a  secret  treaty 
to  Spain,  and,  in  the  terms  of  the  cession,  it  was  stipulated  that  it 
should  remain  under  the  nominal  government  of  France,  till  the 
court  of  Madrid  was  prepared  to  receive  and  occupy  it  It  was 
with  this  view  that  D'Abadie,  who  was  ignorant  that  the  region  he 
was  sent  to  govern  was  really  the  province  of  a  foreign  power,  was 
appointed  to  the  govemment  of  Louisiana.  All  his  measures,  and 
all  the  calculations  of  the  people  were  made  on  the  supposition 
Hiat  Western  Louisiana  was  to  remain  the  permanent  colony  of 
France ;  but,  to  his  great  surprise,  he  received  an  autograph  letter 
from  the  king,  dated  April  21st,  1764,  containing  an  official 
announcement  of  the  cession  of  his  province  to  Spain,  and  enclos- 
ing copies  of  the  act  of  cession  and  of  the  act  of  acceptance.*  The 
letter  of  the  king  ran  thus : 

"Louis  XV.  to  M.  D'Abadie. 

"Monsieur  D'Abadie,  by  a  private  act  passed  at  Fontainbleau, 
on  the  8d  of  November,  1762,  having  of  my  own  free  will,  ceded 
to  my  veiy  dear  and  beloved  cousin,  the  king  of  Spain,  and  to  his 
successors  and  heirs,  in  full  property,  completely,  and  without 
reserve  or  restriction,  all  the  country  known  under  the  name  of 
Louisiana,  and,  also,  New  Orleans,  with  the  island  in  which  it  is 
situated;  and  by  another  act,  passed  at  the  Escurial  and  signed  by 
the  king  of  Spain,  on  the  18th  of  November,  of  the  same  year,  his 


*  Oayarre's  French  Domination  in  Louisiana,  rol.  2. 


nm. 


* 


TlAVtm  or  WMTIBN  LOnniAlTA. 


m 


>wer,  was 


Catholic  M^jeaty  haying  aooepted  the  ceaaion  of  Loniaiana  and  of 
the  town  of  New  Orleana,  aa  will  appear  by  copiea  of  ai^d  acta  here- 
unto annexed ;  I  write  you  thia  letter  to  inform  yon  that  my  inten- 
tion ii,  that,  on  the  receipt  of  it,  and  of  the  dooamenta  thereto 
annexed,  whether  they  are  handed  to  yon  by  offloera  of  hia  Oatholio 
Mi^ealy,  or  in  a  direct  line  by  the  French  ahipa  to  which  they  are 
entrusted,  yon  deliyer  up  into  the  handa  of  the  Goyemor,  or  of  the 
colony  of  Lonisiana,  with  the  settlements  or  posts  thereto  appertain- 
ing, together  with  the  town  and  island  of  New  Orleans,  anch  aa 
they  may  be  found  on  the  day  of  the  said  deliyeiy,  it  being  my  will 
that,  for  the  ftiture,  they  belong  to  hia  Oatholio  Mi^esly,  to  be 
administered  by  his  goyemors  and  officers  aa  belonging  to  him, 
ftilly,  and  without  resenre  and  exception. 

"I  order  you,  accordingly,  as  soon  as  the  Goyemor  and  the  troops 
of  that  monarch  shall  haye  arriyed  in  the  said  oountiy  and  colony, 
to  put  them  in  possession  thereof,  and  to  withdraw  all  the  officers, 
Boldien,  or  other  persons  employed  under  my  goyemment,  and  to 
send  to  France,  and  to  my  other  colonies  of  America,  such  of  them 
as  will  not  be  disposed  to  remain  under  the  Spanish  dominion. 

"I  desire,  moreoyer,  tliat,  after  the  entire  eyacuation  of  the  said 
post  and  town  of  New  Orleans,  you  gather  up  all  the  papers  relatiye 
to  the  finances  and  administration  of  the  colony  of  Louisiana,  and 
that  you  come  to  France  to  account  for  them. 

"My  intention  is,  howeyer,  that  you  deliyer  up  to  the  said 
Qovemor,  or  other  officers  duly  authorized,  all  the  papers  and 
docaments  which  concern  specially  the  goyernment  of  that  colony, 
either  with  regard  to  the  limits  of  that  territoiy,  or  with  regard  to 
the  Indians  and  the  different  posts,  after  haying  obtained  proper 
receipts  for  your  discharge,  and  that  you  giye  to  the  said  Goyemor 
all  the  information  in  your  power,  to  enable  him  to  goyem  the  said 
colony  to  the  mutual  satbfaction  of  both  nations. 

"My  will  is,  that  a  duplicate  inyentory  of  all  the  artillery,  ware- 
houses, hospitals,  yessels,  and  other  effects  which  belong  to  me  in 
the  said  colony,  be  mode  and  signed  by  you  and  the  Commissaiy 
of  his  Catholic  Mi^esty,  in  order  that,  after  your  haying  put  the  said 
Commissaiy  in  possession  of  the  same,  there  be  drawn  up  a  yerbal 
process  of  tiie  appraisement  of  such  of  said  effects  as  will  remain  in 
the  colony,  and  the  yalue  of  which  shall  be  reimbursed  by  his 
Catholic  Migesty  in  conformity  with  the  smd  appraisement. 

"I  hope,  at  the  same  time,  for  the  adyantoge  and  tranquillity  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  colony  of  Louisiana,  and  I  flatter  myself,  in 
consequence  of  the  fiiendship  and  aflfoction  of  his  Oatholio  Migesly, 


,  • 


.*-v. 


198 


TRANSrBR  OF  WESTERN  LOITISIANA. 


1766* 


that  he  will  be  pleased  so  to  instraot  his  Governor  or  any  other  of 
his  officers  employed  by  him  in  said  colony,  and  said  town  of  New 
Orleans,  that  all  ecclesiastics  and  religious  oommanities  shall  con> 
tinne  to  perform  their  functions  of  cnrates  and  missionaries,  and 
to  eiyoy  the  rights,  privileges,  and  exemptions  granted  to  them ; 
that  all  the  judges  of  ordinary  jurisdiction,  together  with  the 
superior  council,  shall  continue  to  administer  justice  according  to 
the  laws,  forms,  and  usages  of  the  colony,  that  the  titles  of  the 
inhabitants  to  their  property  shall  be  confirmed  in  accordance  with 
tiie  concessions  made  by  the  Governors  and  Ordinary  Commissaries 
of  said  colony ;  and  that  said  concessions  shall  be  looked  upon  and 
held  as  confirmed  by  his  Catholic  Majesty,  although  they  m&y  not,  as 
yet,  have  been  confirmed  by  me ;  hoping,  moreover,  that  his  Catholic 
Majesty  will  be  pleased  to  ^ve  to  his  subjects  of  Louisiana  the 
marks  of  protection  and  good-will  which  they  have  received  under 
my  domination,  and  which  would  have  been  more  effectual  if  not 
counteracted  by  the  calamities  of  war. 

"I  order  you  to  have  this  letter  registered  by  the  superior  council 
of  New  Orleans,  in  order  that  the  people  of  the  colony,  of  all  ranks 
and  conditions,  be  informed  of  its,  contents,  that  they  may  avail 
themselves  of  it,  if  need  be ;  such  being  my  sole  object  in  writing 
this  letter. 

"I  pray  God,  Monsieur  D'Abadie,  to  have  you  in  his  holy 
keeping. 

Signed,  LOUIS." 

When  D'Abadie  published  the  instructions  he  had  received,  the 
colony  of  Louisiana  was  plunged  into  the  deepest  consternation. 
Although  pwrtially  prepared  for  the  event,  by  the  dismemberment 
of  their  country,  their  fortitude  was  not  steeled  to  meet  this  new 
misfortune.  As  Frenchmen,  their  pride  was  wounded  by  the 
mutilation  and  abandonment  of  the  French  empire  they  had 
toiled  to  establish  in  America.  As  men,  they  felt  the  degradation 
of  being  bartered  away  to  alien  powers,  without  their  own  consent 
As  property  holdere  and  members  of  society,  they  dreaded  the 
effect  of  a  change  of  laws  and  government  Accordingly,  they 
resolved  to  petition  the  government  to  allow  them  yet  to  live 
under  the  laws  and  protection  of  France.  A  convention  of  all  the 
parishes  of  lower  Louisiana,  was  held  at  New  Orleans,  an  address 
to  the  king  was  adopted,  praying  him  not  to  sever  them  from  the 
mother  oountiy,  and  Jean  Milhet  was  deputed  to  carry  it  to  the 
foot  of  the  tiirone.    Arriving  at  Paris,  he  waited  upon  the  aged 


1766. 


0HAAA<}T1R  07  DE  ULLOA. 


199 


Bienville,  and  astonished  him  with  the  information,  tihat  Louisi- 
ana,  whose  foundation  he  had  laid,  and  for  the  good  of  which 
he  had  done  so  much,  was  being  divided  between   his    AA 
enemies,  the  English  and  the  Spanairds.    Together  they  sought 
the  Prime  Minister,  the  Duke  of  Ghoiseul.    Milhet  presented  the 
address  of  the  people,  and  urged  all  the  considerations  that  ought 
to  influence  France  to  retain  her  American  empire.    The  Duke 
only  replied,  he  could  not  change  the  course  of  things.    Bienville, 
on  his  knees,  prayed  the  minister  to  reconsider  the  decree  issued 
against  the  colony.    It  was  in  vain ;  De  Choiseul  himself  had 
advised  the  cession.    The  burthen  of  the  Louisiana  colony  wae 
too  greal*  to  be  borne.    Grozat  had  spent  many  millions  of  livres 
in  vain  to  establish  it.    More  than  twenty  millions  had  been  lost 
by  the  India  company,  with  the  same  result.     Forty  to  fifty 
millions  had  been  sacrificed  by  the  government,  in  the  attempt  to 
colonize  Louisiana.    And  yet  it  returned  no  revenue,  yet  it  lan- 
guished, yet  it  demanded  more  and  greater  outlays  to  maintain  it 
France,  exhausted  and  prostrated  by  long  wars,  could  do  no  more ; 
and  it  was  better  that  Louisiana  should  be  given  to  the  hereditary 
ally  of  France,  than  conquered  by  its  hereditaiy  foe.    Thus  they 
were  dismissed.    Bienville  died  shortly  after,  of  grief,  and  Milhet 
returned  to  announce  to*the  colonists  that  there  was  no  relief  for 
them. 

On  the  4th  of  February,  1765,  D'Abadie  died  of  grief,  it  is  said, 
at  the  loss  of  Louisiana,  and  Aubry  succeeded  him  in  the  provis- 
ional govermpient.  After  a  long  delay,  and  much  anxiety  of  the 
people,  Antonio  de  Ulloa  arrived,  with  ninety  men,  on  the  5th  of 
March,  1766,  as  the  representative  of  the  Spanish  government,  to 
take  possession  of  the  colony,  and  govern  it  in  the  name  of  his 
master.  De  Ulloa,  was  not  well  fitted  for  the  post.  Almost  aloiie 
among  the  Spaniards  of  his  day,  he  had  earned  a  European  reputft* 
tion  for  his  scientific  culture.  At  the  age  of  nineteen,  he  was 
appointed  by  the  Boyal  Academy,  to  a  commission  sent  by  the 
Spanish  and  French  governments,  to  Peru,  to  determine  the  con- 
figuration of  the  earth.  Returning,  he  was  taken  prisoner  by  the 
EngUsh,  and  carried  to  London,  and,  in  this  singular  way,  intro- 
duced himself  to  the  savans  of  the  Royal  Society.  Released, 
through  its  interference,  he  traveled  through  Europe,  at  the 
command  of  the  king,  to  study  for  the  benefit  of  Spain,  the  science 
of  other  nations.  On  the  accession  of  Charles  IH,  he  was  raised 
to  the  rank  of  commodore  of  the  fleet  of  the  Indies.  And  now 
he  was  appointed  to  take  possession  of  and  organise  the  new  colony 


200 


BXPULSIdN  OF  DB  ULLOA. 


1766. 


of  Louisiana.  His  ihstractions  were  liberal  to  the  colonists ;  no 
change  was  to  be  made  in  the  laws  and  administration  to  which 
they  were  accustomed.  They  were  not  to  be  amenable  to  the 
ministry  of  the  Indies;  but  to  have  a  direct  appeal  to  the  protec- 
tion of  the  king. 

De  IJlloa  was  received  by  the  French  coldly  and  sullenly.  They 
had  exhausted  every  means  to  avoid  the  execution  of  the  treaty  of 
cession.  Even  yet,  they  believed  it  was  not  sincerely  designed  to 
sever  them  from  their  mother  country.  Accordingly,  they  threw 
every  obstacle  in  the  way  of  their  new  governor.  Every  arrange- 
ment was  made  to  conciliate  their  feelings,  and  eveiy  act  for  their 
benefit  was  received  with  scorn.  In  the  face  of  such  dtscontent, 
De  Ulloa  declined  to  receive  the  government,  and  continued  to 
govern  through  Aubiy,  under  the  French  name.  The  spirit  of  the 
colonists  rose  with  his  indecision.  A  conspiracy  was  formed;  a 
decree  was  passed  in  the  colonial  council,  to  expel  him  from  the 
colony.  To  justify  this  act,  the  council  addressed  a  memorial  to 
the  French  court,  filled  with  complaints  against  De  IJlloa,  the  moat 
frivolous  and  unfounded.  France  refused  to  endorse  this  act,  but 
De  Ulloa,  disappointed  in  the  expectation  of  receiving  the  Spanish 
troops  promised  him,  abandoned  the  country  and  resigned  his 
ofiice.  A  profound  sensation  was  created  by  these  events  in  the 
Spanish  cabinet;  and  Don  Alexandro  O'Eeilly,  inspector  and 
lieutenant-general  of  the  royal  armiiss,  was  appointed  to  the  peat 
of  governor,  with  orders  to  put  down  the  insurrection,  and  punish 
its  leaders. 

O'Reilly  was  bom  in  Ireland  about  the  year  1735,  left  his  coun- 
try at  an  early  age,  on  account  of  the  disabilities  to  which  his  religion 
subjected  him,  and  enlisted  in  the  Spanish  army.  In  the  war  of 
the  succession  he  served  with  distinction,  in  the  Hibernian  regi- 
ment, in  Italy.  In  1757,  he  joined  the  Austrian  army,  and  served 
against  the  Prussians.  In  1759,  he  joined,  and  distinguished  him- 
self in  the  army  of  France.  Later,  he'  returned  to  Spain,  and 
taught  the  Spanish  troops  the  tactics  of  the  empire.  Gradually  his 
great  services,  in  spite  of  the  Spanish  antipathy  to  foreigners,  earned 
him  reputation  and  promotion,  and  in  1762  he  was  raised  to  the 
second  in  command,  and  intrusted  with  the  important  duty  of  re- 
storing the  fortifications  of  Cuba.  Preserving  the  vivacity  and 
excitability  of  his  race,  he  yet  had  acquired  the  pride  and  nature  of 
a  Spaniard,  and  the  precise  inflexibility  of  a  man  of  the  camp.  One 
act  only  of  severity  attaches  to  his  memory,  and  that  doubtless  is 
chargeable  rather  to  his  instruction  than  to  his  spirit.    Such  was 


1769. 


O^BKIIiLT  0BU8^  THS  RBBBLUOH. 


201 


the  matt  who  was  neiw  sent  to  settle  ih»  cmBcoItiee'  of  tile  new 
oolony  of  LoaMian& 

He  arrived  at  Balize  en  the  24th  of  July,  1769,  with  m  force  el^ 

two  thoasaad  six  hnndred  men.    On  the  18th  of  Angaet  he  landed 

atlN'ew  Qrieane,  and  with  great  ceremony,  took  possession  dT  Loa- 

isiana^  in  the  name  of  his  Gatholie  Migesty.    JS'o  resistance,  was 

offered  by  the  colonists,  and  Q'Reilly  assumed  the  government, 

superseded  the  municipal  authorities,  introduced  the  Spanish  laws, 

and  received  the  allegiance  of  all  the  people  of  the  colony.  Twelve 

of  the  chiefii  of  the  revolt  were  arrested;  one  of  them  died  of  rage 

and  feu*,  or  was  killed  by  his  guard,  on  the  day  of  the  arrest 

They  were  tried  by  a  military  tribunal,  under  the  unfamiliar  forms 

of  Spanish  law,  demurred  to  the  juri|diction  of  the  court,  Mid  plead 

that  they  were  amenable  only  to  the  laws  of  France  until'the  act 

of  cession  was  consummated,  by  the  formal  deliveiy  of  ih»  country 

to  the  Spanish  afUthorities.    Their  pleas  were  overruled ;  they  were 

found  guilty  of  high  treason,  five  of  them  were  shot;  the  renudning 

seven  were  imprisoned  in  the  Moro  Castle,  at  Havaiiit. 

O'Reilly  assumed  the  functions  of  military  governor  <^  Louin- 
ana,  and  ruled  the  colony  for  a  year  with  the  irapartiid  severity  of 
his  character.  After  having  suppressed  the  insurrection,  and  set- 
tled the  government,  he  surrendered  his  authority  to  Don  Louis  de 
Unzaga,  on  the  29th  of  October,  and  returned  to  Spain.  Late  in 
that  yeiff,  Pedro  Piemas,  the  commandant  of  the  detachment  of 
troops  first  brought  into  the  colony  by  Ullo%  was  sent  to  St  Lotus, 
superseded  St.  Ange,  and  assumed  the  government  of  Upper  Lou> 
isiana. 

TLus  ended  the  French  donaination  in  America.  The  English 
had  previously  taken  possession  of  all  Louisiana  east  of  the  Missis- 
sippi. Lower  Louisiana  was  reduced  to  a  Spanish  province,  and 
the  surrender  of  St  Louis  by  St  Ange  was  the  last  aet  of  th« 
French  authority  over  the  land  for  which  they  had  oont^ded  so 
long,  and  which  they  loved  so  well. 


The  population  of  Western  Louisiana  in  1769,  when  it  passed 
into  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards,  is  estimi^d  by  Martin  to  be  thir- 
teen thousand  five  hundred  and  thirty-eight,  of  which  eight  hnndred 
(ad  ninety-one  were  located  in  the  Illinois,  west  of  the  Mississippi. 
East  of  the  MissisMpjn,  and  before  the  French  crossed  the  river  to 
ovoid  the  British  role,  the  population  of  the  several  villages  and 
posts  was  OB  ihsA  mde  estimated  at  about  three  thousand. 

The  French  pc^uk^n  of  Louisiana  had  grown  up  into  a  com- 
14 


.V 


802 


OHABACTBB  01  AUERIOAK  FRINOH. 


1769. 


mnnity  df  peculiar  character.  Their  national  spirit,  their  inteN 
course  with  the  Indians,  and  their  seclusion  from  the  world, 
developed  among  them  peculiar  characteristics.  Especially  was 
this  the  case  among  the  French  of  the  Illinois.  The  French  offi- 
cers, indeed,  were  gentlemen  of  culture,  and  refinement,  and 
energy,  but  the  paysans  were  an  ilUterate,  contented,  careless,  and 
joyous  race,  without  energy,  enterprise,  or  foresight.  They  alone 
of  all  the  European  populations  of  the  New  World,  assimilated 
themselves  with  the  Indians,  adopted  their  habits,  and  lived  in 
uninterrupted  harmony  with  them.  The  traders  scattered  through 
the  west,  conducted  the  trade  with  the  Indians,  supplied  to  them 
in  exchange  for  their  furs  articles  of  European  luxury  and  conveni- 
ence, and  distributed  presents  with  which  French  policy  purchased 
the  friendship  and  support  of  the  tribes.  The  couriers  des  bois 
roamed  over  the  wilderness,  hunted  and  lived  among  the  Indians, 
and  collected  peltries  from  the  remote  tribes.  The  voyageurt  carried 
in  their  birch  canoes  the  goods  and  furs  of  the  traffic  along  the 
rivers  and  over  the  portages  of  the  West,  to  the  St.  Lawrence  and 
Mississippi. 

The  settlements  were  small,  compact  villages,  where  the  children, 
in  patriarchal  style,  gathered  around  the  home  of  tbeir  parents. 
Their  houses  were  simple,  plain  cottages  of  wood  and  clay,  gener- 
ally clustered  together  for  protection  and  social  convenience.  The 
"  common  field  "  was  always  adjoining.  It  was  a  large  enclosure, 
surrounded  by  a  common  fence,  for  the  use  of  the  villagers.  Every 
family,  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  its  members,  was  entitled  to 
a  share  in  it.  All  the  operations  of  agriculture  in  the  common  field 
were  regulated  by  special  enactments. 

The  **  common  "  was  a  tract  of  land  unenclosed,  near  the  village, 
set  apart  for  the  joint  use  of  all  the  villagers  for  a  common  pasture, 
and  for  the  supply  of  fuel  and  timber. 

By  this  arrangement,  something  like  a  community  system 
existed  in  their  intercourse.  If  the  head  of  a  family  was  sick,  met 
with  any  casualty,  or  was  absent  as  an  engagety  his  family  sustained 
little  inconvenience.  His  plat  in  the  common  field  was  cultivated 
by  his  neighbors  and  the  crop  gathered.  A  pleasant  custom  existed 
in  these  French  villages  not  thirty  years  since,  and  which  had 
come  down  from  the  remotest  period.  The  husbandman  on  his 
return  at  evening,  from  his  daily  toil,  was  always  met  by  his 
affectionate /«mme  with  the  friendly  kiss;  and,  veiy  commonly 
with  one,  perhaps  two  of  the  youngest  children,  to  receive  the 
same  salutation  from  le  fere.    This  daily  interview  was  at  tiie  gate 


1769. 


OHARAOTBR  OF  AMBBI0A17  rRBNOH. 


a* 


208 


of  the  door-yard,  and  in  view  of  all  the  villagers.  The  simple- 
hearted  people  were  a  happy  and  contented  race.  A  f&w  traits  of 
these  ancient  characteristics  remain,  but  most  of  the  descendants 
of  the  French  are  fully  Americanized. 

They  were  devout  Catholics,  and  under  the  guidance  of  their 
priests  attended  punctually,  upon  all  the  holidays  and  festivals,  and 
performed  faithfully  all  ^e  outward  duties  and  ceremonies  of  the 
church.  Aside  from  this,  their  religion  was  blended  with  their 
social  feelings.  Sunday,  after  mass,  was  the  especial  occasion 
for  their  games  and  assemblies.  In  all  their  meetings  the  dance 
was  the  especial  amusement;  and  all  classes,  ages,  sexes  and 
conditions,  united  by  a  common  love  of  enjoyment,  were  all 
together  participants  in  the  exciting  pleasare. 

*'They  made  no  attempt  to  acquire  land  from  the  Indians,  to 
organize  a  social  system,  to  introduce  municipal  regulations,  or  to 
establish  military  defenses,  but  cheerfully  obeyed  the  priests  and 
the  king's  officers,  and  enjoyed  the  present,  without  troubling 
their  heads  about  the  future.  They  seem  to  have  been  even 
careless  as  to  the  acquisition  of  property,  and  its  transmission  to 
their  heirs.  Finding  themselves  in  a  fruitful  country,  abounding 
in  game,  where  the  necessaries  of  life  could  be  procured  with  little 
labor,  where  no  restraints  were  imposed  by  government,  and 
neither  tribute  and  personal  service  was  exacted,  they  were  content 
to  live  in  unambitious  peace  and  comfortable  poverty.  They  took 
possession  of  so  much  of  the  vacant  land  around  them  as  they  were 
disposed  to  till,  and  no  more.  Their  agriculture  was  rude;  and, 
even  to  this  day,  some  of  the  implements  of  husbandry,  and 
modes  of  cultivation,  brought  from  France  a  century  ago,  remain 
unchanged  by  the  march  of  mind  or  the  hand  of  innovation.  Their 
houses  were  comfortable,  and  they  reared  fruits  and  flowers; 
evincing,  in  this  respect,  an  attention  to  comfort  and  luxury  which 
has  not  been  practiced  among  the  English  or  American  first 
settlers;  but  in  the  accumulation  of  property,  and  in  all  the 
essentials  of  industry,  they  were  indolent  and  improvident,  raaring 
only  the  bare  necessaries  of  life,  and  living  from  generation  to 
generation  without  change  or  improvement. 

'*  The  only  new  articles  which  the  French  adopted  in  consequence 
of  their  change  of  residence,  were  those  connected  with  the  fur 
trade.  The  few  who  were  engaged  in  merchandise,  turned  their 
attention  almost  exclusively  to  the  traffic  with  the  Indians,  while 
a  large  number  became  hunters  and  boatmen.  The  voyageura, 
engageeSy  and  couriers  dea  boiSf  as  they  are  called,  form  a  peculiar 


raee  of  iota,  Th«^  are  «otiT%  apH|^t^,  and  »enuii%»bl|^  tiycit  in 
tbeir  Tooation.  WUh.  all  tha  vivaoilg^  oi  tba  Fcendi  ahanotar, 
they  baye  litUe  of  tibe  intempaianoe  and  brutal  ooananafavsoaUjr 
found  among  tbe  boatmen  and  mariners.  Thej  art  patient  xmdm 
fittigae,  and  endure  an  aatonidlung  degree  of  toil  and  eqiKwaie  to 
wea^r.  Accustomed  to  Uva  in  the  agen  air»,  tbej  paia  tbrongb 
eveiy  ezttemei  and  all  tbe  sndden  vidssitadat  <tf  elhaata,  vith 
little  apparent  iaconvenienoe.  Tbeir  boats  are  managed  with 
expertness,,  and  even  grace,  and  tbeir  toil  enlivened  by  tbe  song. 
As  bunteis,  tbey  bave  roved  over  the  whole  of  the  wide  plain  of 
the  west,  to  the  Bocky  Mountains,  sharing  the  hospitality  of  ths 
Indians,  abiding  ior  long  periods,  and  even  peniiaaently»  witJi  the 
tribes,  and  sometimes  seekmg  their  alliance  1^  marriage.  As 
boatmen  they  nav^;ate  the.  birch  canoe  to  the  sonroes  of  the 
longest  rivers,  and  pass  from  one  river  to  another,,  by  laborious!; 
carrying  the  packages  of  merchandise,  and  tiia  boat  itself  aesoK 
mountains,  or  through  swamps  or  woods ;  so  that  no  obstacle  stops 
their  progress.  Like  the  Indian,  they  can  live  on  game,  without 
condiment  or  bread  i^^  like  him,  they  sleep  in  the  open  air,  or  pbuig« 
into  the  water  at  any  season,  without  injuiy."  * 


*^Hb11's  Sketehat  of  the  Wwt. 


/* 


PBRIOD    III. 

So  stood  mfttton  ia  Ch«  West  All  l^eyond  tlie  AUegheniei, 
1765.]  wiih  the  exception  of  a  few  forts  and  the  lUinois  settle- 
ments  of  the  French,  on  the  'Waba8l^  Easkaskia,  Mississippi  and 
Detroit  nvexs,  was  a  wilderness.  The  Indians,  a  few  years  since 
undisputed  owners  of  the  prairies  and  broad  vales,  now  held  them  hy 
sufferance,  having  been  twice  conquered  by  the  arms  of  England. 
They,  of  course,  felt  both  hatred  and  fear ;  and,  whilo  they  despaired 
of  holding  their  lands,  «nd  looked  forward  to  unknown  evil^,  the 
deepest  and  most  abiding  spirit  of  revenge  was  roused  Within  them. 
They  had  seen  the  British  coming  to  take  their  hunting  grounds 
upon  the  strength  of  a  treaty  they  knew  nothing<>f.  They  had  been 
forced  to  adipdt  British  troops  into  their  country  j  and,  though  now 
nominally  protected  from  settiem,  that  promised  protection  would 
be  but  an  incentive  to  pasuon,  in  case  it  was  not  in  good  feith 
extended  to  them^  and  this  was  not  done  by  either  individuals  olr 
tbo  govemmeni  During  the  year  that  succeeded  the  treaty  of 
German  Flats,  settiers  crossed  tiie  mountains  and  took  possession 
of  lands  in  western  Virginia,  and  along  the  Monongahela.  The 
Indians  having  received  no  pay  for  these  lands,  murmured,  and 
once  more  a  border  war  was  feared.  G^eral  Gage,  commander 
of  the  King's  forces,  was  (^plied  to,  probably  through  Sir  William 
Johnson,  and  issued  his  orders  for  the  removal  of  the  settlers;  but 
they  defied  his  conunands  and  his  power,  and  remained  where  t^ey 
were.* 

Kot  only  were  frontiw  men  thus  pasi^ig  the  line  tadtly  agreed 
on,  but  Sir  William  himself  was  even  then  meditating  a  step  which 
would  have  produced  a  general  Indian  war.  This  was  the  purchase 
and  settiement  of  an  immense  tract  south  oi  the  Ohio  river,  where 
an  Independent  colony  was  to  be  formed.  Uow  ea^  this  plan  waa 
conceived  is  not  known;  but  Franklin's  letters  affirm  that  it  was  in 
contemplation  in  the  spring  of  1766.t   At  this  time,  Franklin  was  in 


*  Plftin  FMti^  p.  66.  t  Spwk'a  FMaklin,  toI.  ir.,  p.  288,  « tq. 


206 


WALPOLl  OOMPANT  fOBXBD. 


1787. 


London,  and  was  written  to  by  his  son,  Governor  FranUin,  of  Kew 
Jersey,  with  regard  to  the  proposed  colony.  The  plan  seems  to  have 
been,  to  buy  of  the  Six  Nations  the  lands  sonth  of  the  Ohio,  a  pur- 
chase which  it  was  not  doubted  Sir  William  might  make,  and  then  to 
procure  from  the  king  a  grant  of  as  much  territory  as  the  Oompany, 
which  it  was  intended  to  form,  would  require.  Qovemor  Franklm 
accordingly  forwarded  to  his  father  an  application  for  a  grant, 
together  with  a  letter  from  Sir  William,  recommending  the  plan  to 
the  ministry ;  all  of  which  was  duly  communicated  to  the  proper 
department  But  at  that  time  there  were  various  interests  bearing 
upon  this  plan  of  Franklin.  The  old  Ohio  Company  was  still  suing, 
through  its  agent,  Colonel  Geoige  Mercer,  for  a  perfection  of  the 
original  grant  The  soldiers  claiming  under  Dinwiddle's  procla- 
mation had  their  tale  of  rights  and  grievances.  Individuals  to 
whom  grants  had  been  made  by  Yiiginia  wished  them  completed. 
General  Lyman,  from  Connecticut,  was  soliciting  a  new  grant 
similar  to  tiiat  now  asked  by  Franklin;  Ind  the  ministers  them- 
selves were  divided  as  to  the  policy  and  propriety  of  establishing 
any  settlements  so  tar  in  the  interior — Shelbume  being  in  frivor  of 
the  new  colonies— Hillsborough  opposed  to  them. 

The  Company  was  organized,  however,  in  the  autumn  of  1767, 
and  the  nominally  leading  man  in  it  being  Mr.  Thomas  Walpole, 
a  London  banker  of  eminence,  it  was  known  as  the  Walpole  Com- 
pany. Franklin  continued  privately  to  make  friends  ainong  the 
ministry,  and  to  press  upon  them  the  policy  of  making  large  settle- 
ments in  the  West ;  and,  as  the  old  way  of  managing  the  Indians 
by  superintendents,  was  just  then  in  bad  odor,  in  consequence  of 
iJ^e  expense  attending  it,  the  cabinet  council  so  far  approved  the 
hiew  plan  as  to  present  it  for  examination  to  the  Board  of  Trade, 
with  members  of  which  Franklin  had  also  been  privately  con- 
versing. 

But,  before  any  conclusion  was  arrived  at,  it  was  necessary  to 
arrange  definitely  that  boundary  line,  which  had  been  vaguely 
talked  of  in  1765,  and  with  respect  to  which  Sir  William  Johnson 
had  written  to  the  ministry,  who  had  mislaid  his  letters,  and  given 
him  no  instructions.  The  necessity  of  arranging  this  boundaiy 
was  also  kept  in  the  mind  by  the  continued  and  growing  irritation 
of  the  Indians,  who  found  themselves  invaded  from  every  side. 
This  irritation  became  so  great  during  the  autumn  of  1767,  that 
Gage  wrote  to  the  Governor  oi  Pennsylvania  on  the  subject  The 
governor  communicated  his  letter  to  the  Assembly  on  the  6th  ai 


1768. 


TftlATT  OF  fOKT  nAXWIZ. 


897 


Jannuy,  1768,  and  reprosentAtioiM  were  at  onoe  lent  to  England, 
ezpreaiing  the  neceatitj  of  having  tho  Indian  line  fixed.  Frank- 
lin  all  this  time  wae  urging  the  same  necessity  nppn  the  ministers 
in  England;  and  ahont  Christnuw  of  1767,  Sir  William's  letters  on 
the  sabjeot  having  been  found,  orders  were  sent  him  to  complete 
the  proposed  purchase  firom  the  Six  Nations,  and  settie  all  differ- 
ences. But  the  project  for  a  colony  was  for  the  time  dropped,  a 
new  administration  coming  in  which  was  not  that  way  disposed. 

Sir  William  Johnson  having  received,  early  in  the  spring,  the 
orders  from  England  relative  to  a  new  treaty  with  the  Indians,  at 
once  took  steps  to  secure  a  full  attisndance.*  Kotice  was  given  to 
the  various  colonial  governments,  to  the  Six  Nations,  the  Dela- 
wares,  and  the  Shawanese,  and  a  congress  was  appointed  to  meet 
at  Fort  Stanwix  during  the  following  October,  (1768).  It  met  upon 
the  24th  of  that  month,  and  was  attended  by  representatives  from 
New  Jersey,  Yir^nia,  and  Pennsylvania;  by  Sir  William  and  his 
deputies;  by  the  agents-  of  those  traders  who  had  suffered  in  the 
war  of  1768;  and  by  deputies  from  all  the  Six  Nations,  the  Del»- 
wares  and  the  Shawanese. 

The  first  point  to  be  settled  was  the  boundary  line,  which  was  to 
determine  the  Indian  lands  of  the  West  from  that  time  forward ; 
and  this  line  the  Indians,  upon  the  1st  of  November,  stated  should 
begin  on  the  Ohio,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cherokee  (or  Tennessee) 
river;  thence  go  up  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  to  Kittanniug;  thence 
across  to  the  Susquehanna,  &c. ;  whereby  the  whole  countiy  south 
of  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny,  to  which  the  Six  Naliom  had  any  claim, 
was  transferred  to  the  British.  One  deed  for  a  part  of  this  land 
was  made  on  the  8d  of  November,  to  William  Trent,  attorney  for 
twenty-two  traders,  whose  goods  had  been  destroyed  by  the  Indians 
in  1768.  The  tract  conveyed  by  this  was  between  the  Kanawha 
and  Monongahela,  and  was  by  the  traders  named  Indiana.  Two 
days  afterward  a  deed  for  the  remaining  western  lands  was  made 
to  the  king,  and  the  price  agreed  on  paid  down.  These  deeds 
were  made  upon  the  express  agreement  that  no  claim  should  ever 
be  based  upon  previous  treaties,  those  of  Lancaster,  Logstown, 
ke. ;  and  they  were  signed  by  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  for 
lliemselves,  their  allies  and  dependents,  the  Shawanese,  Delawares, 
Mingoes  of  Ohio,  And  others;  but  the  Shawanese  and  Delaware 
deputies  present  did  not  sign  them.    On  this  treaty,  in  a  great 


*  For  u  Mcoant  of  this  long-lost  troftty,  see  Plain  Faets,  pp.  66>104. 


Mmuaim  oMffinT  iwaiio. 


1748. 


iMts  th«  tHltt  by  pnfdwM  «p  Kmntockj,  WMttn  ViN 
giaw,  ftod  WeatMn  PeanijlrADk,  and  the  Aathorhy  pf  Ike  Six 
ifatioiit  to  Mil  that  ooontiy  raate  on  their  ^um  \j  oonqneat 

Ant  beridee  the  claim  of  the  Irofnoie  and  (be  north-waat  Indiaai 
to  Koitttol^,  it  was  alee  claimed  by  the  Oherokeei;  and  H  b  w<nv 
thy  of  Mmembranoe  that  the  treaty  of  Loobabaiv  made  in  October, 
1770)  two  yean  after  the  Stanwix  treaty,  reoQgniaed  a  title  in  tbe 
•oi^em  Indiani  to  all  the  country  weet  of  a  line  ^bawn  from  t 
foint  ox  milee  eaet  of  Big  er  Long  iiland,  in  Holaton  riv«i^  to  the 
month  of  the  Great  Kanawha,  although  thanr  rights  to  aU  the  lands 
nordk  and  eaat  of  the  Eentncl^  river  was  pnrohased  by  Colons 
Bonaldaon,  either  for  the  idng,  Yiipnaa,  or  himself— it  is  impos- 
aHoie  to  say  idiich. 

But  Hm  grant  of  the  great  norUiem  confederacy  was  made.  Tbe 
white  man  could  now  quiet  hb  consoienoe  when  driving  the  native 
from  his  forest  home,  and  feel  sure  that  an  ava^  would  bauk  bis 
pretensions.  A  new  company  was  at  once  organised  in  Viiginia, 
called  the  **  Mississippi  Company,"  and  a  petition  sent  to  the  king, 
for  two  and  a  balf  millions  of  acres  in  the  West  Among  the  signen 
of  tbis  were  Francis  Ligfitfoot  Lee,  Biobard  Hemy  Lee,  Geoi^ 
Washington,  and  Authur  Lee.  The  gentleman  last  named  was 
the  agent  for  the  petitioners  in  England.  Tbis  application  was 
refoned  to  the  Board  of  Trade  on  the  9th  of  March,  17^,  and  after 
thftt  nothing  is  known  <tf  it 

The  Board  of  Trade,  however,  was  again  called  on  to  mport  upon 
tbo  application  of  the  Walpole  Company,  and  Lord  HillsbcMroiigb, 
4be  president,  reported  against  it  This  called  out  Franklin's  cel- 
ebrated **Obio  Settbment,"  a  paper  written  with  so  much  ability, 
'^lat  the  King's  Council  put  by  the  official  r^>ort,  and  granted  tiie 
pefeiti(m,  a  step  which  morticed  the  noble  lord  so  much  that  he 
resigned  his  officii^  station.  !%<«  petition  now  needed  only  the 
royal  sanction,  whidi  was  not  g\ven  until  August  144h,  1772;  bat 
in  1770,  the  Ohio  Company  was  merged  into  Walpole's  and  the 
daims  of  the  soldiers  of  17&6,  being  acknowledged  both  by  the  new 
company  and  by  government,  all  claims  were  quieted.  Nol^kig 
Was  ever  done,  however,  under  ^e  grant  to  Widpole,  the  Bievola- 
taon  soon  coming  uponAmerioa.  After  the  UevoluticHi,  Mr.  W«^>^ 
and  bis  associates  petitioned  Congress  respecting  their  lands,  caQed 
4>y  ^em  «*yandalia,"  bnt  couM  get  no  help  from  that  body.  Whst 
was  finally  done  by  Virginia  with  the  claims  of  this  and  other  com- 
panies  is  not  known,  but  doubtless  their  lands  were  all  looked  on 
as  forfeited. 


17t». 


wtf«nic«os'«  LAMM  nr 


Daring  the  t«n  yean  ia  wbioh  Fnuakiiii,  Powaall,  mi  tbiir 
friends  were  tiying  to  get  the  greet  weetem  land  company  Into  ofav- 
atioYi,  actual  Mttlen  were  oroasing  the  mountdni  all  too  rapidly; 
for  the  Ohio  Indiana  ^'yiewed  the  aettlemente  widi  an  «aeaay  and 
jealous  eye,"  and  *'did  not  aemple  te  aay,  that  tfiey  muet  he  xnm- 
pensated  far  their  right,  if  people  settled  tiiereon,  aotwitfaslaBdiag 
the  cession  by  ^  Six  Kations."* 

It  has  been  sud,  also,  that  Lord  Bnamoro,  than  gonieniar  of  Vir- 
ginia, anthorised  sorveys  and  settlements  on  tiie  western  laada, 
BotwithstancHng  the  proolaraation  of  1768,  bat  Mr.  Sparin  givmm 
letter,  from  him,  in  which  this  is  expressly  denied.  Mowevw,  sar> 
Teys  did  go  down  even  to  the  &lls  oi  the  Ohio,  and  the  ^iriiole 
region  sooth  of  the  Ohio  was  filling  witii  white  men. 

Among  Ae  foremost  iq>eoalatora  in  western  lands  atUiat  tnna 
was  Oe^ige  Washington.    He  had  always  regarded  the  prodaMa- 
tion  of  1768  as  a  mere  temporaiy  expedient,  to  qaiet  the  savaf^ 
and  being  better  acqoainted  with  the  valne  of  western  Unds  lAum 
most  of  those  who  coald  command  means,  he  eariy  b^^n  ta 
buy  beyond  the  moantains.    His  ag^t  in  sdecting  lands-  waa  Ool. 
Orawford,  afterward  burnt  by  iSke  Ohio  Indians.    In  Septembai^ 
1767,  Washington  wrote  to  Crawford  on  this  aubjeot,  and  lookin|f 
forward  to  the  occapation  of  the  western  territory;  in  1770  to 
crossed  the  mountains,  going  down  the  Ohio  to  the  mouth  <tf  tbe 
great  Kanawha;  and  in  1778,  being  entitled,  under  tiie  Sing's  pra- 
olamaiion  of  1768,  (which  gave  a  bounty  to  officers  ancL  soldiers 
who  had  served  m  the  French  war,)  to  ten  thousand  acres  of  laaid, 
he  became  deeply  interested  in  the  country  beyond  the  m«>nntaina, 
and  had  some  correspondence  respectit^  t^  importation  of  set- 
tlers from  Earope.    He  had  patents  for  thirty-two  thousand  threa 
hundred  and  seventy-three  acres — nine  &ousand  one  hundred  and 
fifty-seven  on  the  Ohio,  between  the  Kanawhas,  whli  a  rivw  fhaait 
of  thirteen  and  a  half  miles ;  twenty-t^ree  thousand  two  hundned 
and  sixteen  acres  on  the  great  Kanawha,  with  a  rivw  front  of  £>rtgr 
miles.    Besides  these  lands,  he  owned,  fifteen  miSes  below  Wheel- 
ings five  hundred  and  eighty-eeven  acres,  with  a  ftY>nt  of  two  and  la 
half  miles.    He  coneidered  the  land  worth  $8.88  per  awe.    in- 
deed, had  not  the  revolutionary  war  been  Just  liaen  on  'ti^e  eva  oi 
breaking  out,  Washii^^n  would,  in  all  probi^ilaty,  have  beconae 


*  Wuhington's  "  Joonul  to  the  West,  in  1770."    Spiok's  Washingtw^  v<fl.4L  p.  m. 


110 


■ABLT  nrLOBAnOVf  OV  KUmJOXT. 


1761. 


th«  leftding  settler  of  the  West,  and  all  our  history,  perhaps,  have 
been  changed. 

Bat  while  in  England,  and  along  the  Atlantic,  men  were  talkiog 
of  peopling  the  West,  sooth  of  the  river  Ohio,  a  few  obscure  indi- 
▼idnals,  unknown  to  Walpole,  to  Franklin,  and  to  Washington, 
were  taking  those  steps  which  actually  resulted  in  its  settlement 

Notwithstanding  the  fact,  that  so  much  attention  had  been  given 
to  the  settlement  of  the  West,  even  before  the  French  war,  it  doea 
not  appear  that  any  Europeans,  either  French  or  English,  had,  st 
the  time  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stuiwix  was  made,  thoroughly  examined 
that  most  lovely  region  near  the  Kentuolqr  river,  which  is  the  finest 
portion,  perhaps,  of  the  whole  Ohio  valley. 

Thb  may  be  accounted  for  by  the  non-residence  of  the  Indians  in 
that  district;  a  district  which  they  retained  as  a  hunting  ground. 
Owing  to  this,  the  traders,  who  were  the  first  explorers,  were  led  to 
direct  their  steps  northward,  up  the  Miami  and  Scioto  valleys,  and 
were  quite  familiar  with  the  country  between  the  Ohio  and  the  Lakes, 
at  a  period  when  the  interior  of  the  territory  south  of  the  river,  was 
wholly  unknown  to  them.  While,  therefore,  the  impression  which 
many  have  had,  that  the  entire  valley  was  unknown  to  English 
oolonists  before  Boone's  time,  is  clearly  erroneous,  it  is  equally 
clear,  that  the  centre  of  Eentuc^,  which  he  and  his  comrades 
explored  during  their  first  visit,  had  not  before  that  time,  been 
examined  by  the  whites  to  any  considerable  extent. 

About  the  year  1768,  Dr.  Thomas  Walker,  from  Albemarle 
oonoty,  Virginia,  who  had  been  previously  employed  as  an  agent 
among  the  Cherokees,  on  the  Ilolston  river,  from  1750,  wsb 
appointed  commissioner  to  take  certain  Cherokee  cbie£s  to  England. 
Dr.  Walker  had  explored  the  mountain  valleys  of  South-western 
Vir;g^nia  and  East  Tennessee.  While  in  England,  he  organized  s 
company  to  settle  the  wild  lands  in  Western  Virginia  and  Caro- 
lina,  of  which  the  Duke  of  Cumberland  was  patron.  He  returned 
to  America  in  the  capacity  of  general  agent  Dr.  Walker  subse- 
quently explored  the  country;  gave  the  name  of  his  patron  to 
Ckimberland  river,  and  the  range  of  mountains  that  give  origin  to 
the  head  branches.  He  also  explored  the  upper  part  of  the  Ken- 
tucky river,  and  gave  to  it  the  name  of  Ijottua,  in  honor  of  the 
Duchess  of  Cumberland,  wiiich  name  it  bore  for  some  years.  He 
was  at  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  and  had  no  small  influence  in 
the  purchase  of  Western  Virginia  and  Eastern  Eentuck^  from  the 
Six  Nations. 


1769. 


BABLT  IZPLOlAtXOn  Of  KWTVGKT. 


911 


The  iMxt  Azplorer  of  Kontaol^  Mid  TenaMtee,  wm  OoIoqoI 
Junes  Smith.  Mr.  Smith  had  heen  talcen  pritonor  bj  the  IttdiMii, 
DMT  Bedford,  PennsjrlvMiift,  in  1766,  and  wfw  with  tliMB  Ibqr  and 
ft  hftlf  yeftre.  In  1764,  ho  was  liontenant  in  H^eneral  Bonqaol's 
oftmpoign  tgainit  tho  Indiane,  and  ft  oolonel  in  the  oontinentftl 
lenrioe  in  1778. 

» Daring  tho  rammer  of  1766,  with  four  white  men  ftnd  ft  mnlfttto 
tlftve,  he  mftde  ftn  exploration  ftoroee  the  monntftine  to  the  Oom- 
berland,  ftnd  then  to  the  Tennessee  rivers,  to  ezftmine  the  coantiy 
in  view  of  fhture  settlements. 

Stone's  river,  ft  branch  of  the  Cnmberlftnd,  wfts  so  nftmed  fh>m 
Mr.  Uriah  Stone,  one  of  the  party.  They  explored  the  oonntzy  on 
each  of  the  rivers,  until  they  reached  the  month  of  the  Tennessee, 
where  Padncah  now  stands.  Here  the  party  sepftrated;  Smith 
with  the  slftve  to  retnm  home,  nnd  his  compftnions  to  proceed  to 
the  Illinois.  A  few  dftys  afterwftrd,  he  was  stabbed  in  the  foot  by 
a  cane,  which  disabled  him.  After  lying  a  long  time  in  the  woods, 
attended  by  the  slave,  he  recovered,  and  they  set  out  and  after 
many  hardships,  reached  Carolina  in  October,  1767,  having  been 
eleven  mouths  in  the  wilderness.  From  Oarolina  he  proceeded 
homeward,  and  shortly  afterward  arrived  at  the  Oonococheagne 
settlement  in  Pennsylvania,  where  he  had  left  hu  family.* 

The  next  persons  who  entered  this  region  were  traders;  coming, 
not  from  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  by  the  river,  but  from  Iforth 
Oarolina  by  the  Oumberland  Gap.  These  tradeis  probably  songht, 
in  the  first  instance,  the  Cherokees  and  other  southern  Indians, 
with  whom  they  bad  dealings  from  a  very  early  period,  but  appear 
afterward  to  have  journeyed  northward  upon  what  was  called  the 
Warrior's  road,  an  Indian  path  leading  from  the  Cumberland  ford 
along  the  broken  country,  lying  upon  the  eastern  branch  of  the 
Eentucky  river,  and  so  across  the  Licking  toward  the  mouth  of  the 
Scioto.  This  path  formed  the  line  of  communication  between  the 
northern  and  southern  Indians;  and  somewhere  along  its  course, 
John  Finley,  doubtless  in  company  with  others,  was  engaged,  in 
1767,  in  trading  with  the  red  men,  from  the  north  of  the  Ohio,  who 
met  him  there  with  the  skins  procured  during  their  hunting  expe< 
dition  in  that  central  and  choice  region.  Upon  Finley's  return  to 
North  Carolina,  he  met  with  Daniel  Boone,  to  whom  he  described 
the  country  he  had  visited. 


*IiMid«iito  of  Border  Lifo,  p.  64. 


2i2 


■ABLT  ISXPLOBATXONB  OV  XKNTUOXT. 


1769. 


Daniel  Boone  was  bom  in  Buoka  county.  Pa.,  between  the  years 
17>88  and  1745,  *  of  English  parentage.  His  &ther  moved  to  Berks 
eonnty  when  Daniel  was  a  small  boy,  where,  in  a  frontier  settle. 
ment,  he  attended  school,  and  where  in  boyhood  be  received  thoss 
kiq>re8sions  that  were  so  fully  displayed  in  after  life.  From  child, 
hood,  he  delighted  to  range  the  woods,  watch  the  wild  animals,  and 
contemplate  the  beauties  of  uacnltivated  natare.  In  woodcraft,  bis 
education  was  complete.  No  Indian  could  poise  the  rifle,  £nd  hit 
way  through  the  tracldess  forest,  or  hunt  the  wild  game  better  than 
Daniel  Boone. 

Few  men  ever  possessed  that  combination  <^  boldness,  caution, 
hardihood,  strength,  patience,  perseverance  and  love  of  solitude 
that  marked  his  charactw.  With  these  qualities  he  was  kind- 
hearted,  humane,  good-tempered,  and.4evoid  of  malice.  He  never 
manifested  the  temper  of  the  misanthrope,  or  evinced  any  dissatis- 
faction with  social  or  domestic  life.  He  bad  a  natural  sense  «f 
justice  and  equity  between  man  and  man,  and  felt,  through  his 
whole  life,  repugnance  to  the  technical  forms  of  law,  and  the  con. 
ventional  regulations  of  society  and  of  government,  unless  they 
were  in  strict  accordance  with  his  instinctive  sense  of  right. 

When  Daniel  Boone  was  in  the  18th  year  of  his  age,  his  father 
removed  from  Pennsylvania  to  North  Carolina,  and  settled  on  the 
Yadkin,  in  the  north-western  part  of  that  State.  Here  he  married, 
and  for  several  years,  labored  on  a  &rm,  hunting  at  the  proper 
season.  About  1762,  he  was  leader  of  a  company  of  hunters  from 
lite  Yadk,  who  ranged  through  the  valleys  on  the  waters  of  the 
Hoteton,  in  the  soutb-westeru  part  of  Virginia.  In  1764  he  was 
with  another  company  of  hunters,  on  the  Book  Castle,  a  branch  of 
Cumberland  river,  within  the  present  boundaries  of  Kentucky, 
employed,  as  he  stated,  by  a  party  of  land  speculators,  to  ascertain 
and  report  concerning  the  country  in  that  qnarter.f 

The  expression  of  the  governors  of  the  colony,  and  the  memben 
of  the  Council  and  of  the  Assembly,  who  were  English  or  Scotch 
adveutar^^,  produced  great  dissatisfaction  with  the  laboring 
olasses,  and  drove  many  to  eeek  their  fortunes  in  the  wilds  of  the 


*  Then  is  «  great  nnoertainty  in  th«  Sate  of  Boone's  birth.  It  may  cTen  be  donbtel 
whether  he  himself  could  have  given  it.  His  pupilage  among  ihe  Qermans  in  "Btrh 
tounty,"  enabled  him  to  acquire  their  patois  language ;  and  it  was  from  the  oiroumstanM 
of  his  being  able  to  speak  "  Penntylvania  Oeman"  that  he  was  supposed  by  manj  to  be  • 
Dutchman,  or  of  German  extraction. 

f  Haywood's  Hiitory  of  Tmntttee,  pp.  82,  86. 


17«». 


EABUr  SXPLORATKWS  Of  KBITtirOKT. 


iU 


West.  At  the  sem*  time,  lUcbardi  Hendemon,  the  Harts  and 
others,  were  projecting  a  purchase  of  the  fertile  lands  of  the  ^est, 
and  encouraged  the  hunters  to  explore  the  cot^try^ 

On  the  return  of  Finley,  ammgements  were  made  for  an  explo- 
ring party  to  examine  the  rich  vales  of  the  Kentncl^,  of  which 
Boone  was  the  leader;  and  he  alone  was  in  the  confidence  of  the 
speculators.  His  companions  were  John  Vinley,  John  Stew«rt, 
Joseph  Holden^  James  Moncey,  and  William  Cool.  They  left  the 
Yadkin  settiement,  and  Boone  his  family,  on  the  1st  of  May,  1769, 
and  after  much  fatigue  and  exposure  to  severe  rains,  reached  the 
waters  of  Bed  river,  one  of  the  main  branches  of  the  Kentucky,  on 
the  7th  of  June.  In  this  region,  the  party  reconnoitered  the 
coantiy,  and  hunted^  until  December.  At  that  period,  the  explo- 
rers divided  themselves  into  parties,  that  tkey  might  have  a  uMsr 
range  of  obsmxUion.  Boone  had  Stewart  for  his  companion.  Of 
Einley,  and  the  rest  of  the  party,  nothing  noore  is  known. 

Boone  and  Stewart  were  8o<»  taken  by  a  party  of  Indians,  from 
whom  they  made  their  escape  after  several  days'  detention.  Early 
in  Jaoaaiy,  1770,  Squire  Boone,  a  brother  of  Daniel,  and  another 
adventurer,  arrived  from  North  Carolina,  with  supplies  of  ammu- 
nition, and  intelligence  ftom  his  family.  Sh<»tly  after  this  event, 
Steward-.,  while  hunting,  was  killed  by  the  Indians^  and  the  man 
who  came  with  Squire  Boone  got  lost  in  the  woods  and  perished. 
The  two  brothers,  thus  left  alone,  pursued  their  hunting  along  the 
banks  of  the  main  Kentucky  river. 

When  spring  opened,  Squire  Boone  returned  to  the  Yadkin  for 
Bopplies,  while  Daniel  explored  the  country  al<Hig  Salt  «id  Green 
rivers.  On  the  last  of  July,  Squire  returned,  and  they  engaged  in 
exploring  the  country  ou  the  waters  of  Cumberland  river,  and 
banting  in  that  region  until  March,  1771.  They  then  returned  by 
Kentucky  river,  and  the  Cumberland  Gap,  to  the  settiements  on 
tbe  Yadkin. 

During  the  same  period,  another  exploring  and  hunting  party  of 
about  twenty  men,  left  North  Carolina  and  Western  Virginia,  tvt 
the  country  of  Tennessee.  They  passed  through  Cumberland  G^ 
into  what  is  now  called  Wayne  county,  Kentucky,  and,  subse- 
(|aently,  moved  in  a  south-western  direction,  along  the  waters  of 
the  Roaring  river  and  Caney  fork,  and  returned  in  April,  1770, 
sfter  an  absence  of  ten  months.  The  same  year  another  party  of 
ten  hunters  built  two  boat»  and  two  trapping  canoes,  loaded  them 
with  peltry,  venison,  bear's  meat  and  oil,  and  made  a  voyage  don^ 


i' 


214 


LAND  SURVBYOBS  IN  KBNTUOKT. 


1778. 


the  Camberland,  Ohio  and  Mississippi  riven,  to  Natchez,  where 
they  disposed  of  their  car^. 

In  1771,  Gasper  Mansco,  who  had  twice  visited  the  valley  of  the 
Oumberland,  came  out  again  in  company  with  several  other  per- 
sons. They  traversed  the  country  along  the  Cumberland  river 
to  the  region  north  of  Nashville,  and  into  the  "  barrens"  of  Ken- 
tucky. From  the  period  of  their  absence,  they  were  called  the 
"  Long-hunters."  These  several  explorations  excited  the  attention 
of  multitudes  in  the  colonies  south  of  the  Potomac,  and  turned 
their  thoughts  to  a  home  in  the  "Far  West." 

During  the  same  eventful  period,  (1770,)  there  came  into  Western 
Virginia  no  less  noted  a  person  than  George  Washington.  His 
attention  had  been  turned  to  the  lands  along  the  Ohio  at  a  veiy 
early  period ;  he  had  himself  large  claims,  as  well  as  far-reaching 
plans  of  settlement,  and  he  wished,  with  his  own  eyes,  to  examine 
the  western  lauds,  especially  those  about  the  mouth  of  the  Kanawha. 
The  journal  of  his  expedition  contains  some  valuable  facts  in 
reference  to  the  position  of  aflOeiirs  in  the  Ohio  valley  at  that  time. 
For  instance,  that  the  Virginians  were  rapidly  surveying  and  set- 
tling the  lands  south  of  the  river  as  far  down  as  the  Kanawhas; 
and  that  the  Indians,  notwithstanding  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwiz, 
were  jealous  and  angry  at  this  constant  invasion  of  their  hunting- 
grounds. 

This  jealousy  and  anger  were  not  suffered  to  cool  during  the 
years  next  succeeding,  and  when  Thomas  Bullitt  and  his  party 
descended  the  Ohio,  in  the  summer  of  1778,  he  found,  as  related 
above,  that  no  settlements  would  be  tolerated  south  of  the  river, 
unless  the  Indian  hunting-grounds  were  left  undisturbed.  To  leave 
them  undisturbed  was,  however,  no  part  of  the  plan  of  these  white 
meu.  This  very  party,  which  Bullitt  led,  and  in  which  were  the 
two  M'Afees,  Hancock,  Taylor,  Drennon,  and  others,  separated 
aud  while  part  went  up  the  Kentucky  river,  explored  the  banks, 
and  made  important  surveys,  including  the  valley  in  which  Frank- 
fort stands,  the  remainder  went  on  to  the  falls,  and  laid  out,  on 
behalf  of  John  Campbell  and  John  Connolly,  the  plat  of  Loais- 
ville. 

All  this  took  place  in  the  summer  of  1778 ;  and  in  the  autumn 
of  that  year,  or  early  the  next,  John  Floyd,  the  deputy  of  Colonel 
William  Preston,  the  surveyor  of  Fincastle  county,  Virginia,  in 
which  it  was  claimed  that  Kentuc^  was  comprehended,  also  crossed 
the  mountains ;  while  General  Thomson,  of  Pennsylvania,  made 


V 


1774. 


FIRST  8BTTLBMKNT  IN  KBNTUOKT. 


216 


surveys  on  the  north  fork  of  the  Licking.  Nor  did  the  projects  of 
the  English  colonists  stop  with  the  settlenoent  of  Eentuol^.  In 
1778,  General  Lyman,  with  a  number  of  military  adventurers,  went 
to  Natchez,  and  laid  out  several  townships  in  that  vicinity;  to 
which  point  emigration  set  so  strongly,  that  it  is  said  four  hundred 
families  passed  down  the  Ohio,  on  their  way  thither,  during  six 
weeks  of  the  summer  of  that  year.* 

Anxious  as  was  Boone  to  remove  his  family  to  the  fertile  region 
of  Kentucky,  it  was  not  until  1773,  that  he  sold  his  farm  on  the 
Yadkin,  and,  with  five  other  families,  took  up  the  line  of  march 
westward.  The  company  started  on  the  25th  of  September,  and 
were  joined  by  others  in  Powell's  valley,  making  the  number  of 
forty  men,  besides  women  and  children.  As  they  approached  the 
last  mountain  barrier,  ^on  the  16th  of  October,  seven  young  men, 
who  had  charge  of  the  cattle,  being  five  or  six  miles  in  the  rear, 
were  attacked  by  a  party  of  Indians.  Six  were  slain,  amongst 
whom  was  Boone's  eldest  son,  James,  and  the  seventh,  though 
wounded,  made  his  escape.  The  cattle  were  dispersed  in  the  woods. 
This  calamity  so  disheartened  the  emigrants,  that  they  gave  up  the 
expedition  and  returned  to  Clinch  river. 

For  a  time  the  settlement  of  Kentucky  and  the  West  was  delayed ; 
1774.]  for  though  James  Harrod,  in  the  spring  or  early  summer 
of  1774,  penetrated  the  wilderness,  and  built  his  cabin,  (the 
first  log  hut  reared  in  the  valley  of  the  Kentucky,)  where  the 
town  which  bears  his  name  now  stands,  he  could  not  long  stay 
there ;  the  sounds  of  coming  war  reached  even  his  solitude,  and 
forced  him  to  rejoin  his  companions,  and  aid  in  repelling  the  infu- 
riated savages.  Notwithstanding  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  the 
western  Indians  were  in  no  degree  disposed  to  yield*  their  lands 
without  a  struggle.  Wide-spread  dissatisfaction  prevailed  among 
the  Shawanese  and  Mingoee,  which  was  fostered  probably  by  the 
French  traders  who  still  visited  the  tribes  of  the  north-west.  And 
from  that  time  forward  almost  eveiy  event  was  calculated  still  more 
to  excite  and  embitter  the  children  of  the  forest. 

In  1770,  Ebenezer,  Silas  and  Jonathan  Zane,  settled  at  Wheeling; 
during  that  year  the  Boones,  as  has  been  related,  were  exploring 
the  interior  of  Kentucl^ ;  and  after  them  came  the  McAfees,  BuU 
litt,  Floyd,  Hancock,  Taylor,  and  their  companions.  The  savages 
saw  their  best  grounds  occupied  or  threatened  with  occupation ; 


*  Holnes'  Annalt,  toL  ii.,  p.  188. 


216 


HOSTILITT  OF  TBS  IITDtANSr 


17T4. 


bat  «tiU  thoy  remembered  tbe  war  of  1768,  and  Hhe  terribte  power 
of  Britain,  and  the  oldest  and  wisest  of  the  snfSerers  were  disposed 
n^faer  to  submit  to  what  seemed  inevitable  than  to  throw  thero> 
srives  away  in  a  vain  effort  to  mthstand  the  whites.  Hopelesi 
hatrad  toward  the  invaders  filled  the  breasts  of  the  natives,  therefore, 
at  the  period  immediately  preceding  tho  war  of  1774;  a  hatred 
needing  only  a  few  acts  of  violence  to  kindle  it  into  rage  and  thirrt 
for  hnman  blood. 

And  stich  acts  were  not  wanting ;  in  addition  to  the  murder  of 
several  single  Indians  by  the  frontier  men, — ^in  1772,  five  families 
of  the  natives  oh  the  Little  Kanawha  were  killed,  in  revenge  for 
^  death  of  a  white  family  on  Gauley  Biver,  although  no  evidence 
existed  to  prove  who  had  committed  the  oatrage.  And  when  1774 
came,  a  series  of  events  led  to  excessive  exa^ration  on  both  sidiea; 
Penn^lvania  and  Virginia  laid  equal  claim  to  Pittsburgh  and  the 
acyoining  country.  In  the  war  of  1754,  doubt  had  existed  as  to 
which  colony  the  forks  of  the  Ohio  was  situated  in,  and  the  Old 
Dominion  having  been  forward  in  the  defense  of  the  contested 
territory,  while  her  northern  neighbor  had  been  very  backward  in 
doing  anything  in  its  favor,  the  Yiiginians  felt  a  certain  claim  upon 
the  "Key  of  the  West."  This  feeling  showed  itself  before  1768, 
ftiid  by  1773  appears  to  have  attained  a  very  decided  charecter. 

EaiH^  in  1774,  Lord  Dunmore,  prompted  very  probably  by  Col. 
Croghan,  and  his  nephew.  Dr.  John  Connolly,  who  hi^  lived  at 
Fort  Pitt,  and  was  an  intr^ing  and  ambitious  man,  determined, 
by  strong  measures^  to  assert  the  claims  of  Virginia  upon  Pitts^ 
biugh  and  its  vicinity,  and  dispatched  Connolly,  with  a  captain's 
eommisMon,  and  with  power  to  take  possession  of  the  country 
vpon  the  Moaongahela,  m  the  name  of  the  king.  The  Doctor 
UBued  his  proclamation  to  the  pe<^le^  in  the  neighborhood  of  Red^ 
stone  and  Pittrikirgh,  calling  upon  them  to  meet  on  the  24tb  or 
25tii  of  Janimiy,  1774,  in  order  to  be  embodied  as  Vir^nia  militift. 
Arthur  Bt  Clair,  who  then  represented  the  proprietors  of  Penn- 
^ivania  in  the  West,  im»  at  Pittsburgh  at  the  time,  and  arrested 
Connolly  before  the  meeting  took  place.  The  people  who  had  seeu 
the  proclamation,  however,  eame  together,  and  though  they  were 
dfiapersed  without  irii»mpting  any  outbreak  in  favor  of  the  Virginian 
side  of  the  dispute,  which  it  was  very  much  ftsared  they  would  do^ 
•^'tiiey  did  not  break  up  without  drankenness  and  riot,  and  among 
otker  thinge  Jlreci  /Aetr  ffuna  at  the  town  occupied  by  friendly  Indians 
across  the  river,  hurting  no  one,  but  exciting  the  fear  and  suspicion 
of  the  red  men. 


1774. 


OOVNXLLT  8BIZBS  FORT  PITT. 


m 


Connolly  was  soon  after  released  on  bail.  He  then  went  to 
Staunton,  and  was  swoni  as  a  jnstice  of  tjie  peace  of  Augnsta 
coanty,  Virginia.  Daring  the  latter  part  of  March,*  he  returned 
to  Pittsburgh,  with  civil  and  militaty  authority  to  execute  the  laws 
of  Virginia.  On  the  5th  of  April,  the  court  assembled  at  Hannas- 
town,  the  seat  of  justice  for  Westmoreland  county,  including  then 
all  Western  Pennsylvania.  Soon  after,  Connoll^  with  abont  one 
hundred  and  fifty  men,  all  armed  and  with  colors  flying,  appeared 
there,  placed  sentinels  at  the  door  of  the  court  house,  who  refused 
to  admit  the  magistrates,  unless  with  the  consent  of  their  com- 
mander. A  meeting  then  took  place  between  Connolly  and  the 
magistrates.  He  averred  that  he  had  come  in  fulfillment  of  his 
promise  to  the  sheriff,  but  denied  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court. 
They  affirmed  that  they  acted  under  the  le^slative  authority  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  would  continue  so  to  act;  but  that  they  woild 
do  all  they  could  to  preserve  the  public  tranquillity,  and  the  State 
of  Pennsylvania  was  ready  to  agree  to  a  temporary  boundary,  till 
the  true  one  could  be  ascertained. 

Connolly  refused  to  accede  to  any  terms  but  in  Lord  Dunmore's 
name,  and  by  his  authority  took  and  kept  possession  of  Fort  Pitt; 
and  as  it  had  been  dismantled  and  nearly  destroyed,  by  royal 
orders,  rebuilt  it,  and  named  it  Fort  Dunmore.  Meantime,  in  a 
most  unjustifiable  and  tyrannical  manner,  he  arrested  both  private 
men  and  magistrates,  and  kept  some  of  them  in  confinement,  until 
Lord  Dunmore  ordered  their  release.  Knowing  that  such  conduct 
was  calculated  to  lead  to  active  and  violent  measures  against 
himself  by  the  Pennsylvanians,  he  took  great  precautions,  and 
went  to  considerable  expense  to  protect  his  own  party  from  surprise. 
These  expenses,  it  is  not  improbable,  he  feared  the  Virginia  General 
Assembly  would  object  to,  although  his  noble  patron  might  allow 
them ;  and  it  is  not  impossU)le  that  he  intentionally  fostered,  as  St. 
Clair  distinctly  intimated  in  his  letters  to  the  Pennsylvania  authori- 
ties, the  growing  jealousy  between  the  whites  and  natives,  in  order 
to  make  their  quarrels  serve  as  a  color  to  his  profuse  expenditures. 
At  any  rate,  it  appears  that  on  the  21st  of  April,  Connolly  wrote  to 
the  settlers  along  the  Ohio,  that  the  Shawanese  were  not  to  be 
trasted,  and  that  they  (the  whites)  ought  to  be  prepared  to  revenge 
any  wrong  done  them.  This  letter  came  into  the  hands  of  Captain 
Michael  Cresap,  who  was  examining  the  lands  near  Wheeling,  and 


m 


M 


15 


» Craig's  History  of  Filtsbnrgh,  p.  118. 


218 


HUBDBR  or  LOGAN'S  VAMILT. 


mi. 


who  appears  to  have  possessed  the  true  frontier  Indian  hatred. 
Five  days  before  its  date,  a  canoe  belonging  to  William  Bntler,  a 
leading  Pittsbuigh  trader,  had  been  attacked  by  three  Gherokees, 
and  one  white  man  had  been  killed.  This  happened  not  &r  from 
Wheeling,  and  became  known  there  of  course;  while  about  the 
same  time  the  report  was  general  that  the  Indians  were  stealing 
the  traders'  horses.  When,  therefore,  immediately  after  Connolly's 
letter  had  been  circulated,  the  news  came  to  that  settlement,  that 
some  Indians  were  coming  down  the  Ohio  in  a  boat,  Gresap,  io 
revenge  for  the  murder  by  the  Gherokees,  and,  as  he  afterward 
said,  in  obedience  to  the  direction  of  the  commandant  at  Pittsburgh, 
contained  in  the  letter  referred  to,  determined  to  attack  them. 
They  were,  as  it  chanced,  two  friendly  Indians,  who,  with  two 
whites,  had  been  dispatched  by  William  Butler,  when  he  heard 
that  his  first  messengers  were  stopped,  to  attend  to  his  peltries 
down  the  river,  in  the  Shawanee  country.* 

"The  project  of  Gresap,"  says  Dr.  Doddridge,  "was  vehemently 
opposed  by  Golonel  Zane,  proprietor  of  the  place.  He  stated  to  the 
captain  that  the  killing  of  those  Indians,  would  inevitably  bring  on 
a  war,  in  which  much  innocent  blood  would  be  shed,  and  that  the 
act  in  itself  would  be  an  atrocious  murder,  and  a  disgrace  to  his  name 
forever.  His  good  counsel  was  lost.  Gresap  and  his  party  went  up 
the  river.  On  being  asked,  at  their  return,  what  had  become  of  the 
Indians,  they  coolly  answered  that  'they  had  fallen  overboard  into 
the  river !'  Their  canoe,  on  being  examined,  was  found  bloody, 
and  pierced  with  bullets.  This  was  the  first  blood  which  was  shed 
in  this  war,  and  terrible  was  the  vengeance  which  followed. 

"In  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  the  party  hearing  that  there 
was  an  encampment  of  Indians  at  the  mouth  of  Gaptina,  went 
down  the  river  to  the  place,  attacked  the  Indians  and  killed  seven) 
of  them.  In  this  affair  one  of  Gresap's  party  was  severely 
wounded. 

"  The  massacre  at  Gaptina  and  that  which  took  place  at  Baker's, 
about  forty  miles  above  Wheeling,  a  few  days  after  that  at  Gaptina, 
were  unquestionably  the  sole  causes  of  the  war  of  1774.  The  last 
was  perpetrated  by  thirty-two  men,  under  the  command  of  Daniel 
Greathouse.  The  whole  number  killed  at  this  place,  and  on  the 
river  opposite  to  it,  was  twelve,  besides  several  wounded.  This 
horrid  massacre  was  effected  by  a  hypocritical  stratagem,  which 


*  Aroerictn  ArehiTW,  fonrtb  wric)!,  i,  252,  et  leq. 


1774. 


MUBDXR  OV  LOaAM*B  FAMILY. 


SIA 


rofleots  the  deepest  dishonor  on  the  memoiy  of  those  who  were 
agents  in  it. 

"The  report  of  the  murders  committed  on  Ihe  Indians  near 
Wheeling,  induced  a  belief  that  they  would  immediately  commence 
hostilities,  and  this  apprehension  fUrnished  the  pretext  for  the 
murder  above  related.    The  ostensible  object  for  raising  the  party 
under  Greathouse,  was  that  of  defending  the  family  of  Baker, 
whose  house  was  opposite  to  a  large  encampment  of  Indians,  at  the 
mouth  of  Big  Yellow  creek.    The  party  were  concealed  in  ambus- 
cade, while  their  commander  went  over  the  river,  under  the  mask 
of  friendship,  to  the  Indian  camp,  to  ascertain  their  number; 
while  there,  an  Indian  woman  advised  him  to  return  home  speedily, 
saying  that  the  Indians  were  drinking,  and  angry  on  account  of 
the  murder  of  their  people  down  the  river,  and  might  do  him  some 
mischief.    On  his  return  to  his  party,  he  reported  that  the  Indians 
were  too  strong  for  an  open  attack.    He  went  to  Baker,  and 
requested  him  to  give  any  Indians  who  might  come  over  in  the 
coarse  of  the  day  as  much  rum  as  they  might  call  for,  and  get  as 
many  of  them  drunk  as  he  possibly  could.    The  plan  succeeded. 
Several  Indian  men,  with  two  women,  came  over  the  river  to 
Baker's,  who  had  previously  been  in  the  habit  of  selling  rum  to  the 
Indians.    The  men  drank  freely  and  became  intoxicated.    In  this 
state  they  were  all  killed  by  Greathouse  and  a  few  of  his  party. 
I  say  a  few  of  his  party,  for  it  is  but  justice  to  state,  that  not  more 
than  five  or  six  of  the  whole  number  had  any  participation  in  the 
slaughter  at  the  house.    The  rest  protested  against  it,  as  an 
atrocious  murder.    From  their  number,  being  by  far  the  majority, 
they  might  have  prevented  the  deed ;  but  alas !  they  did  not.    A 
little  Indian  girl  alone  was  saved  from  the  slaughter,  by  the 
humanity  of  some  one  of  the  party,  whose  name  is  not  now 
known. 

"  The  Indians  in  the  camps,  hearing  the  firing  at  the  house,  sent 
a  canoe  with  two  men  in  it  to  inquire  what  had  happened.  These 
two  Indians  were  both  shot  down,  as  soon  as  they  landed  on  the 
beach.  A  second  and  larger  canoe  was  then  manned  with  a 
number  of  Indians  in  arms;  but  in  attempting  to  reach  the  shore, 
K  some  distance  below  the  house,  were  received  by  a  well-directed 
' —  fire  from  the  party,  which  killed  the  greater  number  of  them,  and 
compelled  the  survivors  to  return.  A  great  numbor  of  shots  wore 
exchanged  across  the  river,  but  without  damage  to  the  whites,  not 
one  of  whom  was  even  wounded.  The  Indian  men  who  were 
murdered  were  all  scalped.    The  woman  who  gave  the  friendly 


230 


CLARK'S  YBRSION  Of  VHB  MUBDKR. 


1774. 


advice  to  the  commander  of  the  party,  when  in  the  !bidi«i  camp, 
was  amongst  the  slain  at  Baker's  house. 

"  The  massacre  of  the  Indians  at  Captina  and  Yellow  creek, 
comprehended  the  whole  of  the  family  of  the  famons,  hat  nnfortU' 
nate  Logan."  * 

This  account  of  Doddridge  is  confinned  hy  the  evidence  of 
Colonel  Zane;  hut  as  it  differs  somewhat  from  that  of  Qeorge 
Rogers  Clark,  who  was  also  in  the  vicinity,  a  part  of  the  letter 
written  hy  him  relative  to  the  matter,  dated  June  17,  1798,  is 
given; 

"This  country  was  explored  in  1778.  A  resolution  was  formed 
to  make  a  settlement  the  spring  following,  and  the  mouth  of  the 
Little  Kanawha  appointed  the  place  of  general  rendezvous,  in  order 
to  descend  the  river  from  thence  in  a  hody.  Barly  in  the  spring 
the  Indians  had  done  some  mischief.  Reports  from  their  towns 
were  alarming,  which  deterred  many.  Ahout  eighty  or  ninety  men 
only  arrived  at  the  appointed  rendezvous,  where  we  lay  some 
days. 

"  A  small  party  of  hunters,  that  lay  ahout  ten  miles  helow  us 
were  fired  upon  hy  the  Indians,  whom  the  hunters  heat  hack,  and 
returned  to  camp.  This,  and  many  other  circumstances,  led  us  to 
helieve  that  the  Indians  were  determined  on  war.  The  whole  party 
was  enrolled,  and  determined  to  execute  their  project  of  forming 
a  settlement  in  Eentucli^,  as  we  had  every  necessary  store  that 
could  be  thought  of.  An  Indian  town  called  the  Horsehead  Bot- 
tom, on  the  Scioto,  and  near  its  mouth,  lay  nearly  in  our  way.  The 
determination  was  to  cross  the  country  and  surprise  it  Who  was 
to  command  was  the  question*  There  were  hut  few  among  as 
that  had  experience  in  Indian  warfare,  and  they  were  such  as  we 
did  not  choose  to  be  commanded  by.  We  knew  of  Capt.  Cresap 
being  on  the  river,  about  fifteen  miles  above  us,  with  some  hands, 
settling  a  plantation ;  and  that  he  had  concluded  to  follow  us  to 
Kentucky  as  soon  as  he  had  fixed  there  his  people.  We  also  knew 
that  ho  had  been  experienced  in  a  former  war.  He  was  proposed; 
and  it  was  unanimously  agreed  to  send  for  him  to  command  the 
party.  Messengers  were  dispatched,  and  in  half  an  hour  returned 
with  Cresap.  He  had  heard  of  our  resolution  by  some  of  his 
hunters,  that  had  fallen  in  with  ours,  and  had  set  out  to  come 
to  us. 


•^Deddridgt^s  Notes. 


'■M 


1774. 


OLABK'g  VnUBIOK  OF  TBI  MDBBBft. 


221 


«  We  now  thought  oar  arn^,  m  we  called  it,  complete,  and  the 
destraotion  of  the  Indians  sore.  A  council  was  called,  and,  to  our 
astonishment,  our  intended  commander-in-chief  was  the  person 
that  dissuaded  us  from  the  enterprise.  He  sfud  that  appearances 
were  very  suspicious,  but  there  was  no  certainty  of  a  war.  That  if 
we  made  the  attempt  proposed,  he  had  no  doubt  of  our  success, 
but  a  war  would,  at  any  rate,  be  the  result,  and  that  we  should  be 
blamed  for  it,  and  perhaps  justly.  But  if  we  were  determined  to 
proceed,  he  would  lay  aside  all  considerations,  send  to  his  camp  for 
his  people,  and  share  our  fortunes. 

«He  was  then  asked  what  he  would  advise.  His  answer  was, 
that  we  should  return  to  Wheeling,  as  a  convenient  post,  to  hear 
what  was  going  forward.  That  a  few  weeks  would  determine.  As 
it  was  early  in  the  spring,  if  we  found  the  Indians  were  not  dis- 
posed for  war,  we  should  have  fiiU  time  to  return  and  make  our 
establishment  in  Eentuckjr.  This  was  adopted ;  and  in  two  hours 
the  whole  were  under  way.  As  we  ascended  the  river,  we  met 
Eill-buck,  an  Indian  chie^  with  a  small  party.  We  had  a  long 
conference  with  him,  but  received  little  satisfaction  as  to  the  dis- 
position of  the  Indians.  It  was  observed  that  Oresap  did  not  oome 
to  this  conference,  but  kept  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  He 
said  that  he  was  afraid  to  trust  himself  with  the  Indians.  That 
Kill-buck  had  frequently  attempted  to  waylay  his  father,  to  kill 
him.  That  if  he  crossed  the  river,  perhaps  his  fortitude  might 
&il  him,  and  that  he  might  put  Kill-buck  to  death.  On  our  qirrival 
at  Wheeling,  (the  country  being  pretty  well  settled  thereabouts,) 
the  whole  of  the  inhabitants  appeared  to  be  alarmed.  They  flocked 
to  our  camp  from  every  direction;  and  ail  wo  could  say  could  not 
keep  them  from  under  our  wings.  We  offered  to  cover  their 
neighborhood  with  scouts,  until  further  information,  if  they  would 
return  to  their  plantations;  but  nothing  would  prevail.  By  this 
time  we  had  got  to  be  a  formidable  party.  All  the  hunters,  men 
without  families,  etc.,  in  that  quarter,  had  joined  our  party. 

"Our  arrival  at  Wheeling  was  soon  known  at  Pittsburgh.  The 
whole  of  that  country,  at  that  time,  being  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
Virginia,  Dr.  Connolly  had  been  appointed  by  Danmore,  Captain 
Commaadant  of  the  District  which  was  called  West  Augusta.  He, 
learning  of  us,  sent  a  message  addressed  to  the  party,  letting  us 
know  that  a  war  was  to  be  apprehended,  and  requesting  that  we 
would  keep  our  position  for  a  few  days,  as  messages  had  been  sent 
to  the  Indians,  and  a  few  days  would  determine  the  doubt  The 
answer  he  got  was,  that  we  had  no  inclination  to  quit  our  quarters 


# 


h^ 


OLARK'B  VBMIOir  Of  T»  XVROIB. 


1774. 


for  some  time.  That  daring  oar  stay  we  should  be  carefbl  that  the 
enemy  did  not  harasa  the  neighborhood  that  we  lay  in.  Bat  before 
this  answer  conld  reach  Pittsburgh,  he  sent  a  seeond  express,  ad- 
dressed to  Capt  Cresap,  as  the  most  influential  man  amongst  as, 
informing  him  that  the  messengers  had  returned  from  the  Indians, 
that  war  was  inevitable,  and  begging  him  to  use  his  influence  with 
the  party,  to  get  them  to  cover  the  country  by  scouts,  until  the  in- 
habitants could  fortify  themselves.  The  reception  of  this  letter  was 
the  epoch  of  open  hostilities  with  the  Indians.  A  new  post  was 
planted,  a  council  was  called,  and  the  letter  read  by  Oresap,  all  the 
Indian  traders  being  summoned  on  so  important  an  occasion.  Ac* 
tion  was  had,  and  war  declared  in  the  most  solemn  manner;  and 
the  same  evening  two  scalps  were  brought  into  the  camp. 

'*  The  next  day  some  canoes  of  Indians  were  discovered  on  the 
river,  keeping  the  advantage  of  an  island  to  cover  themselves  from 
our  view.  They  were  chased  fifteen  miles  down  the  river,  and 
driven  ashore.  A  battle  ensued ;  a  fow  were  wounded  on  both 
sides;  one  Indian  only  taken  prisoner.  On  examining  their  canoes, 
we  found  a  considerable  quantity  of  ammunition  and  other  warlike 
stores.  On  our  return  to  camp,  a  resolution  was  adopted  to  march 
the  next  day,  and  attack  Logan's  camp  on  the  Ohio,  about  thirty 
miles  above  us.  We  did  march  about  five  miles,  and  then  halted 
to  take  some  refreshments.  Here  the  impropriety  of  executin  •;  the 
projected  enterprise  was  argued.  The  conversation  was  brought 
forward  by  Cresap  himself.  It  was  generally  f^eed  that  those 
Indians  had  no  hostile  intentions — ^as  they  were  hunting,  and  their 
party  were  composed  of  men,  women,  and  children,  with  all  their 
stuff  with  them.  This  we  knew;  as  I  myself  and  others  present 
had  been  in  their  camp  about  four  weeks  past,  on  our  descending 
the  river  f^om  Pittsburgh.  In  short,  every  person  seemed  to  detest 
the  resolution  we  had  set  out  with.  We  returned  in  the  evening, 
decamped,  and  took  the  road  to  Redstone. 

"It  was  two  days  after  this  that  Logan's  family  were  killed.  And 
from  the  manner  in  which  it  was  done,  it  was  viewed  as  a  horrid 
murder.  From  Logan's  hearing  of  Oresap  being  at  the  head  of 
this  party  on  the  river,  it  is  no  wonder  that  he  supposed  he  had  a 
hand  in  the  destruction  of  his  family." 

Whatever  may  then  be  the  facts  in  regard  of  Oresap's  complicitj 
in  the  murder  of  Logan's  family,  it  is  certain  that  the  famous 
speech  of  that  chief  to  Lord  Dunmore,  has  indelibly  fixed  the  repu- 
tation of  that  outrage  upon  his  memory.  It  may  admit  of  a 
doubt  whether  he  was,  however,  directly  or  indirectly  responsible 


1774. 


IKDUMS  MUIDIRID  BT  OKIATHOUSI. 


m 


for  the  dettraotion  of  the  fiunilj  of  Logan.  It  U  difficult  to  believe 
that  he  could  be  present  at  the  maasacres  at  Oaptina  and  Yellow 
creek  on  the  aame  day,*  but  it  is  certain  he  was  engaged  in  other 
Indian  murders  closely  connected  with  the  origin  of  the  war,  and 
deserves  condemnation  for  the  murderous  intentions  he  expressed 
to  Ool.  Zane.  Tet  perhaps  he  may  not  be  wholly  condemned.  He 
may  have  been  deceived  by  OonnoUy's  letter,  which  doubtless  was 
designed  to  create  hostilities  between  the  whites  and  Indians,  with 
a  view  to  the  approaching  conflict  with  the  mother  country ;  and 
may  then  in  all  he  did  have  acted  under  a  mutaken  idea  of  patri- 
otism. Ofhis  patriotic  spirit  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  Imme- 
^ately  after  the  battle  of  Lexington,  in  the  next  year,  in  obedience 
to  a  call  of  the  Maryland  delegates  in  Congress,  Oresap  was  ap- 
pointed to  the  command  of  a  company  of  volunteers,  returned  to 
Maryland,  and  with  his  company  marched  to  Boston,  to  join  the 
Oontinental  army  under  Washington.  His  health  failing,  however, 
he  resigned  his  command,  and  died  on  his  way  home,  on  the  6th 
of  October,  at  New  York. 

In  relation  to  the  murders  by  Greathouse,  there  is  also  a  variance 
in  the  testimony.  Henry  Jolly,  who  was  near  by,  and  whose  state- 
ment is  published  in  an  article  by  Dr.  Hildreth,  in  Silliman's  jour- 
nal for  January,  1887,  makes  no  mention  of  the  visit  of  Greathouse 
to  the  Indian  camp,  but  says  that  five  men  and  one  woman,  with  a 
child,  came  from  the  camp  across  to  Baker's^  that  three  of  the  five 
were  made  drunk,  and  that  the  whites  finding  the  other  two  would 
not  drink,  persuaded  them  to  fire  at  a  mark,  and  when  their  guns 
were  empty,  shot  them  down ;  this  done,  they  next  murdered  the 
woman,  and  tomahawked  the  three  who  were  intoxicated.  The 
Indians  who  had  not  crossed  the  Ohio,  ascertaining  what  had  taken 
place,  attempted  to  escape  by  descending  the  river,  and  having 
passed  Wheeling  unobserved,  landed  at  Pipe  creek,  and  it  was 
then,  according  to  Jolly,  that  Gresap's  attack  took  place;  he  killed 
only  one  Indian.  But  whatever  may  have  been  the  precise  facts 
in  relation  to  the  murder  of  Logan's  family,  they  were  at  any  rate 
of  such  a  nature  as  to  make  all  concerned  feel  sure  of  an  Indian  war ; 
and  while  those  upon  the  frontier  gathered  hastily  into  the  for- 
tresses, an  express  was  sent  to  Williamsburg,  to  inform  the  gover- 
nor of  the  necessity  of  instant  preparation.    The  Earl  of  Danmore 


*  Jacob's  Life  of  Cresap. 


1I*D0VAU>  A*  WArMWmiA. 


mi. 


i^^iide  took  tho  nMdftil  ftopi  to  oi^guXmimmi  tnd  mtmnm^^ 
in  Jane,  itnt  Dmid  Boon*  Mid  MiehMl  Stamor  to  oondnet  hito  H^ 
Mttlem«iit»  tlio  •amjtm,  ond  othon  who  wore  Ungoring  upoB  the 
bonln  of  the  Kentnoky  and  Blkhorn,  »  doty  whioh  wne  Mj  end 
qniokly  pevfonned.  The  anfertnnftte  tradeie  among  Hie  XndiaiM^ 
however,  oonld  not  thne  be  reooned  ftt>in  tiie  dangeie  which  beiet 
them.  Borne  of  them  feU  the  fint  viottmi  to  the  vengeanee  of  the 
natiToe.  One  near  lh«  town  ot  Whito-B^eoylhe  Peaoe  Ohief  of 
the  Pelawaree,  wai  mnidered,  cat  to  pieoea,  and  the  ftagments  of 
hie  body  hungnpon  the  bnahet;  the  kindly  diief  gathered  them 
together  and  biried  them ;  the  hatred  of  the  mnrderen,  however, 
led  them  to  dirinter  and  diipene  the  remaine  of  their  viotim  anew; 
but  the  kindneia  of  the  Delaware  wae  as  penevering  as  the  hatred 
of  his  brethren,  and  agidn  he  oolleeted  the  scattered  Umbs,  and  in 
a  secret  place  hid  them;* 

It  bdng,  nnder  the  cironmstances,  deemed  advisable  by  the  Tii;gi- 
nians,  to  assume  the  offensive,  as  soon  as  it  ooold  be  done,  an  army  wti 
gattiered  at  Wheeling,  which,  BOimk  time  in  Jnly,  under  GoL  M<(Dod- 
aid,  descended  the  Ohio  to  the  mouth  <^  Oteptina  creek,  or,  as  some 
say.  Fish  creek,  where  it  was  proposed  to  march  agunst  the  Indian 
town  of  Wapatomica,  on  the  Muskingum.  The  march  was  sue* 
oemfblly  accomplished,  and  the  Indians  having  been  frnstrated  in 
an  expected  surprise  of  the  invaders,  sued  for  peace,  and  gave  five 
<tf  their  chieft  as  hostages.  Two  of  them  were  set  free,  however, 
by  Colonel  McDonald,  for  the  Avowed  purpose  of  calling  the  hesdi 
of  the  tribes  togetiier,  to  ratafy  the  treaty  which  was  to  put  an  aid 
to  warfare ;  but  it  being  found  that  the  natives  were  m&tely  attenqit- 
ing  to  gain  time  and  gather  forces,  the  yii>^man8  proceeded  to 
destroy  their  towns  and  crops,  and  then  retreated,  carrying  three 
of  their  chiefii  with  them,  as  prisoners  to  Williamsburg.  But  tbis 
invasion  did  nothing  toward  intimidating  the  red  men. 

The  Delawaree  were  anxious  for  peace ;  Sir  William  Johnson 
sent  out  to  all  hii  copper^solored  flock,  otdwn  to  keep  still;  fAn^ 
even  the  Shawanese  wen  |»evailed  on  by  thdr  wiser  leader.  Com- 
stalk,  to  do  all  they  could  to  preserve  fiiendly  relations;  indeed 
they  went  so  &r  as  to  secure  some  wandering  traders  from  the 
vengeance  of  the  lifingoes,  whose  relatives  bad  been  slain  at 


•  Heekewdder'B  Namtire,  182. 

t  Amerieui  AreliiT«R,  Ponrtli  8«riw,  i,  262  to  268. 


mi. 


or,  M  some 


Trilow  Oretk  and  Oiptim,  and  iMt  tktm  with  liMlr  |»roper(j  mH 
to  Pittabnrgli*  Bvl  LofMi,  who  liad  bora  tUMd  by  ^  miirdM«n 
OD  fhe  Ohio  from  ft  friend  to  •  AMdIy  ibe  of  th«  wbilM,  omm 
■addenly  upon  tbo  M«nK»gldi«k  «QltI«mentoy  and  while  tho  otiiir 
Indiant  wera  hasiteting  as  to  thak  ooana,  took  hii  thirtaan  aoalfa 
in  retaliation  forthe  mnrder  of  hia  flimiljr  and  Manda,  and  ratnming 
home  expressed  himself  satiBfied,  and  ready  to  Ibten  to  the  Long- 
Knives. 

Bat  it  was  not,  apparently,  the  wish  of  Dnnmore  or  OoonoUy  to 
meet  the  friendly  spirit  of  tiie  natives,  and  when,  about  the  10th  of 
Jane,  three  of  the  Shawanese  oondaoted  the  traders,  who  had  bean 
among  them,  safely  to  Pittsboi^gh,  OonnoUy  had  even  the  naaii- 
neai  to  attempt  first  to  sieae  them,  and  whta  foiled  in  this  by 
Golcmel  Oroghan,  his  nnole,  who  had  been  alienated  by  his  tyranny, 
he  sent  men  to  watoh,  waylay  and  kill  them;  and  one  aoooontsi^ 
tiiat  one  of  the  three  was  slain.  Indeed,  tixe  ehaiaotar  developed 
by  this  man,  while  eommandant  at  Fort  Dnnmore,  waa  sadi  as  to 
Moite  universal  detestation,  and  at  last  to  draw  down  upon  hia 
patron,  the  reproof  of  Lord  Dartmouth.  He  seized  property,  and 
imprisoned  white  men  without  warrant  or  propriety;  and  we  may 
he  assured,  in  many  cases  beside  that  jnst  mentioned,  treated 
the  natives  with  an  utter  disregard  of  justice.  It  is  not  then 
surprising  that  Indian  attacks  oconrred  along  the  frontiws  fh>m 
June  to  September;  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  that  the  Virginians, 
sgainst  whom,  in  distinction  firom  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  the 
war  was  carried  on,  became  more  and  more  excited,  and  eager  to 
repay  the  injuries  received. 


To  put  a  stop  to  these  devastations,  two  laige  bodies  of  troqps 
were  gathering  in  Virginia;  the  one  from  the  southern  and 
western  part  of  the  State,  under  General  Andrew  liewia,  met  at 
Gamp  Union,  now  Lewisburg,  Greenbrier  county,  near  the  &r> 
&med  White  Sulphur  Springs; — ^the  other  fh>m  the  northern  and 
eastern  counties,  was  to  be  under  the  command  of  Dnnmore  him- 
self, and  descending  the  Ohio  from  Fort  Pitt,  was  to  meet  Lewis' 
army  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanawha.  The  force  under  Lewis, 
amounting  to  eleven  hundred  men,  commenced  its  march  upon 
the  6th  and  12th  of  September,  and  upon  the  6th  of  October 
reached  the  spot  agreed  upon.  Aa  Lord  Dnnmore  was  not  thrae, 
and  as  other  troops  were  to  follow  down  the  Kanawha  under 
Colonel  Christian,  General  Lewis  dispatched  runners  toward  Pitts- 
hurgh  to  inform  the  commander-in-chief  of  his  arrival,  and 


2^ 


DVNMOBB'0  WAB. 


1774. 


proceeded  to  encamp  at  the  point  where  the  two  rivers  meet 
Here  he  remained  until  the  9th  of  October,  when  dispatches  from 
the  Governor  reached  him,  informing  him  that  the  plan  of  the 
campaign  was  altered;  that  he  (Dunmore)  meant  to  proceed 
directly  against  the  Shawanese  towns  of  the  Scioto,  and  Lewis  was 
ordered  at  once  to  cross  the  Ohio  and  meet  the  army  before  those 
towns. 

Bat  on  the  very  day  when  this  movement  should  have  been 
executed,  (October  10th,)  the  Indians  in  force,  headed  by  the  able 
and  brave  chief  of  the  Shawanese,  Cornstalk,  appeared  before  the 
army  of  Virginians,  determined  then  and  there  to  avenge  past 
Wrongs  and  cripple  vitally  the  power  of  the  invaders.  Delawares, 
Iroquois,  Wyandotif  and  Shawanese,  under  their  most  noted  chiefs, 
among  whom  was  Logan,  formed  the  army  opposed  to  that  of 
Lewis,  and  with  both  the  struggle  of  that  day  was  one  of  life  or 
death.  Soon  after  sunrise  the  presence  of  the  savages  was 
discovered ;  General  Lewis  ordered  out  his  brother.  Colonel  Charles 
Lewis,  and  Colonel  Fleming,  to  roconnoiter  the  ground  where  they 
had  been  seen;  this  at  once  bi^ught  on  the  engagement.  Ihs 
short  time  Colonel  Lewis  was  killed,  and  Colonel  Fleming  disabled; 
the  troops,  thus  left  without  commanders,  wavered,  but  Colonel 
Field  with  his  regiment  coming  to  the  rescue,  they  again  stood 
firm;  about  noon  Colonel  Field  was  killed,  and  Captain  Evan 
Shelby,  (father  of  Isaac  Shelby,  afterward  Governor  of  Kentucky, 
and  who  was  then  lieutenant  in  his  father's  company,)  took  the 
command;  and  the  battle  still  continued.  It  was  now  drawing 
toward  evening,  and  yet  the  contest  raged  without  decided  success 
for  either  party,  when  General  Lewis  ordered  a  body  of  men  to 
gain  the  flank  of  the  enemy  by  means  of  Crooked  creek,  a  small 
stream  which  runs  into  the  Kanawha,  about  four  hundred  yards 
above  its  mouth.  This  was  successfally  done,  and  the  result  was 
the  retreat  of  the  Indians  across  the  Ohio.  * 

The  loss  on  the  part  of  the  Virginians  in  this  battle,  was  seventy- 
five  men  killed,  and  one  hundred  and  forty  wounded — about  one- 
fiflli  of  their  entire  number.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  could  not  be 
ftally  ascertained,  as,  until  they  are  driven  from  the  field,  they  carry 
off  their  dead.  Nerv  t  morning.  Col.  Christian  explored  the  battle 
ground,  and  found  twenty-one  Indians  lying  dead,  and  subsequently 
twelve  others  concealed  by  brush  and  logs. 


•Bordw  Wurflure,  126.    Doddridge,  280.    Ameriean  Pionear,  i,  881.    Letters  in 
AmerioAB  ArehiTve,  Fonrth  Series,  i,  808-818,  fte.  Thatoher's  Lires  of  Indians,  ii,  168. 


n 


1774. 


1774. 


duhhoki'b  wab. 


227 


BUCCeSB 

men  to 
a  small 
ed  yards 
)Bult  was 


Lord  Dnnmore,  meanwhile,  had  descended  the  river  from  Fort 
Pitt,  and  was,  at  the  time  ht>  bent  word  to  Levns  of  his  change  <^ 
plans,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Hocking,  where  he  hnilt  a  block-house, 
called  Fort  Gower,  and  remained  until  after  the  battle  at  the  Point. 
Thence  he  marched  on  toward  the  Scioto,  while  Lewis  and  the 
remains  of  the  army  under  his  command,  strengthened  by  the 
troops  under  Oolonel  Ohristian,  pressed  forward  in  the  same  direo- 
tion,  elated  by  the  hope  of  annihilating  the  Lidian  towns,  and 
punishing  the  inhabitants  for  all  they  had  done.  But  before  reach- 
ing the  enemy's  country,  Dunmore  was  visited  by  the  chiefs, 
asking  for  peace.  He  listened  to  their  request,  and  appointing  a 
place  where  a  trealy  should  be  held,  sent  orders  to  Lewis  to  stop 
his  march  against  the  Shawanese  towns,  which  orders,  however,  that 
officer  did  not  obey ;  nor  was  it  till  the  Governor  visited  his  camp 
on  Congo  creek,  near  Westfall,  that  he  would  agree  to  give  up  an 
attempt  upon  the  village  of  Old  Ohillicothe,  which  stood  where 
Westfall  now  is.  After  this  visit  by  Duamore,  General  Lewis  felt 
himself  bound,  though  unwillingly,  to  prepare  for  a  bloodless 
retreat 

The  commander-in-chief,  however,  remained  for  a  time  at  Camp 
Charlotte,  upon  Sippo  Creek,  about  eight  miles  from  the  town  of 
Westfall,  on  the  Scicto.*  There  he  met  Cornstalk,  who,  being 
satibfied  of  the  futility  of  any  further  struggle,  was  determined  to 
make  peace,  and  arranged  with  the  governor  the  preliminaries  of 
a  treaty ;  and  fW)m  this  point,  Crawford  was  sent  against  a  town  of 
the  Mingoes,  who  still  continued  hostile,  and  took  several  prisoners, 
who  were  carried  to  Virginia,  and  were  still  in  confinement  in 

February,  1776.  t 

When  Lord  Dunmore  retired  from  the  West,  he  left  one  hundred 
men  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanawha,  a  few  more  at  Pittsburgh, 
and  another  corps  at  Wheeling,  then  called  Fort  Fincastle.  These 
were  dismissed  as  the  prospect  of  the  war  ceased.  Lord  Dunmore 
agreed  to  return  to  Pittsburgh  in  the  spring,  meet  the  Indians  and 
form  a  definite  peace ;  but  the  commencement  of ^e  revolt  of  the 
colonies  prevented.  The  Mingoes  were  not  parties  to  the  treaty 
at  Camp  Charlotte.  The  Shawanese  agreed  not  to  hunt  south  of 
the  Ohio  river,  nor  molest  travelers.  The  frontier  men  were  much 
incensed  against  Lord  Dunmore  for  this  treaty,  but  not  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Virginia. 


Letters  in 


*  American  Pioneer,  p.  881. 

t  Ameriean  ArokiTes,  Fonrtli  Series,  i.  1222. 


Border  Wsrftre,  187. 


228 


TBANSnVANIA  LAND  COMPANY  FORMED. 


1776. 


About  the  same  time,  and  most  probably  after  the  treaty  with 
the  Indians,  Lord  Dunmore  opened  several  offices  for  the  sale  of 
lands  in  the  West,  some  of  which  were  in  the  limits  claimed  by 
Pennsylvania.  Land  warrants  were  granted  on  the  payment  of 
two  shillings  and  sixpence  fees.  The  purchase  money  was  trifling, 
being  only  ten  shillings  per  hundred  acres,  and  even  that  was  n^ 
demanded.  The  proprietary  of  Pennsylvania  had  previously  piiN 
ohased  the  land  as  fitr  west  as  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny,  and  opened 
an  office  for  the  sale  of  these  lands.  But  the  price  demanded  was 
much  higher  than  that  of  the  Virginia  warrants;  and  this  was  an 
effectual  inducement  to  buyers  to  prefer  the  Virginia  office,  and  of 
consequence  to  favor  the  Virginia  claim  to  jurisdiction  over  the 
country.  Accordingly,  Dunmore  established  three  courts,  two 
south  of  ithe  Monongahela,  and  one  at  Bedr'tone,  all  within  the 
limits  of  Western  Pennsylvania,  and  thus  extended  the  Virginia 
laws  over  that  re^on.  His  scheme  for  weakening  both  coloniea, 
by  embroiling  them  in  a  contest  about  their  boundaries,  however, 
fidled ;  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  in  the  next  year,  suspended  the 
discussion  of  the  question,  and  drove  Dunmore  from  Vir^nia. 

Among  those  who  had  been  engaged  in  Dunmore's  war,  as 
1775.]  scouts  or  soldiers,  were  Daniel  Boone,  James  Harrod, 
•nd  others  of  the  early  explorers  of  Eentuel^.  After  the 
peace,  they  naturally  turned  their  attention  agun  to  the  rich  val- 
lAys  they  had  previously  occupied.  Boone  appears  to  have  been 
among  the  first  to  re-enter  them,  which  he  did  in  the  service  of  a 
new  land  company,  formed  in  North  Carolina,  called  the  Transyl- 
vania Company.*  The  chief  person  in  this  association  was  Colonel 
Bichard  Henderson,  of  whom  little  is  known,  except  that  he  was  a 
man  of  capacity  and  ambition.  Dr.  Smyth,  an  Englishman,  who 
in  1784  published  a  work  of  travels  in  the  United  States,  ^ves  the 
following  account  of  him ;  but  as  Smyth's  work  is  full  of  palpable 
falsehoods,  it  is  impossible  to  say  how  much  truth  there  is  in  his 
statements  respecting  the  founder  of  Transylvania. 

*<He  acquired  the  rudiments  of  an  education  after  having  grown 
to  maturity,  then  obtained  the  office  of  constable,  was  afterward 
made  sheriff,  and  then  commenced  the  practice  of  law.  In  that 
profession  he  distinguished  himself  so  much  that  he  was  appointed 


*  This  WH  one  of  MTeral  saoh  oompuiM;  m«  Fatriok  Hearjr's  dqtosition  in  Hall'i 
Sketohea,  L  249. 


im. 


BOONS  aVIDIS'THB  OOUPANT. 


220 


Associate  Chief  Jmtice  of  North  Oarolina.  Bni  having  made  sev- 
eral large  purchases,  and  fallen  into  a  train  of  expense  that  his  cir^ 
oumstances  and  finances  ooald  not  support,  his  extensive  genins 
Btmok  out  on  a  bolder  track  to  fortune  and  fame  than  any  one  had 
ever  attempted  before  him. 

<*  Under  pretense  of  viewing  some  back  lands,  he  privately  went 
oat  to  the  Cherokee  nation  of  Indians,  and,  for  an  insignificant 
consideration,  (only  ten  wagons  loaded  with  cheap  goods,  such  as 
coarse  woolens,  trinkets,  fire-arms,  and  spirituous  liquors,)  made  a 
pmchase  from  the  chiefs  of  the  nation,  of  a  vast  tract  of  territory, 
equal  in  extent  to  a  kingdom ;  and  in  the  excellence  of  climate  and 
soil,  extent  of  its  rivers,  and  beautiful  elegance  of  situations,  infe* 
nor  to  none  in  the  universe.  A  domain  of  no  less  than  one  hun- 
dred miles  square,  situated  on  the  back  or  interior  part  of  Virginia, 
and  of  Xorth  and  South  Carolina ;  comprehending  the  river  Ken- 
tucky, Cherokee,  and  Ohio,  besides  a  variety  of  inferior  rivulets, 
delightful  and  charming  as  ima^nation  can  conceive. 

"This  transaction  he  kept  a  profound  secret,  until  such  ^me  as 
he  obtained  the  final  ratification  of  the  whole  nation  in  form.  Then 
he  immediately  invited  settlers  from  all  the  provinces,  offering  thein 
land  on  the  most  advantageous  terms,  and  proposing  to  them  like- 
wise, to  form  a  legislature  and  government  of  their  own,  such  a» 
might  be  most  convenient  to  their  particular  circumstances  of  set- 
tlement   And  he  instantly  vacated  hia  seat  on  the  bench."* 

Colonel  Henderson,  in  company  with  Colonel  Nathaniel  Hart,  or 
as  Morehead  says,  Colonel  Hart  alone,  having  heard,  probably 
from  Boone,  of  the  valuable  lands  upon  the  Eientucky  river,  in  the 
course  of  1774.  paid  a  visit  to  the  Cherokees,  to-  ascertain  if  they 
would  be  willing  to  sell  their  title  to  the  re^on  which  was  desired. 
Finding  that  a  bargain  might  be  made,  a  meeting  wa»  arranged 
with  the  chiefs  of  the  nation^  to  be  held  at  the  Sycamore  Shoid,  on 
the  Wataga  branch  of  the  Holston  river,  in  March,  1775. 

At  this  meeting  Daniel  Boone  was,  by  the  desire  of  the  Transyli^ 
vania  proprietors,  present,  to  aid  in  tiie  negotiation  and  detexvi 
mining  of  the  bounds  of  the  proposed  purchase..  This  done^.he  set 
forth  with  a  party,  well  armed  and  equipped,  to  mark  out  a  road 
from  the  settlement,  through  the  wilderness,  to  the  lands  which 
were  about  to  be  colonized.    Boone  doea  not  say  when  he  started^ 


*  Monhead's  Addnaa,  p.  167. 


280 


OOMPANT  BAROAIN  WITH  TBB  0HBB0KEE8. 


1775. 


but  as  he  was  within  fifteen  miles  of  Boonesborongh  on  the  20tbof 
March,  and  the  grant  from  the  Cherokees  is  dat«d  the  17th,  he 
mast  have  left  the  council  before  the  final  action  of  the  Indians 
took  place;  indeed,  Henderson  says  that  Boone  did  not  know  of 
the  purchase  with  certainty.  By  that  action  the  southern  savages, 
in  consideration  of  the  sum  often  thousand  pounds  sterling,  trans- 
ferred to  the  company  two  provinces,  defined  as  follows: 

*'The  first  was  defined  as  'beginning  on  the  Ohio  river,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Cantuckey  Ghenoee,  or  what,  by  the  English,  is  called 
Louisa  river;  from  thence,  running  up  the  said  river,  and  the  most 
northwardly  fork  of  the  same,  to  the  head  spring  thereof;  thence  a 
south-east  course  to  the  top  of  the  ridge  of  Powell's  mountain; 
thence  westwardly  along  the  ridge  of  the  said  mountain,  unto  a 
point  from  which  a  north-west  course  will  hit  or  strike  the  head 
spring  of  the  most  southwardly  branch  of  the  Oumberland  river, 
thence  down  said  river,  including  all  its  waters,  to  the  Ohio  river, 
and  up  the  said  river,  as  it  meanders,  to  the  beginning.' " 

"The  other  deed  comprised  a  tract  'beginning  on  the  Holston 
river,  where  the  course  of  Powell's  mountain  strikes  the  same; 
thence  up  the  said  river,  as  it  meanders,  to  where  the  Yirgihin  line 
crosses  the  same ;  thence  westwardly  along  the  line  run  by  Donald- 
son, to  a  point  six  English  miles  eastward  of  the  long  island  in  stud 
Holston  river;  thence  a  direct  course  toward  the  mouth  of  the 
Qreat  Oanaway,  until  it  reaches  the  top  ridge  of  Powell's  moan- 
tain;  thence  westwardly  along  the  said  ridge  to  the  place  of 
beginning.' " 

This  transfer,  however,  was  in  opposition  to  the  ancient  and  con- 
stant policy,  both  of  England  and  Virginia,  neither  of  whieh  would 
recognize  any  private  dealings  for  land  with  the  natives;  and,  as 
much  of  the  region  to  be  occupied  by  the  Transylvania  Company 
was  believed  to  be  within  the  bounds  of  the  Old  Dominion,  Qot. 
Dunmore,  even  before  the  bargain  was  completed,  prepared  hu 
proclamation  warning  the  world  against  "one  Richard  Henderson 
and  other  disorderly  persons,  who,  under  pretense  of  a  purchase 
from  the  Indians,  do  set  up  a  claim  to  the  lands  of  the  crown." 
This  paper  is  dated  but  four  days  later  than  the  treaty  of  Wataga.* 
When  Colonel  Henderson  and  his  "disorderly"  associates  there- 
fore set  forth  early  in  April  for  their  new  colony,  granted  by  the 
first  named  deed,  clouds  beset  their  path.    Virginia  threatened  in 


*  Amerioftn  Arckirea,  Fourth  Series,  174. 


1776. 


BOONKSBOBOUGE  OOMUBNOKD. 


281 


their  rear,  and  before  them  the  blood  of  Boone's  pioneers  soiled 
the  fresh  leaves  of  the  young  wood-flowers.  Upon  the  20t3i  or  25th 
of  March,  an  attack  had  been  made  upon  those  first  invaders  of 
the  forests,  in  which  two  of  their  number  were  killed,  and  one  or 
two  others  wounded;  repulsed,  bat  not  defeated,  the  savages 
watched  their  opportunity,  and  again  attacked  the  little  band ;  bat 
being  satisfied  by  these  attempts,  that  the  leaders  of  the  whites 
were  their  equals  in  forest  warfare,  the  natives  offered  no  fUrther 
opposition  to  the  march  of  the  hunters,  who  proceeded  to  the  Ken- 
tucky, and  upon  the  1st  of  April,  1775,  began  the  erection  of  a  fort 
upon  the  banks  of  that  stream,  sixty  yards  south  of  the  river,  at  a  salt- 
lick. This  was  Boonesborough.  This  fort  or  station  was  probably, 
when  complete,  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  feet  long  by  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  broad,  and  consisted  of  block-houses  and  pickets,  the 
cabins  of  the  settlers  forming  part  of  the  defenses ;  it  was,  from  neg^ 
lect,  not  completed  until  June  14th,  and  the  party,  while  engaged 
in  its  erection,  appear  to  have  been  but  little  annoyed  by  the  Indians, 
although  one  man  was  killed  on  the  4th  of  April.  To  this  station, 
while  yet  but  half  complete,  Henderson  and  his  companions  came 
the  20th  of  April,  following  the  road  marked  out  by  Boone.  Of 
his  journey,  and  the  country  itself,  some  parts  of  a  letter,  published 
entire  by  Judge  Hall,  will  give  a  distinct  picture,  and  are  better  than 
any  abstracts. 

"BooNESBOBOUQH,  Juuo  12th,  1775. 

«Ko  doubt  but  you  have  felt  great  anxiety  bince  the  receipt  of 
my  letter  from  Powell's  Valley.  At  that  time,  things  wore  a 
gloomy  aspect;  indeed  it  was  a  serious  matter,  and  became  a  little 
more  eo  after  the  date  of  the  letter  than  before.  That  afternoon  I 
wrote  the  letter  in  Powell's  Valley,  in  our  march  this  way,  we  met 
about  forty  people  returning,  and  in  about  four  days,  the  number 
was  little  short  of  one  hundred.  Arguments  and  persuasions  were 
needless;  they  seemed  resolved  on  returning,  and  traveled  with  a 
precipitation  that  truly  bespoke  their  fears.  Eight  or  ten  were  all 
that  we  could  prevail  on  to  proceed  with  us,  or  to  follow  after;  and 
thus,  what  we  before  had,  counting  every  boy  and  lad,  amounted 
to  about  forty,  with  which  number  we  pursued  our  journey  with 
the  utmost  diligence,  for  my  own  part,  never  under  more  r^l 
anxiety. 

« Every  group  of  travelers  we  saw,  or  strange  bells  which  were 
heard  in  front,  was  a  fresh  alarm ;  afraid  to  look  or  inquire,  lest 
Oaptain  Boone  or  his  company  was  amongst  them,  or  some  disas- 
trous account  of  their  defeat.    The  slow  progress  we  made  with 


282 


BMIORANTS  IN  TROrBLK 


1776- 


our  packs,  made  it  absolately  neceBsary  for  some  person  to  go  on, 
md  give  assnrance  of  our  coming,  especially  as  they  bad  no  ce^ 
t»in1y  of  our  being  on  tbe  road  at  all;  or  bad  even  beard  whether 
the  Indians  had  sold  to  us  or  not  It  was  owing  to  Boone's  confi- 
dence in  us,  and  the  people's  in  him,  that  a  stand  was  ever  attempted 
in  order  to  wait  for  our  coming. 

**Tbe  general  panic  that  bad  seized  tbe  men  we  were  continually 
meeting,  was  contagious ;  it  ran  like  wild-fire ;  and,  notwithstanding 
every  effort  against  its  progress,  it  was  presently  discovered  in  oar 
own  camp;  some  hesitated,  and  stole  back  privately;  others  saw 
the  necessity  of  returning  to  convince  their  Mends  that  they  were 
still  alive,  in  too  strong  a  light  to  be  resisted;  whilst  many,  in 
truth,  who  have  nothing  to  thank  but  the  fear  of  shame,  for  the 
credit  of  intrepidity,  came  on,  though  their  hearts,  for  some  hours, 
made  part  of  the  deserting  company.  In  this  situation  of  affairs, 
some  few,  of  genuine  courage  and  undaunted  resolution,  served  to 
inspire  the  rest;  by  the  bein  of  whose  example,  assisted  by  a  little 
piide  and  some  ostentation,  we  made  a  shift  to  march  on  with  all 
the  appearance  of  gallantry,  and,  cavalier-like,  treated  every  insin- 
uation of  danger  with  the  utmost  contempt.  It  soon  became  ba> 
bitual;  and  thoso  who  started  in  the  morning  with  pale  &ces  and 
apparent  trepidation,  could  lie  down  and  sleep  at  night  in  great 
quiet,  not  even  possessed  of  fear  enough  to  get  the  better  of 
indolence. 

"To  give  you  a  small  iq>ecimen  of  the  dispocdtion  of  tbe  people, 
it  may  be  sufficient  to  assure  you  that  when  we  arrived  at  this 
place,  we  found  Captun  Boone's  men  as  inattentive  on  the  score 
of  fear,  (to  all  appearances,)  as  if  they  had  been  in  Hillsborough. 
A  small  fort^  which  only  wanted  two  or  three  days'  work  to  make 
it.  tolerably  safe,  was  totidly  neglected  on  Mr.  Oock's  arrival,*  and 
unto  this  day^  remains  unfinished,  notwithstanding  the  repeated 
applications  of  Captain  Boone,  and  every  representetion  of  danger 
fit>m  ourselves. 

«  Our  plantolions  extend  near  two  miles  in  length,  on  the  river, 
and  up  a  creek.  Here  people  work  in  their  difierent  lots;  some 
witiiout  their  guns,  and  others  witbout  care  or  caution.  It  is  in 
vain  for  us  to  say  anything  more  about  the  matter;  it  cannot  be 
done  by  words. 

«Oar  company  has  dwindled  from  about  eighty  in  number  to 


*  A  iMMengar  Mat  aliMd  of  ttiM  uain  hoij^ 


1776. 


hbndibson's  lsttbr. 


288 


aboat  fifty  odd,  and  I  believe  in  a  few  dajs  will  be  considerably 
less.  Amongst  these  I  have  not  heard  one  person  dissatisfied  with 
the  country  or  terms;  but  go,  as  they  say,  merely  because  their 
business  will  not  admit  of  longer  delay.  The  fitot  is,  many  of  them 
are  single,  worthless  fellows,  and  want  to  get  on  the  other  side  of 
the  mountains,  for  the  sake  of  saying  they  have  been  out  and  re- 
tamed  safe,  together  with  the  probability  of  getting  a  moutiifiil  of 
bread  in  exchange  for  their  news. 

"We  are  seated  at  the  mouth  of  Otter  creek,  on  the  Kentucky, 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  the  Ohio.  To  the  west, 
about  fifty  miles  from  us,  are  two  settlements,  within  six  or  seven 
miles  one  of  the  other.  There  were,  some  lime  ago,  about  one 
hundred  at  the  two  places;  though  now,  perhaps,  not  more  than 
sixty  or  seventy,  as  many  of  them  are  gone  up  the  Ohio  for  their 
families,  &c. ;  and  some  returned  by  the  way  we  came,  to  Virginia 
and  elsewhere. 

"On  the  opposite  of  the  river,  and  north  frora  us,  about  forty  miles, 
is  a  settlement  on  the  crown  lands,  of  about  nineteen  persons;  and 
lower  down,  towards  the  Ohio,  on  the  same  side,  there  are  some 
other  settlers,  how  many,  or  at  what  place,  I  ca>  't  exactly  learn. 
There  is  also  a  party  of  about  ten  or  twelve,  witL  a  surveyor,  who 
is  employed  in  searching  through  the  country,  and  laying  off  offi- 
cers' lands;  they  have  been  more  than  three  weeks  witliin  ten  miles 
of  us,  and  will  be  several  weeks  longer  ranging  up  and  down  the 
country. 

"  Colonel  Harrod,  who  governs  the  two  first  mentioned  settle- 
ments, (and  is  a  very  good  man  for  our  purpose,)  Colonel  Floyd, 
(the  surveyor,)  and  myself,  are  under  solemn  engagements  to  com- 
municate, willi  the  utmost  dispatch,  every  piece  of  intelligence 
respecting  danger,  or  sign  of  Indians,  to  each  other.  In  case  of 
im^ssion  of  Indians,  both  the  other  parties  are  instantly  to  march, 
and  relieve  the  distressed,  if  possible.  Add  tc  this,  that  our  coun- 
try is  so  fertile,  the  growth  of  grass  and  herbage  so  luxuriant, 
that  it  is  almost  impossible  for  mad  or  dog  to  travel,  without  leav- 
ing such  sign  that  you  might,  for  many  days,  gallop  a  horse  on  the 
trail.  To  be  serious,  it  is  impossible  for  any  number  of  people  to 
pass  through  the  woods  without  being  tracked,  and  of  course 
discovered,  if  Indians,  for  our  hunters  all  go  on  horseback,  and 
could  not  be  deceived  if  they  wer»  to  come  on  the  trace  of  foot- 
men. From  these  circumstances,  I  think  myself  in  a  great  measure 
secure  agfunst  a  formidable  attadc;  and  a  few  skulkers  could  only 
16 


284 


BB3IDBB8(Hr'-S  URnML 


1776. 


Icill  one  or  two,  which  would  not  maoh  affect  ihe  interest  of  .the 
company."* 

■Upon  the  28d  of  May,  the  persons  then  in  the  coontry  were 
called  on  hy  Henders<m  to  send  representatives  to  Boonesborongh, 
to  agree  upon  a  form  ofgovemmeut,  and  to  make  laws  for>the  con- 
duct  of  the  inhabitants.  From  the  jonmal  of  this  ^primitive  legis- 
latare^  it  appears  that,  besides  Bonesboro',  three  settlements  wero 
represented,  viz:  Kuvodsburg,  which  had  been  fonudedby  James 
flarrod,  in  1774,  thoogh  afterward  fbr  a  time  abandoned,  in  oonie- 
qnenee  of  Danmore's  war;  the  Boiling  spring  settlement,  alto 
headed  by  James  Harrod,  who  had  returned  to  the  west  early  in 
1775;  and)  St.  Asaph,  in  Linooln  county,  where  Benjamin  Xogu, 
who  is*  said  to  have  crossed  the  mountains  with  Henderson,  ym 
buildinghimself  a  station,  well  Imown  -in  the  troubles  with  the 
Indians  which  soon  followed. 

The  labors  of  this  first  of  western  legislatures  were  fruitless,  as 
the  Transylvania  colony  was  soon  transformed  into  the  county  of 
Sentnolcy,  and  yet  scine  notice  of  them^seems  proper.  There  were 
.{nresent' seventeen  representatives ;  they  met  about  fifty  ^ards  firom 
the  banksof  the  Kentucky,  under  the  budding  branches  of  a  vast 
elm,  "while  around  their  feet  sptsmg  the  native  white  clover,  as « 
oarpet'fortheir  hall  of  legislation.  >When  God's  blessinghad  been 
tasked  by  the  ^ev.  John  Lythe,  .Colonel  •Henderson  <^red  m 
address  on  behalf  of  the  proprietors,  from  which  are  selected,  a.few 
paragraphs  illustrative  of  the  spirit  of  the  men  and  times. 

**  Our  peculiar  circumstances  in  this  remote  country,  surrounded 

onall  udeswith  difficulties,  and  equally  snlgectito.  one  common 

dai^er,  which  threatens  our.  common  overthrow,  must,  I  think,  in 

•their  effects,  secure  ^to  us  an' union  of  interests, and  consequently 

that  Iwrmony  in  (pinion  ao  essential'  to  the  forming  igO!od,'Wi8e, 

I  and  wholesome  laws.    If  any  doubt  remain  <«moagst  yon  ^h 

respect  to  the  foree  or  efficacy  of 'Whatever  laws  youTnow  orihere- 

^after  .make,  be  pleased  <to  connder  that  all  i  power  <is  ■  originally  in 

itho  .people ;  ther^re,  make  it  .thor  interest,  ^by  impartial  .and 

^beneficial  >laws,<aBd  yourmaybe'Sote  of)  their  .inclination  toriee 

them  «Qforeed.   <For.  it  is  jtot  to  the  supposed.thatia  pe9ikle,iac»oiiB 

tand.*  desirous  to  >bave  laws  >made— >^ho  tapprove  of  thetinetlMNl  of 

.ohoonng  •delegates  or  riepresanlatives, 'to  ime«\t  in  igeaeMltconven- 


•  HaU's  SketohM,  U.  260  to  271. 


im. 


HIXOBBSON'S  LBaiSLATUBE. 


285 


tioa  fw  tbAt  paipose,  can  want  the  necesstuy  and  conoomitant 
virtue  to  oany  tbe^l  into  ezeoution. 

"K«yi  gentlemen,  for  aigument's  «ake,  let  us  set  virtue  for  a 
moment  out  cf  the  questiQU,  .and  see  how  the  matter  will  then 
etand.  Ton  must  admit  that  it  is,  and  ever  will  bo,  the  interest  of 
a  large  .majority  that  the  laws  should  be  esteemed  and  held  sacred ; 
if  so,  surely  this  large  majority  can  never  want  inclination  or  power 
to  give  sanction  and  efficacy  to  those  veiy.law^  which  advance  their 
interest  and  seo^sre  their  property. 

"Among  the  many  objects  that  must  present  themselves  for 
your  consideration,  the  first  in  order  must,  from  its  importance,  be 
that  of  establishing  courts  of  justice,  or  tribunals  fw  the  punish- 
ment,of  such  as  may  offend  against  the  laws  you  are  about  to  make. 
.A^  this  law  will  be  the  chief  corner-stone  in  the  ground-Work  or 
basis  of  our  constitution,  let  us  in  a  particular  manner  recommend 
the  most  dispassionate  attention,  while  you  take  for  your  guide  as 
much  of  the  spirit  and  genius  of  the  laws  of  England  as  can  be 
interwoven  with  those  of  this  country.  We  are  all  Englishmen, 
or,  wh|it  amounts  to  the  same,  ourselves  and  our  others  have,  for 
many  gene^tions,  experienced  the  invalaable  blessings  of  that 
most  excellent  oonstitntion,  and  surely  we  cannot  want  motives  to 
Qopy  ^m,so ^ojble  an  original. 

"J^^y  things,  no  doubt,  crowd  upon  your  minds,  and  seem 
equally ito  den^and  ypur  attention ;  but  next,  to  that  of  restraining 
vice  anjd  immorality,  surely  nothing  can  be  of  more  importance 
than  estiabUshing  .some  plain  and  easy  method  for  the  recovery  of 
debts,.Aud  determining  matters  of  dispute  with  respect  to  property, 
contpwits,  torts,  injuries,  ke.    These  things  are  so  essential,  that  if 
not  tstrictly  .|t^nded  to,  our  name  will  become  odious  jabroad, 
and  ourpeiace  of  shortand  precarions  duration;  it  would  ffye  hon- 
est and  disinterested  persons  cause  to  suspect  that  there  was  some 
cplorable -reason  at  least,  fw  the  unworthy  and  scandalons  asser- 
tions,, together  urith  tl^e  grQuj^less  insinuations  conljiuned  in  an 
ia^mc^s  i^nd  scurrilous  libel*  lately  printed .  and  published,  con- 
cerning ^e  settlement  of  this  country,  the  author  of  which  avails 
himself  of  his  station,  and  under  the  specious  pretense  of  proclama- 
tidn,,pompously  d^^ed  up^^nd  decQi|[ated  in  the^urb  of  authority, 
hi»8  T^t^ned  iavect|vj(^^f  i^he  inpst  ,m,alignant  Mnd,  and  endeavors 
to  W|(pn4 1il^,gppd  n^Mn^e  of  .perfH?n8,,j(irh(»e,mpral  chfusiicter  wP^ld 


i^|<W»..%flP««^«i?<Nhw«»«o«»- 


m 


BBlTDaitSOH's  LBOtSLATITRl. 


1778. 


derive  little  advantage  by  being  placed  in  comparison  with  his, 
chaiging  them  amongst  other  things  equally  nntrae,  with  a  design 
<of  forming  an  asylam  for  debtors  and  other  persons  of  desperate 
circumstances;'  placing  the  proprietors  of  the  soil  at  the  head  of 
a  lawless  train  of  abandoned  villians,  against  whom  the  regal 
anthoritf  ought  to  be  exerted,  and  every  possible  measure  taken  to 
put  an  immediate  stop  to  so  dangerous  an  enterprise. 

"I  have  not  the  least  doubt,  gentlemen,  but  that  your  conduct  in 
this  convention  will  manifest  the  honest  and  laudable  intentions  of 
the  present  adventurers,  whilst  the  conscious  blush  confounds  the 
willfiil  calumniators  and  officious  detractors  of  our  infant,  and  as 
yet,  little  community. 

"Next  to  the  establishment  of  courts  or  tribunals,  as  well  for  the 
punishment  of  public  ofifonders  as  the  recovering  of  just  debts, 
that  of  establishing  and  regulating  a  militia,  seems  of  the  greatest 
importance;  it  is  apparent,  that  without  some  wise  institution 
respecting  our  mutual  defense,  the  different  towns  or  settlements 
are  every  day  exposed  to  the  most  imminent  danger,  and  liable  to 
be  destroyed  at  the  mere  will  of  the  savage  Indians.  Nothing,  I 
am  persuaded,  but  their  entire  ignorance  of  our  weakness  and  want 
of  order,  has  hitherto  preserved  us  from  the  destructive  and  rapa- 
cious hnnds  of  cruelty,  and  given  us  an  opportunity  at  this  time 
of  forming  secure  defensive  plans  to  be  supported  and  carried  into 
execution  by  the  authority  and  sanction  of  a  woU-digested  law. 

"There  are  sundry  other  things,  highly  worthy  your  oonsideratiou, 
and  demand  redress ;  such  as  the  wanton  destruction  of  our  game, 
the  only  support  of  life  amongst  many  of  us,  and  for  want  of  which 
the  country  would  be  abandoned  ere  to-morrow,  and  scarcely  a 
probability  remain  of  its  ever  becoming  the  habitation  of  any  Chris- 
tian people.  This,  together  with  the  practice  of  many  foreigners, 
who  make  a  business  of  hunting  in  our  country,  killing,  driving 
o£^  and  lessening  the  number  of  wild  cattle  and  o^er  game,  whilst 
the  value  of  the  skins  and  flirs  is  appropriated  to  the  benefit  of 
persons  not  concerned  or  interested  in  our  settlement;  these  are 
evils,  I  say,  that  I  am  convinced  cannot  escape  your  notice  and 
attention."  ♦ 

To  this  the  representatives  of  the  infant  commonwealth  replied, 
by  stating  their  readiness  to  comply  with  the  recommendations  of 
the  proprietor,  as  being  just  and  reasonable,  and  proceeded,  \nth 


•See  Butler*!  Kentnekjr,  p.  608. 


ms. 


TBHrSTLVANLL  OKOAMIZID. 


287 


pruMworthy  diligence,  to  pan  the  neoessary  acts.  They  were  iu 
Be«Bioa  three  working  days,  in  which  time  they  enacted  the  nine 
following  laws:— one  for  eatablishing  courts;  one  for  pnnishing 
crimes;  a  third  for  regulating  the  militia;  a  fourth  for  punishing 
swearing  and  SabbaUi-breaking;  a  fifth  providing  for  writs  of 
attachment;  a  sixth  fixing  fees ;  and  three  others  for  preserving  the 
range,  improving  the  breed  of  horses,  and  preserving  game.  In 
addition  to  these  laws,  this  working  House  of  delegates  prepared 
a  compact,  to  be  the  basis  of  relationship  between  the  people  and 
owners  of  Transylvania.  Some  of  its  leading  articles  were  these : 

"  That  the  election  of  delegates  in  this  colony  be  annual. 

<(  That  the  convention  may  acyourn  and  meet  again  on  their  own 
adijoumment,  provided,  that  in  oases  of  great  emergency  the  pro- 
prietors may  call  together  the  delegates  before  the  time 'adjourned 
to,  and  if  a  minority  does  not  attend,  they  may  dissolve  them  and 
call  a  new  one. 

"That  to  prevent  dissennon  and  delay  of  business,  one  proprie- 
tor shall  act  for  the  whole,  or  some  one  delegated  by  them  for  that 
purpose,  who  shall  always  reside  in  the  colony. 

"  That  there  be  a  perfect  religious  freedom  and  general  tolera- 
tion—provided, that  the  propagators  of  any  doctrine  or  tenets, 
widely  tending  to  the  subversion  of  our  laws,  shall  for  sncli 
conduct  be  amenable  to,  and  punishable  by  the  civil  courts. 

"That  the  judges  of  Superior  or  Supreme  Courts  be  appointed 
by  the  proprietors,  but  'be  supported  by  the  people,  and  to  them 
be  answerable  for  their  mal-conduot 

"That  the  judges  of  the  inferior  courts  be  recommended  by  the 
people,  and  approved  of  by  the  proprietors,  and  by  them  commis- 
sioned. * 

"  That  all  civil  and  military  officers  be  within  the  appointment 
of  the  proprietors. 

"That  the  office  of  Surveyor  General  belong  to  no  person  inter- 
ested, or  a  partner  in  this  purchase. 

"That  the  Legisli^ve  authority,  after  the  strength  and  maturity 
of  the  colony  will  permit,  consist  of  three  branches,  to  wit:  the 
delegates  or  representatives  chosen  by  the  people,  a  council  not 
exceeding  twelve  mea,  possessed  of  landed  estate,  residing  in  the 
colony,  and  the  proprietors. 

"  That  the  convention  have  the  sole  power  of  raising  and  appro- 
priating all  public  moneys,  and  electing  their  treasurer." 

On  tiie  27th  of  May,  tids  Legislature  adjourned  to  meet  again 
upon  the  first  Tuesday  of  the  next  September, — ^though  it  does  not 
appear  that  it  ever  did  so. 


288 


vniMM  A9P-  wutam. 


1775. 


From  the  time  of  the  nnpopiidar  trMty  of  Gnnp  Charlotte,  the 
weetern  people  hod  been  ftpprahensive  of  ext»Diive  iqjinry  to  th» 
Amerioan  firootien  from  the  IndUne^  inetigated  bj  agents  raaching 
Uiem  throuj^  Canada,  whenevev  the  expected  outbreak  with 
England  took  place.  Nor  was  it  long  before  tiie  Amerioans  in  the 
north  saw  the  dangem  to  be  ftared  from  the  action  of  the  Indiani^ 
inflnenoed  bj  the  British ;  and  early  in  Magr,  1776,  the- provinoiil 
Oongreas  of  Massachosetts^  wrote  to  the  Reirerend  Samnel  Eurk- 
land,  then  a  miwionaiy  among  the  Oneidas,  informing  him,  thai 
having  heard  that  the  English  were' trying  to  attach  the  Six  Nations 
to  their  interest,  it  had  beem  thought  proper  to  ask  tiie  several 
tribes,  through  him,  to*  stand  neutral.  Steps  were  also  taken  to 
secure  the  cooperation,  if  poanble,  of  the  Penobscot  and  Stools 
bridge  Indiuis;  the  latter  of  whom  replied^  that,  though  they  never 
could  understand  what  the  quarrel  between  the  provinces  and  old 
England  was  about,  yet  they  would  stand  by  the  Amerioans. 
They  also  offered  to  "feel  the  mind"  of  the.  Iroquois,  and  tiy  to 
bring  them  over. 

But  the  Iroquois  were  not  easSy  to  be  won  over  by  any  means. 
Sir  'William  Johnson,  so  long  the  Ung's  agent  am(H^  them,  and 
to  whom  they  looked  with  the  confidence  of  children  in  a  fathei^ 
had  died  suddenly,  in  June,^  1774^  and  the  wild  men  had  been  left 
under  the  influence  of  Colonel  Ouy  Johnson,  Sit  William's  son-in* 
law,  who  succeeded  him  aa  siq>erintendent,  and  (tf  John  Johnson, 
Sir  William's  son,  ^bo  succeeded  to  his  estates  and  hontNs.  Both 
these  men  were  Tories;  and  their  influence  in  fiuror  of  England 
was  increased  by  that  of  the  celebrated  Joseph  Brant..  This  trio, 
acting  in  coigunction  with  some  of  the  rich  old  royalists  along  the 
Mohawk,  opposed  the  whole  movement  of  the  Bostonians,  the 
whole  spirit  of  the  PhiladelphiaCongress,  and  every  attempt,  open 
or  secret,  in  &vor  of  the  rebels.  Believing  Mr.  Kirkland  to  be  lit- 
tle better  thm  a  Whig  in  ^sguise,,  and  fearing  that  ha  might 
alienate  the  tribe  in  which  he  was  fimn  their  old  faith,  and  through 
them  influence  the  others,  the  Johnsons,  whilo  the  war  was  still 
bloodless,  made  strong  efforts  to  remove  him  from,  his  position. 

Nor  were  the  fears  of  the  Johnsons  greui^less>  as  is  shown  by 
the  address  of  the  Oneida.  Indians  to>  the  Hfew  England  govemorsy 
in  which  they  state  their  intention  of  remaining  neutral  during  so 
unnatural  a  quarrel  as  that  just  then  c(Mnmeneing«  But  this  inten- 
tion the  leading  tribe  of  the  great  la^an  confederacy  meant  to  dis* 
torb,  if  possible.  The  idea  was  suggested  that  Suy  Johnson  wj 
in  danger  of  being  seized  by  tiie  BoBtimiamSy  and  an  attempt  was 


1T76. 


noiAiw  aub  bmtibb. 


madiB  to  ndiyabcat  hiln  th*  Mv^get  m  »  body*ga»rd';  whi]>i>h«^  on 
bis  pMt^  wrote  to  the  neighboring  magistrates,  hold{ng>  out  to  them 
as  a  terror,  the  excitement  of  the  Indians,  and  the  dangers  to  be 
feared  from  their  rising,  if  he  were  seized,  or  their  rights  inter- 
fered with. 

So  stood  maitters  In  the  Mohnwk  valley,  dariug  the  month  of 
May,  1776.  The  Johnsons  were  gathering  a  little  army,  which 
soon  amounted  to  five  hundred  men ;  and  the  Bevolutionaiy  com* 
mittees,  resolute  never  to  yield  one  hair's  breadth,  **  never  to  sub- 
mit to  any  arbitrary  acts  of  any  power  under  heaven,"  were- 
denouncing  Oolonel  Guy's  conduct  as  "arbitrary,  illegal,  oppres- 
sive,  and  unwarrantable."  <*  Watch  him/'  wrote  Washington  to 
General  Schuyler,  in  June;  and^  even  before  that  order  was  given, 
with  the  Tiyon  county  men  above  him  on  the  river,  and  ihe  whoU 
Provinoial  foroe  below  him,  he  was  likely  to  be  well  watched. 
Finding  himself  thus  fettered,  and  feeling  it  to  be  time  to.  ti^e 
some  decided  step,  the  superintendent,  early  in  June,  began  to 
move  westward,  accompanied  by  his  dependents,  and  the  great 
body  of  the  Mohawk  Indians,  who  remained  firm  in  the  British 
interests.*  He  moved  first  to  Fort  Stanwiz,  (afterward  Fort 
Schuyler,  near  the  present  town  of  Borne,)  and'  then  went  on  to 
Ontario,  where  he  arrived  early  in  July,  and  held  a  congress  with 
thirteen  hundred  and  forty  warriors,  whose  old  attachment  waa 
Hien  and  there  renewed.  Joseph  Brant,  be  it  noted,  during-  all 
this  time>  waa  acting  as  the  superintendent's  secretary. 

All  of  the  Six  Nations,  except  the  Oneidas  and  Tuscarovas,  might 
now  be  deemed  in  alliance  with  the  British.  Those  tribes,  chiefly 
tiirough  the  exertions  of  Mr.  Eirldand,  were  prevented  from  going 
with  the  others,  and  upon  the  28th  <tf  June,  at  German  Flats,  gave 
to  the  Americans  a  pledge  of  neuteali1|y.t 

While  the  members  of  the  Northern  Confederacy  were  thus  divi- 
ded in  their  attachments,  the  Delawarea  of  the  upper  Ohia  were  by 
no  means  unanimous  in  tiieir  opinions  aa  to  this<  puzsling  tiiuzuly 
quarrel  which  was  coming  on ;  and  Congress,  having  been  informed 
on  the  1st  day  of  June,  that  the  western  Virginians  stood  in  fear  of 
the  Indians,  wxtk  whom  Lord  Dnnmore,  in  hia  small  way,  was,  as 
they  thou^tj  tampering,  it  was  determined  to  have  a  conference 
held  at  Pittsbuigh,  to  explain  to  the  poor  red  men  the  causes  of 


*  stone,  Toi  L  p.  77. 


f  Stone,  vol.  i.  p.81. 


f40 


AMBRIOANS  BUK  INDIAn  ALUAHOES. 


1776. 


the  snddon  division  of  their  old  enemies,  and  tiy  to  persuade  them 
to  keep  peace.  This  conferenoe  did  not  meet,  however,  until  Oc- 
tober. V  * 

Nor  was  it  from  the  northern  and  western  tribes  only,  that  hos- 
tilities were  feared.  The  Oherokees  and  their  neighbors  were 
mneh  dreaded,  and  not  without  cause;  as  they  were  then  less  under 
the  control  of  the  whites  than  either  the  Iroquois  or  Delawares, 
and  might,  in  the  hope  of  securing  their  freedom,  be  led  to  unite, 
in  a  warfare  of  extermination  against  the  Garoliuas.  Accordingly, 
early  in  July,  Congress  having  determined  to  seek  the  alliance  of 
the  several  Indians  nations,  three  departments  were  formed ;  *  a 
northern  one,  including  the'  Biz  Nations,  and  all  north  and  east  of 
them,  to  the  charge  of  which  General  Schuyler,  Oliver  Wolcott, 
and  three  others,  were  appointed;  a  middle  department,  including 
the  Western  Indians,  who  were  to  be  looked  to  by  Messieurs 
Franklin,  Henry,  and  Wilson:  and  a  southern  department,  inclad- 
ing  all  the  tribes  south  of  Kentucky,  over  which  commissionen 
were  to  preside,  under  the  appointinent  of  the  South  Carolina 
Council  of  Safety.  These  commissioners  were  to  keep  a  close 
watch  upon  the  nations  in  their  several  departments,  and  upon  the 
king's  superintendents  among  them.  These  officers  they  were  to 
seize,  if  they  had  reason  to  think  them  engaged  in  stirring  up  the 
natives  against  the  colonies,  and  in  all  ways  were  to  seek  to  keep 
those  natives  quiet,  and  out  of  the  contest.  Talks  were  also  pre- 
pared to  send  to  the  several  tribes,  in  which  an  attempt  was  made 
to  illustrate  the  relations  between  England  and  America,  by  com- 
paring the  last  to  a  child  ordered  to  carry  a  pack  too  heavy  for  its 
strength.  The  boy  complains,  and,  for  answer,  the  pack  is  made  a 
little  heavier.  Again  and  again  the  poor  urchin  remonstrates,  but 
the  bad  servants  misrepresent  the  matter  to  the  fiither,  and  the  boy 
gets  ever  a  heavier  burden,  till  at  last,  almost  broken-backed,  he 
throwB  off  the  load  altogether,  and  says  he  will  cany  it  no  longer. 
This  allegoiy  was  intended  to  make  the  matter  clear  to  the  pack- 
carrying  red  men,  and,  if  we  mayjudge  fromHeckewelder's  account, 
it  answered  the  purpose ;  for,  he  says,  the  Delawares  reported  the 
whole  story  very  correctly.  Indeed,  he  gives  their  report  upon  the 
187th  page  of  his  "Narrative,"  which  report  agrees  very  well  with 
the  original  speech,  preserved  to  us  in  the  Journals  of  the  Old 
Congress. 


*  "Old  Journals,"  toI.  i.  p.  118,  &o. 


17T6. 


AMBBIOANS  TBBAT  WITH  DTDIAHS. 


241 


The  first  oonferenoe  held  by  the  commiBMonera,  was  in  the 
northern  department,  a  grand  congreBS  coming  together  at  Albany, 
in  August.  Of  this  congress,  a  full  account  may  be  found  in  CoL 
Stone's  first  volume.  It  did  not,  however,  fully  represent  the  Six 
Nations,  and  some  even  of  those  who  were  present  immediately 
afterward  deserted  to  the  British,  so  that  the  result  was  slight. 

The  next  conference  was  held  at  Pittsburgh  with  the  western 
Indians,  in  October,  and  was  attended  by  the  Delawares,  Senecas, 
and,  perhaps,  some  of  the  Shawanese.  The  Delaware  nation  were 
divided  in  their  views  touching  the  Americans.  One  uf  their 
chieftains,  Captain  White-Eyes,  a  man  of  high  character  and  clear 
mind,  of  courage  such  as  became  the  leader  of  a  race  whose  most 
common  virtues  were  those  of  the  wild  man,  an'l  of  a  forbearance 
and  kindness  as  unusual  as  fearlessness  was  frequent,  among  his 
people, — ^this  true  man  was  now,  as  always,  in  favor  of  peace,  and 
his  influence  carried  with  him  a  strong  party.  But  there  were 
others  again  who  longed  for  war,  and  wished  to  cany  the  whole 
nation  over  to  the  British  interest.  These  were  led  by  a  cunning  and 
able  man,  called  Captain  Pipe,  who,  without  the  energy,  moral 
daring,  and  unclouded  honesty  of  his  opponent,  had  many  quali- 
ties admirably  suited  to  win  and  rule  Indians.  Between  these  two 
men,  there  was  a  division  from  the  beginning  of  the  Bevolution 
till  the  death  of  White-Eyes.  At  the  Pittsburgh  Conference  the 
Peace  Chief,  as  he  was  called,  was  present,  and  there  asserted  his 
freedom  of  the  Six  N^ations,  who,  through  their  emissaries  present, 
tried  to  bend  the  Delawares,  as  they  had  been  used  to  do.  His 
bold  denial  of  the  claim  of  the  Iroquois  to  rule  his  people,  was 
seized  upon  by  some  of  the  war-party  as  a  pretext  tor  leaving  the 
Muskingum,  where  White-Eyes  lived,  and  withdrawing  toward 
Lake  Erie,  into  the  more  immediate  vicinity  of  the  English  and 
their  allies. 

The  Shawanese  and  their  neighbors,  meantime,  had  taken  coun- 
cil with  Guy  Johnson,  at  Oswego,  and  might  be  considered  as  ip 
league  with  the  king.  Indeed,  these  bewildered  savages  cannot 
bfc  blamed  for  leaguing  themselves  with  any  power  against  those 
actual  occupants  of  their  hunting-grounds,  who  were  here  and 
there  in  Kentuclqr,  building  block-houses  and  clearing  corn-fields. 
Against  those  block-houses  and  their  builders,  little  bands  of  red 
men  continually  kept  sallying  forth,  supplied  with  ammunition 
from  Detroit  and  the  other  western  posts,  and  incited  to  exertion 
by  the  well  known  stimulants  of  whisky  and  fine  clothes. 


«t 


J3imiaiB>  UBVTB^  WITH-  BRIZmi 


ITTSi 


Hcmrevei;  iti»  hardly  oeaexect  to-M7,.that  this  was  done  in  1775, 
though  the  arrangements  were^  heyond  donbt,  made  in  that  year, 
Ool.  Johnson  having  visited  Montreal,  immediately  after  tiie  ooun- 
oil' with  the  Shawanese  and  others^  at  Oswego,  for  tiie  purpose  of 
oonoloding  with  the-  British  governor  and  general  upon  his.fhtare 
conra& 

Bbt  although  the  dangers  of  the  posts  more  immediately  e:^osed 
tOL' Indian  invanons  were  understood,  hoth  east  and  west,  it  did  not 
prevent  «nigrati<»i.  In  June^  1775,  Boone  had  sought  the  settle* 
ments  once  more,  in  order  to  remove  lus  £unily ;  and  in  the  follow- 
ing September,  with  four  fiamales,  the  fearless  mothers  of  Ken- 
teokjr,  v»«rossed  the  mountains.  These  four  women  were  his  own 
wife,  Mrs.  M'Gtary,  whose  husband  afterward  attained  distinction 
in  the  battle  of  the  Blue-licks,  Mrs.  Dentom,  and  Mrs.  Hogan ; 
their  husbandsand  cMldren  came  with  them,  and  more  thui  twenty 
other  men,  able  to  bear  anus,  were  also  of  the  party. 

At  the  close:  of  1775^  the  country  along  the  Kentucl^  was  filling 
wilh  emigrants,  although  doubt  and  dissatisfection  already  existed 
as  to  Henderson's  purchase,  and  especially  as  to  holding  lands  of 
proprietors,  and  being  governed  by  them — ^many  of  the  new  settlers 
not  being  ignorant  of  the  e^ls  brought  on  Pennsylvania  by  means 
oi  the  Proprietary  rule.  But  hope  was  still  predominant,  and  the 
characters  of  B^rrod,  Floyd,  Logan,  and  the  Harts  were  well  calcu- 
laisd  to  inspire  confidence. 

B  was  toward  the  close  of  this  last  yearof  our  colonial  existence^ 
1775,  that  a  plot  was  discovered,  which  involved  some  whose  names 
have  already  appeared  upon  these  pages,  and  which,  if  successful, 
would  have  influenced  the  fortunes  of  the  West  deeply.  Pr.  John 
Ckmnolly,  of  Pittsburgh,  i^Hiom  Washington  had  met  taid  talked 
with,  in  1770,  and  with  whom  he  bad  afterward  corresponded  in 
xslation  to  western  lands,  and  who  played  so  prominent  a  part  as 
Qommandant  of  Pittsburgh,  where  he  continued  at  least  through 
1774,*  was,  from  the  outset  of  the  revolutionary  movements  a 
Tory;  and  being  a  man  extensively  acquainted  with  the  West,  a 
man  of  talent,  and  fearless  withal,  he  naturally  became  a  leader. 
This  man,,  in  1775,  planned  a  union  of  the  north-western  Indians 
with  British  troops,  which  combined  forces  were  to  be  led,  under 


*  Amnwaii.  ArohiifM»  Fonrth  SasiM*  Tok  i>,  pi.  Ui7S^ 


1775i 


OONNOZXY  JfOaBLWamt)  ASO:  DCnaSOHBD. 


248 


hig  command,  fiovx  Deitroi^  and,  afUv  mvaging  tiie  le^  frontier 
settle  nents^  were  to  join  Lordr  Dunmore  in  Eattom  "^ipni*.  To 
forward  his  plana^  Connolly  vintad  Boston,,  to'  see.  General  Qaga;. 
then,  having  retoimed  to  the  south,  in  the  &11  o£  1776,  he  left  Lord. 
Dimmore  for  the  West,  bearing  one  set  of  instraetiona  upon  hi* 
person,,  and  another  set,,  the  true  ones,,  most  artfbUy  oonceated*. 
under  the  direction  of  Lord  Bonmore  himself,  in  his  saddlsi  secured, 
by  tin  and  waxed  cloth.  He  and  his  comxadesj,  among,  whom  waa 
Dr«  Smythj  the  author  of  the  doubtfol  work  already  quoted,  had) 
gone  as  far  as  Hi^erstown,  where  they  were  arrested  upon  Btt8i»>> 
oion,  and.  sent  back  to  Frederick.  There  they  were  searched,  aad 
the  papers  upon  Connolly's  person  were  fbnnd^  seized,,  and  sent  to 
Congress.  Washington,,  having  been  informed  by  (me  who  was 
present  when  the  genuine  instmotiona  were  connealad,  as  above 
stated,  wrote  twice  on  the  subject  to  the  proper  authorities^  in  ordes^ 
to  lead  to  their  discovery,,  but  it  is  not  known  that,  they  were  ewes 
found.  Connolly  h^ni^elf  was  confined,  and  remained  a  dose;  fOb- 
saner  till  1781,  coiii'  -ir^  muchiof  hia  havd  lot,.but  finding  few 
to  pity  him. 

After  the  Bevoluu«>.«,  ne  was  a  mischief  n.aker  in  Kantocb^,. 
Be  appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  earliest,  explorers  of  the  West, 
and,  in  1770,  proposed  a  province  which  would  have  included  all 
of  Kentucky  between  the  Cumberland  or  Shawanee  rivier,  and  a 
line  drawn  fix)m  above  its  £ork  to  the  falls,  and  the  Ohio.  He 
afterward  caused  to  be  surveyed,  patented,  and  advertised  for  sale, 
in  Aprils  1774,,  the  ground  i^on  whick  Louisville  was  built. 

Lft  the  aunids  of  Kentucky,,  thu  yeac  is  remiurkable  for.  the  reoog- 
1776.]  nition  by  Virginia  of  the  Transylvania,  colony,,  aa  a  part  «i 
the  Old  Dominion ;.  and  tor  such  a.  renewal  <^  hostilities  aa  drove 
many,,  who  had  come  to  make  the  West  their  homA,.  back  over  tiMr 
mountains  ag^un.  During  the  last  six  months  of  1775,  and  the  &aA 
half  of  1776,  the  northern,  savages,,  as  has  beea  stated,,  had  in  a 
great  measure  ceased  their  excursions  against  the  invadera  of  thus 
hunting-ground&  ^ot,.  however,,  because  i^By  had  given  up  the 
contest ;  they  were  preparing,  in  connection  witii  the  Britiak  agenti- 
in  the  north-west,  to  act  with  deadly  effiiciency  against  the  fcontiee 
stations,  uid  such  seems  to  have  been  the  feeling  of  tha.  inhabitant 
of  those  stations.  From  an  early  period  in  the  Bevolntionary  war, 
the  use  of  the  Indians  had  been  contemplated  by  both  parties  to 
the  struggle.  It  had  been  usual»  in  the  conteste  between  the 
French  and  the  English,  as  haa  been  seen.;  and  few  seem  to  have 


244 


AMBRXOANS  BMPI.OT  nTDIAVS. 


1776. 


deemed  it  possible  to  avoid  alliances  with  the  red  men.  It  has 
been  suggested,  but  it  is  not  known  on  what  e^dence,  that  the 
origin  of  Danmore's  war,  was  the  evil  feeling  produced  by  British 
envoys,  who  anticipated  a  struggle  with  the  colonists,  and  were 
acting  thus  early.*  Dunmore's  war  is,  however,  easily  explained 
without^resorting  to  any  such  abominable  supposition ;  but  there 
is  cause  to  think  that  England  took  the  first  steps  that  were  taken 
to  enlist  the  Indians  in  the  Revolutionary  contest.  The  first  men- 
tion of  the  subject  is  in  the  address  of  the  Massachusetts  Oongress 
to  the  Iroquois,  in  April,  1775.  In  that  they  say,  that  they  hear 
the  British  are  exciting  the  savages  against  the  colonies;  and  they 
ask  the  Six  Ifations  to  aid  them  or  sta^d  quiet. 

And  in  the  June  following,  when  James  Wood  visited  the 
western  tribes,  and  asked  them  to  a  council,  under  the  direction  of 
the  Vir^nia  House  of  Burgesses,  he  found  that  Qovemor  Carlton 
had  been  beforehand,  and  offered  the  alliance  of  England.  It 
would  seem  then,  that  even  before  the  battle  of  Lexington,  both 
parties  had  applied  to  the  Indians,  and  sought  an  alliance. 
In  the  outset,  therefore,  both  parties  were  of  the  same  mind 
and  pursued  the  same  course.  The  Congress  of  the  United 
Colonies,  however,  during  1775,  and  until  the  summer  of  1776, 
advocated  merely  the  attempt  to  keep  the  Indians  out  of  the  cmkit 
entirely,  and  instructed  the  commissioners  appointed  in  the  several 
departments  to  do  so.  But  England  was  of  another  mind. 
Promises  and  threats  were  both  used  to  induce  the  savages  to 
act  with  her,  though  at  first  it  would  seem  to  little  purpose,  for 
even  the  Canada  tribe  of  Caghnawagas  had  offered  their  aid  to 
the  Americans.  When  Britain,  however,  becamte  victorious  in 
the  North,  and  particularly  after  the  battle  of  the  Cedars,  in  May, 
1776,  the  wild  men  began  to  think  of  holding  to  her  side,  their 
policy  being,  most  justly,  in  all  quarrels  of  the  whites  to  stick  to 
the  strongest.  Then  it  was,  in  June  1776,  that  Congress  resolved 
to  do  what  Wdthingtm  had  advised  in  the  previous  April,  that  is,  to 
employ  the  savages  in  active  warfare.  Upon  the  19th  of  April  the 
commander-in-chief  wrote  to  Congress,  saying,  as  the  Indians 
would  soon  be  engaged,  either  for  or  against,  he  would  suggest  that 
they  be  engaged  for  the  colonies  ;t  upon  the  8d  of  May,  the  report 
on  this  was  considered;  upon  the  25th  of  May,  it  was  resolved  to 


*  Ameriean  ArohiTea,  Fonrth  Series, 
f  Spark'*  Washington,  vol.  Ui,  p.  864. 


1776. 


INDIANS  INFSBT  KBNTVOKT. 


246 


be  highly  expedient  to  engage  the  Indians  for  the  American 
service;  and,  upon  the  8d  of  June,  the  genelral  was  empowered  to 
raise  two  thousand  to  be  employed  in  Canada.  .  Upon  the  17^  of 
Jane,  Washington  was  anthorized  to  employ  them  where  he  pleased 
and  to  offAr  tiiem  rewards  for  prisoners;  and,  upon  the  8^  of 
July,  he  was  empowered  to  call  out  as  many  of  the  Nova  Scotia 
and  neighboring  tribes  as  he  saw  fit.* 

Such  was  the  course  .i  proceeding  on  the  part  of  the  colonies 
with  regard  to  the  employment  of  Indians.  The  stops  at  the  time 
were  secret,  but  now  the  whole  story  is  before  the  world.  Not  so, 
however,  with  regard  to  the  acts  of  England;  as  to  them,  there  are 
but  few  of  the  records  available.  One  thing,  however,  is  known, 
namely,  that  while  the  colonies  offered  their  allies  of  the  woods 
rewards  for  |>moners,  some  of  the  British  agents  gave,  them  mon«y 
for  sca7j9s,t— a  proceeding  that  cannot  find  any  justification. 

In  accordance  with  the  course  of  policy  thus  pursued,  the  north- 
western tribes,  already  angered  by  the  constant  invasion  of  their 
territory  by  the  hunters  of  Virginia  and  Carolina,  and  easily 
accessible  by  the  lakes,  were  soon  enlisted  on  the  side  of  England; 
and,  had  a  Pontiac  been  alive  to  lead  them,  might  have  d(me  much 
mischief.  As  it  was,  during  the  summer  of  17' 8,  their  straggliug 
parties  so  filled  the  woods  of  Kentucky,  that  no  one  outside  of  a 
fort  felt  safe.  But  no  better  picture  of  the  fear  and  anxiety  that 
prevailed,  can  be  given,  than  a  part  of  a  letter  from  an  inmate  of  the 
fort  at  Boonesborough,  written  at  that  time. 

"If  the  war  becomes  general,  of  which  there  is  the  greatest 
appearance,  our  situation  is  truly  alarming.  We  are  about  finish- 
ing a  large  fort,  and  intend  to  keep  possession  of  this  place  as  long 
as  possible.  They  are,  I  understand,  doing  the  same  thing  at 
Harrodsburg,  and  also  on  Elkhom,  at  the  Boyal  Spring.  The 
settlement  on  Licking  creek,  known  by  the  name  of  Hinkston's, 
has  been  broken  up;  nineteen  of  the  settlers  are  now  here  on  their 
way  in — ^Hinkston  among  the  rest  They  all  seem  deaf  to  any  thing 
we  can  say  to  dissuade  them.  Ten  at  least,  of  our  own  people,  are 
going  to  join  them,  which  will  leave  us  with  less  than  thirty  men 
at  this  fort.  I  think  more  than  three  hundred  men  have  left  the 
country  since  I  came  out,  and  not  one  has  arrived,  except  a  few 
ealtmeti  down  the  Ohio. 


*  Secret  Jomnklii,  toI.  i,  pp.  48-47. 
f  Jefferson's  Writings,  toI.  i,  p.  460. 


9i6 


olabk'4  Btsxtmmms  lur  mm/kvcky. 


1776. 


'«*^I  wmt-to  retani^!m«eli;Mi  My  p«n<m  eim  Ao;4»at  if  I  jlewre 
the  ooQDtiy  now,  there  is  MMeely  ope  eingle  nittn  wlw>  ^wiU  not 
follow  tiie  example.  When  J  think  of  the  depl<H»bte  ooodition  « 
^Mf  helpk«8  ftmilies  vre  Ukely  to  he  in,  I  oonolnde  to  iselll  my  life 
m  eariy  las  I  <»n  in  thdr  d«^Q8e,  «»ther  tbim  make  an  ignomini- 
one  escape. 

**I  am  afraid  it  is  in  vain  to  «pef(»  any  relief  frc^n  ^Vliig^ia;  yet 
"die  convention  onoonraged  the  settlement  of  this  qonntiy,  and  why 
should  not  the  extreme  pavts  lof  Fineastle  be  as  jnatly  entitled  to 
protection  «8«ny  other  part  of  the  oonntiy?  If  an  .expedition 
iwas  earned  on  against  those  nations  who  are  At  open  war  with  the 
pe<^le  in  general,  we  might  be  in  ja  great  ■measnie  relieved,  by 
drawing  them  off  to  defend  their  towns.  If  any  thing  under 
^HcAven  can  be  done  for  ns,  I  know  of  no  person  who  would  more 
willingly  engage  in  forwarding  j»  aatsistanoe  than  yourself.  J  do, 
at  the  request  and  in  behalf  of  all  the  distressed  women  and 
children,  and  other  inhabitants  of  this  place,  implore  the  aid  of 
every  leading  «ian  who  voff  have  it  in  Ma  pow^  to  give  us 
^ief. 

« I  cannot  write.  You  can  better  guess  At  my  ideas  from  what 
I  have i«Md,-tikan il:«ftn  jw^^ss  them." 


But  it  -was  not  destined  that  Kentud^Ahould  sit^und^r  her 
'Anals.  It '  .was  daring  this  very  summer  of  1776,  indj9e4)  that  the 
oomefHrtoneof  her  inosperity  wae  laid,  and  the  ^ret  step  taken 
toward  making  her  an  independent  xiommonwealth. 

'This  was  d(Hie  by  €}«orgeiBogMs  Olaik,  tiruly  h^rfonndor,  and 

the  most  lemiBMit  of  .1^e;eArfy  hfffoes  of -the  W^est.    Qe.was.bom 

iNovmaber 0L9, 11762,! in sAlbomMrlo  o<ninl7>  iVii^ia.    In-oarly  life, 

fbe  ihad  becai,  like  WAShiogton,  cA -siirveyor,  and  more  lately  had 

>flervedinl)onmoiefsfiiar.    Biefinrt <visited  iKentucl^ in:1775, and 

^beld  Apparently  At  that  timertike  ngmk  >  of -mnjor.   (B^tnrning  to 

lYir^nia,  in theiantumnof  177i5, hefprcpured-tormoyepennanently 

•Aotitite  iWest,  >in  ithefoUoiwiog  spring.    Sa^ng  :doiie  this  Aarly  in 

'M7J8,iCIIark,vwhoae;viei(RftrreAched  mut^.&Tlher  tl«»n  ithoee  of  most 

•«f  1  the  f|aonAere,«aat  Ikiraself  aeoouBlyrto  c^tmsideri  jkhect<llPP4iitioni  and 

>«prospeeter<«if  theiyfiimgmpiiblic  tOtm>bi^rhe;had  atta^^  hims^^* 

iS/to  Adfyurtages'^eaieetootobviousftojesflfq^eiai^i^ie ;  l^ut  the  dangers 

of  a  colony  so  far  beyond  the  old  lines  of  >{^(^iii|i(E^Q,(vWi/d.9(ncon- 

nected  with  any  of  the  elder  provinces,  while  at  the  same  time  the 

title  to  it  was  in  dispute,  had  not  impressed  all  minds  as  they 

should. 


1776. 


/KiRTDOKY  nnmotf. 


247 


•Clark  knew  that  Yhrgtnia  entirely  deniad  tiie  pnrohase  of  Hen- 
derson; he  knew  also  that  Henderson's  purohase  from  Ihe.Cbege- 
kees  was  of  the  eamersoil  which.  Sir  William  Johnson  had.pataha8ed 
for  the  king  in  1768,  from  the  ]jroqaoi8,:at  Fortfitanwiz;  he  was 
«ore,  also,  that  the  -Viiginia  settlers  wodld  never  he  easy  under  a 
proprietary  government,  however  founded;  and  saw  alrea^  with 
his  quick  eye,  vride-spjread  diesatisfiiction.  One  of  two  things  he 
deemed  the  frontier  settlements  must -be  neither  an  taoknowledged 
portion  of  Vir^ia,*  and  to  beby  her  aided  initheiriStmggles,— or 
.an  independent  commonwealth.  These  views. had  been  partially 
iformed  in  1776,  probably,  for  on  June  6th,  1776,  they  bad  attained 
isnffioient  currency  to  cause  the  gathering  of  a  general  meeting  at 
Harrodsburg,  to  bring  matters  to  an  issue.  Clark  was  not  present 
■at  the  commencement  of  the  meeting.  Had  he  been,  there  <is 
.reason  to  think  he  would  have  procured  tbe  election  of  envoys 
{authorized  to  lay  the  whole  business  before  the  Assembly  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  ask  the  admittance  of  IKentucky  by  itself  into  the 
.number  of  her  countiea.  As  it  was,  he  and  Gktbriel  Jones  were 
chosen  memben  of  the  Yirginia  Assembly,  and  the  following 
petition  was  prepared  and  signed  by  James  Harrod  And  <tighty- 
.  seven  others,  to  be  laid:before  that  b^y. 

"  To  the  Honorable  the  Convention  of  V^ginia. — ^The  SetlUQn.of  the 
inhabitants,  and  some  of  the  intended  settlers,  of  that  part  of 
ITorth  America  now  denominated  Transylvania,  hnmblyshewetb : 

"  WAerou,  some  of  <your  petitioners  became  ladventurevs  in  that 
:eountEy:from  the  advantageous  reports  of  :their  friends  who  fiist 
ioxplored  it, jand  others  sinee^allured  by  the  specious i show .ofiiie 
easy  terms  on  which  tbe  land  was  to  be  piQrohased:frt)mithose'who 
style  themselves  to  be  proprietom,  have,  at  *a  great  «Mpena»aQd 
inanyhaidships,' settled  Utere,  undenthe  jGutb  of 'holdi^  tiiejlan^s 
-by  An  indefeasiUe  title,  ^hieh  those  gentlemen^assiMred  li^iemiibey 
vwere  capable  of  making.  But  your  petitioaera  have<b«enigreatiy 
alarmed  at  the  late  conduct  of  tiiose  gentlemen,  in  adxatnoing'^.'tiie 
!  priee  of  1^  jpurchase  mon^  f rom^twenly  ah^Uioi^'to  fiHyi'Sfaillings 
sterling  ^r.bondred  ^acnes,  aadjotiithoaame^itimefba^ie  »uHmiwad 
the  fees  of  entry jmd^satveyingito  aiBMMtiexoiiiitant  fste;tiand,9by 
<the>8hort- period  pitefixed  .for  daking<»p(thefknds,MMrfn  lonothaee 
textcaTiigaat  termf^itheyt  platiily'  evinoe  theirjinteattoDSrfxf'dnBii^ian 


*  So  far  Fineastle  eoonty  had  b«en  heldjto  tnolad«.KentaQ]^,  bntjthe  inhaJdtanU  had 
no  lighU  or  pMttetton  ar  dtizens  of  1^rgin{a.->4larBhalV  1;*47 . 


248 


KKNTVOKT  PKTlTIOir. 


1776. 


their  demands  as  the  settlers  increase,  or  their  insatiable  avarice 
shall  dictate. 

"And  your  petitioners  have  been  more  jnstly  alarmed  at  such 
unaccountable  tad  arbitrary  proceedings,  as  they  have  lately 
learned,  from  a  copy  of  the  deed  made  by  the  Six  Nations  with  Sir 
William  Johnson,  and  the  commissioners  from  this  colony,  at  Fort 
Stanwiz,  in  the  year  1768,  that  the  said  lands  were  included  in  the 
cession  or  grant  of  that  tract  which  lies  on  the  south  side  of  the 
river  Ohio,  beginning  at  the  mouth  of  Oherokee  or  Hogohege 
River,  and  extending  up  the  said  river  to  Eettaning.  And,  as  in 
the  preamble  of  said  deed,  the  said  confederate  Indians  declare  the 
Oherokee  Biver  to  be  their  true  boundary  with  the  southern 
Indians,  your  petitioners  may,  with  great  reason,  doubt  the  validity 
Of  the  purchase  that  those  proprietors  have  made  of  the  Ohero. 
kees — ^llie  only  title  they  set  up  to  the  lands  for  which  they  demand 
such  extravagant  sums  from  your  petitioners,  without  any  other 
assurance  for  holding  them  than  their  own  deed  and  warrantee;  a 
poor  security,  as  your  petitioners  humbly  apprehend,  for  the  money 
that,  among  other  new  and  unreasonable  regulations,  these  pro- 
prietors insist  should  be  paid  down  on  the-  delivery  of  the  deed. 

"  And,  as  we  have  the  greatest  reason  to  presume  that  his  majesty, 
to  whom  the  lands  were  deeded  by  the  Six  Nations,  fur  a  valuable 
consideration,  will  vindicate  his  title,  and  think  himself  at  liberty 
to  grant  them  to  such  persons,  and  on  such  terms  as  he  pleases, 
your  petitioners  would  in  consequence  thereof,  be  turned  out  of 
possession,  or  be  obliged  to  purchase  their  lands  and  improvements 
on  such  terms  as  the  new  grantee  or  proprietor  might  think  fit  to 
iinpose;  so  that  we  cannot  help  regarding  the  demand  of  Mr.  Hen- 
derson and  his  company  as  highly  unjust  and  impolitic,  in  the 
infifuit  state  of  ^Jie  settlement,  as  well  ae  greatly  injurious  to  your 
petitioners,  who  would  cheerftilly  have  paid  the  considertion  at 
first  stipulated  by  the  company,  whenever  their  grant  had  been 
confirmed  by  the  crown,  or  otherwise  authenticated  by  the  supreme 
l^islature. 

"And,  as  we  are  anxious  to  concur  in  every  respect  with  our 
brethren  of  the  united  Oolonies,  for  our  just  rights  and  privileges, 
as  fiu*  as  our  in&nt  settiement  and  remote  situation  will  admit  of, 
we  humbly  expect  and  implore  to  be  taken  under  the  protection  of ' 
the  honorable  Oonvention  of  the  Oolony  of  Virginia,  of  which  we 
cannot  help  thinking  ourselves  still  a  part,  and  request  your  kind 
interposition  in  our  behalf,  that  we  may  not  suffer  under  the  rig- 
orous demands  and  impositions  of  the  gentiemen  styling  themselves 


1776. 


OLABK  AKD  JOHtt  ILIOTBB  BILMATM. 


249 


proprieton,  wh6,  the  better  to  eflbot  their  opprenive  derigni,  have 
g^ven  them  the  color  of  » Iftw,  en«cted  by  a  eeore  of  men,  ftttftillj 
picked  from  the  flaw  adventnten  who  went  t6  tee  the  coitntiy  Uuit 
gammer,  overawed  by  the  presence  of  Mr.  Hendersoii. 

'*  Aiid  that  yon  would  take  sacb  measnres  ai  yottr  hobore,  in  yoar 
wisdom,  shall  judge  most  expedient  for  restoring  peace  and  har^ 
mony  to  our  divided  settlement;  or,  if  you^  honors  apprehend  that 
our  case  comes  more  properly  before  the  honorable  the  Gtenerai 
Oongress,  that  you  would,  in  your  goodness,  recommend  the  same 
to  your  worthy  delegates,  to  espouse  it  as  the  cause  of  the  colony. 
And  your  petitioners,  &c." 

Olark  knew  perfectly  well  thit  the  legislature  of  his  native  State 
would  not  acknowledge  the  validity  of  the  election  of  delegates 
from  the  firontiers,  but  hoping  nevertheless  to  effect  his  Object; 
such  a  recognition  of  the  Virginia  claim  to  Kentucky  as  would 
insure  her  aid  in  the  defense  of  the  stations,  he  and  his  companion 
took  tiie  southern  rout»  by  the  Oumberland  Gap,  and  after  sufiiBP- 
ing  agonies  from* "  scald  feet,"  at  length  reached  their  destination, 
only  to  learn  that  the  Assembly  had  adjourned.  Thii  of  course 
caused  a  delay  in  part  of  their  proceedings,  but  the  keOn-nitted 
soldier  saw  that  before  the  legislature  met  again,  he  might,  by 
proper  steps,  effect  much  that  he  wished  to;  he  lost  no  time,  there- 
forci,  in  waiting  upon  PatrickHenry,  then  governor,  and  explaining 
to  him  the  capabilities,  the  dangers,  the  wishes,  and  the  necessities 
of  thb  settlers  in  the  &r  west — asked  for  a  supply  of  the  first  necev- 
sary  of  life,  gunpowder.  The  governor  was  fovorably  disposed, 
and  gave  Clark  a  letter  to  the  Executive  Council,  being  himiielf 
sick;  and  unable  to  go  with  him  to  Williamsbuig,  the  seat  of  gOv* 
ernment  at  that  time. 

But  the  Council  were  very  cautious,  and  While  they  would  lend  the 
powder,  if  Clark  would  be  answerable  for  it,  and  pay  fbr  its  trane> 
portation,  they  dared  not,  until  the  Assembly  had  recognised  the 
Kentucky  stations  as  within  Yii^nia,  do  more.  Claik  presented, 
and  again  presented  the  impossibility  of  his  conve^ng  the  powder 
to  so  grieat  a  distance,  through  a  country  swarming  With  foes.  The 
Council  listened  patiently,  but  dared  not  run  any  risk.  An  order 
was  issued  for  the  powderon  the  terms  proposed,  but  the  infiexible 
pioneer  would  have  none  of  it,  atid  indosing  the  order  i^in  to  the 
Council,  told  them,  that  since  Virginia  would  not  aid  her  children, 
they  must  look  elsewhere — ^that  a  land  not  worth  defending  was 
not  worth  claiming,  of  course — and  so  he  bade  them  good-bya. 
17 


'260 


OLAEK  OBTAIITB  OUMPOWDBR. 


1776. 


These  intimations  were  not  to  be  overlooked ;  the  whole  matter 
WM  agittn  weighed  in  the  Ooanoil,  and  probably  the  governor's 
advice  taken,  after  which,  npon  the  28d  of  August,  an  order  was 
issued  for  placing  the  ammunition  required  at  Pittsburgh,  sub- 
ject  to  Mi^or  GUrk's  order,  for  the  use  of  the  inhabitants  of 
"Kentucki."* 

One  of  his  objects  being  thus  in  the  main  accomplished,  Olark 
prepared  himself  to  urge  the  suit  of  the  Transylvania  colonists  be- 
fore the  legislature  when  it  should  meet  in  the  fall,  having  first 
written  to  his  friends  at  the  west  that  powder  was  waiting  them 
at  Pittsburgh,  which  they  must  manage  to  get  down  the  river. 
When  the  Assembly  met,  Messrs.  Clark  and  Jones  on  the  one 
hand,  and  Henderson  and  his  friends  on  the  other,  proceeded  to 
lay  before  it  the  whole  question  of  proprietorship  in  the  Kentucky 
purchase  from  the  Cherokees.  The  contest  must  have  been  one  of 
considerable  severity,  for  it  was  not  till  December  7, 1776,  that  the 
success  of  the  delegates  appointed  in  June  was  made  certain  by  the 
erection  of  the  re^^on  in  dispute,  together  with  all  that  now  forms 
the  State  of  Kentucky,  into  a  county  of  that  name.  His  second 
great  «m  secured,  (and  he  probably  considered  it  so  before  the  actual 
passage  of  the  law,)  Clark  and  his  associate  were  on  the  point  of 
returning  at  once  to  the  frontier,  by  the  southern  route,  when  they 
fortunately  heard  that  their  gunpowder  still  lay  at  Pittsburgh. 
The  truth  was  that  Clark's  letter  to  his  western  friends  had  mis- 
carried.  At  once  the  envoys  determined  to  go  back  by  way  of  the 
Ohio,  and  see  their  five  hundred  pounds  of  ammunition  safe  to  the 
stations  themselves. 

When  they  reached  Pittsburgh,  they  learned  that  many  Indians, 
it  was  thought  with  hostile  intentions,  were  lurking  thereabouts, 
who  would  probably  follow  them  down  the  river;  but  no  time  was 
to  be  lost,  no  matter  what  dangers  threatened,  so  with  seven  boat- 
men, the  two  delegates  embarked  upon  the  Ohio,  and  succeeded  in 
reaching  safely  Limestone  creek,  w^>ere  Maysville  has  been  since 
built.  Setting  their  boat  adrift,  lest  it  should  attract  attention, 
they  concealed  their  treasure,  as  they  best  could,  along  the  barks 
of  tile  creek,  and  started  for  Harrodsburg,  to  procure  a  convoy.  On 
tiie  way  they  heard  of  Colonel  Todd  as  being  in  the  neighborhood 
with  a  band  of  men ;  Jones  and  five  of  the  boatmen  remained  to 
join  this  party,  and  return  with  it  for  the  powder,  while  Clark  and 


*  Butler,  second  •ditioa,  488,  fiTM  the  order. 


im. 


nOUBLH  ON  nil  XOKTHIRir  VROMTin. 


2IS1 


the  other  two  poshed  forward  to  the  Eentaol^.  Jones  and  Todd 
having  met,  tamed  their  itepe  toward  the  Ohio,  bat  were  aaddenly 
attacked  on  the  26th  of  December,  near  the  Bine  Lioke,  by  a  partj 
of  natives,  who  had  strook  Clark's  trail,  were  deflMted,  and  Jones, 
with  two  others,  were  killed.*  Clark,  however,  reached  Harrods> 
buig  in  safety,  and  a  party  was  sent  thenoe,  which  brought  the  gun- 
powder to  the  forts. 

The  year  1776  might  be  said  to  have  passed  without  any  serious 
1777.]  ii\iai7  to  the  colonists  from  the  various  Indian  tribes, 
although  it  was  clear  that  those  tribes  were  to  be  looked  on  as 
engaged  in  the  war,  and  that  the  minority  of  them  were  with  the 
mother  country.  Through  the  west  and  north-west,  where  the 
agents  of  England  could  act  to  the  greatest  advantage,  dissatisfac- 
tion  spread  rapidly.  The  nations  nearest  the  Americans  found 
themselves  pressed  upon  and  harassed  by  the  more  distant  bands, 
and  through  the  whole  winter  of  1776-77,  rumors  were  flying  along 
the  frontiers  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania,  of  coming  troubles.  Nor 
were  the  people  of  New  York  less  disturbed  in  their  minds,  the 
settlers  upon  the  Mohawk  and  upper  Susquehanna  standing  in 
continual  dread  of  incursion.f  No  incursion,  however,  took  place 
during  the  winter  or  spring  of  1777;  though  why  the  blow  was 
delayed  cannot  well  be  known  until  Great  Britain  has  magna- 
nimity enough  to  unveil  her  past  acts,  and,  acknowled^ng  her 
follies  and  sins,  show  the  world  the  various  steps  to  that  union 
of  the  savages  against  her  foes,  which  her  noble  Chatham  denounced 
as  a  "disgrace,"  and  "deep  and  deadly  sin." 

That  blow  was  delayed,  however;  and,  alas!  was  struck  at 
length,  after,  and  as  if  in  retaliation  for  one  of  those  violent  acts  of 
wrong,  which  must  at  times  be  expected  from  a  frontier  people. 
Cornstalk  was  the  leading  chieftain  of  the  Scioto  Shawanese;  a 
man  whose  energy,  courage,  and  good  sense,  placed  him  among  the 
very  foremost  of  the  native  heroes  of  this  land.  This  truly  great 
man,  who  was  himself  for  peace,  but  who  found  all  his  neighbors, 
and  even  those  of  his  own  tribe,  stirred  up  to  war  by  the  agents  of 
England,  went  over  to  the  American  fort  at  Point  Pleasant  at  the 
month  of  the  Oreat  E!anawha,  in  order  to  talk  the  matter  over  with 
Captain  Arbuckle,  who  commanded  there,  and  with  whom  he  was 


*  Clark's  aecoont  in  DiOoa's  IndiMU,  128. 
f  Jornnnl  of  the  Old  CoogreH— Stone,  &«. 


S62 


nilAOHIMOVS  MVBDIE  OF  COWntAhM, 


1771 


■oqiiAint«d.  Thla  wm  taly  in  fhe  ramiMr  of  1777.  The  Ameri- 
o«ns  knowing  the  Shewsnese  to  be  inclining  to  the  enemy,  thoaght 
it  wvrald  be  •  good  plnn  to  retain  Oornetelk  and  Redhswic,  a 
yonnger  chief  of  note,  who  wm  with  him,  end  make  them  hostagte 
for  the  good  conduct  of  their  people.  The  old  warrior,  aooordingly, 
after  he  had  finished  hit  statement  of  the  petition  he  waa  in,  and 
the  neceaaitj  under  which  he  and  his  fiienda  wonld  be  of  "going 
with  the  stream,"  unless  the  Long-Knives  could  protect  them,  found 
that,  in  seeking  counsel  and  safety,  he  had  walked  into  a  trap,  and 
was  fhst  there.  However,  he  folded  his  arms,  and  with  Indian 
calmness,  waited  the  issue. 

The  next  morning,  flrom  the  opposite  shore  was  heard  an  Indian 
hail,  known  to  be  from  Ellinipsico,  the  son  of  Cornstalk.  The 
Americans  brought  him  a^so  into  their  toils  as  a  hostage,  and  wera 
thankful  that  they  had  t».ns  secured  to  themselves  peace;  as  if 
iniquity  and  deception  ever  secured  that  first  condition  of  all  good! 
Another  day  rolled  by,  and  the  three  captives  sat  waiting  what  time 
would  bring.  On  the  third  day,  two  savages  who  were  unknown 
to  the  whites,  shot  one  of  the  white  hunters^  toward  evening* 
Instantly  the  dead  man's  comrades  raised  the  cry,  "Kill  the  red 
dogs  in  the  fort."  Arbuckle  tried  to  stop  them,  but  they  were  men 
of  blood,  and  their  wrath  was  up.  The  Oltptidn's  own  life  wsu 
threatened  if  he  offered  any  hindrance.  They  rushed  to  the  house 
where  the  captives  were  confined,  Oometalk  met  them  at  the  door, 
and  fell,  pierced  with  seven  bullets;  his  son  and  Redhawk  died 
also,  less  calmly  thari  their  veteran  companion,  and  more  painftilly. 
From  that  hour,  peace  was  not  to  be  hoped  for.* 

But  this  treachery  closed  by  murder,  on  the  part  of  the  Ameri. 
cans,  in  no  degree  caused,  or  excuses  the  after  steps  of  the  British 
a^nts;  for  almost  at  the  moment  when  Cornstalk  was  dying  upon 
the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  there  was  a  congress  gathering  at  Oswego, 
under  the  eye  of  Colonel  Johnson,  '*to  eat  the  flesh  and  drink  Oxe 
blood  of  a  Bostonian;"  in  other  words,  to  arrange  finally  the 
measures  which  should  be  taken  against  the  devoted  rebels  by 
Christian  brethren  and  their  heathen  allies. 

In  Kentucky,  meanwhile,  Indian  hostilities  had  been  unceas- 
ing: 
From  Clark's  journal,  it  appears  that  on  the  6th,  7th,  18th  and 


*  Doddridge,  287.— WiUMn*  Border  Wurftn,  Iftl. 


^r 


17T7. 


BXTBBiii  sumKuro  n  yhb  wmt. 


268 


2lth"of  Mvrob;  on  th*  7th,  Mth  Mid  29th  of  April;  on  th«  28d  Md 
80th  of  Mftj;  on  tho  S2d  of  Jono;  on  the  26th  of  Angatt;  nnd  on 
the  nth  of  September,  predntoiy  nttnoks  were  mede,  end  mnrderi 
oommitted  by  the  Induini  in  nil  the  eettlemente  end  eronnd  the  forte 
and  blook-lkoniee. 

At  timea,  the  etedoni  were  aieidled  by  luge  bodiee  of  anyegee; 
•t  timea,  lingle  aettlera  were  picked  off  by  atngle,  aknlking  fbea. 
The  honea  and  cattle  were  driven  away ;  the  comfielda  remained 
naoultivated ;  the  nttmbera  of  the  whitea  became  fewer  and  fewer, 
and  from  the  older  eettlemente  little  or  no  aid  came  to  the  frontier 
etations,  until  Ool.  Bowman,  in  Angust,  1777,  came  from  Vii^n:«> 
with  one  hundred  men.  It  was  a  time  of  enffering  and  diatroci 
through  all  the  coloaiea,  which  waa  in  moat  of  them  bravely  borne; 
bat  none  suffered  more,  or  ahowed  more  courage  and  fortitude, 
than  the  aettlera  of  the  Weat  Their  conduct  baa  excited  leaa  ad- 
miration out  of  their  own  aection  than  that  of  Marion,  and  men 
like  him,  because  their  strug^es  had  less  apparent  connection  with 
the  great  cauae  of  American  independence.  But  who  iball  say 
«riiat  would  have  become  of  the  reaittance  ot  the  coioniea,  had 
England  beMt  able  to  pour  from  Canada  her  troops  ppon  the  rear 
of  the  rebela,  aasisted,  «a  she  would  have  been,  by  all  the  Indian 
nations?  It  may  have  been  the  conteats  before  the  stationa  of 
Eentuclqr,  uid  Clark's  bold  incurriona  into  Blinoia,  and  against 
Vincennes,  which  turned  the  oft-tottering  fortnnee  of  the  great 
struggle. 

But  whaterer  may  be  thought  of  this,  very  many  incidents  of 
Western  history  present  a  most  pictureeque  and  touching  character, 
during  the  period  that  elapsed  from  1777  to  1780.  Time  has  no*  yet 
so  mellowed  their  features  as  to  give  them  an  air  of  romance  ;>rc- 
cisely;  but  the  essence  of  romance  ia  in  them,  hx  illustration, 
one  or  two  of  these  incidents,  fiimiliar  enough  in  the  West,  but 
stiU  worthy  of  repetition,  will  be  mentioned. 

One  of  the  eminent  men  of  Kentucky,  in  thoae  and  !»idr  timest 
was  (General  James  Bay.  While  yet  a  boy,  he  had  proved  himself 
able  to  outrun  the  best  of  the  Indian  wamors ;  and  it  was  when 
but  seventeen  yean  of  age  that  he  performed  the  service,  for  a  dis- 
tressed garrison,  of  which  we  are  about  to  apeak.  It  waa  in  the 
winter  of  1776--77,  a  winter  of  starvation.  Bay  lived  at  Harrods- 
burg,  which,  like  the  other  stations,  was  destitute  of  com.  There 
was  game  enough  in  the  wooda  around,  but  there  were  also  Indians 
more  than  enough,  and  bad  the  sound  of  a  gun  been  heard  in  the 


..j^ 


m 


T,U«AN'i  fiTATION  ATTAOXND. 


1777. 


u<»)ghbi)rhocMl  of  a  ntHtlou,  It  wonld  hAv«  Ininrod  the  dfwtb  of  tht 
one  who  diiehAi'ited  H.  Under  tbeae  eirenniitAnoeH,  Kfiy  resolved 
to  hunt  »t  n  dlntiuioe.  There  wm  one  honie  \«i^  of  »  drove  of  forty, 
whiuh  Mi^or  M'Oiiry  hud  brought  to  the  We«t)  mi  old  horse,  hHh- 
M  And  Rtrouit,  hut  notHtted  to  run  the  gnuntlet  through  the  fbriHit. 
Itey  took  thlH  wolitttry  Muinml,  nnd  hefbre  dny  dAwn,  dfiy  by  dny, 
mid  week  by  week,  rode  nolneleiily  Along  the  runs  And  river*  until 
he  WAi  Ikr  enough  to  hunt  with  iAflBty ;  then  he  killed  hl«  gnme, 
And  by  night,  or  In  the  dunk  of  the  evening,  retmoed  hli  Htepa. 
And  thui  the  gArrl«on  lived  by  the  drnlng  lAbore  of  thl«  itrlpUng 
of  Mttventeen.  Older  hunters  tried  his  pUn,  And  were  dUoovered  i 
but  he,  by  hit  aAgueity,  boldnewi,  oAre,  And  skill,  snfely  pursued  hli 
disinterested  And  dAugerous  employment.,  And  sueoeoded  in  eon* 
stAutJy  Avoiding  tlie  perils  thAt  beset  him.  It  is  not  likely  that 
Boone,  or  Any  one,  ever  showed  more  peri^etly  the  quAlitles  of  s 
superior  woodsiuAii  thAii  did  Huy  through  thAt  winter. 

If  Any  one  did,  however,  it  was  surely  Boi^Amin  l^ogAn,  in  th« 
spring  of  thAt  sAine  yoAr.  Logan  erossed  the  mountAlns  with  Hen* 
derson,  in  1775,  And  was  of  eonrse  one  of  the  oldest  settlers,  lu 
MAy,  1777,  the  fort  At  whleh  LogAu  lived  was  surrounded  by  In- 
dlAns,  more  tliAn  a  hundi*ed  in  number;  And  so  silently  hAd  they 
innde  their  ApproAeh,  thAt  the  Arst  notloe  whluh  the  gArrlsou  hsd 
of  their  presence  was  a  disoliArge  of  tlreurins  upon  some  men  who 
were  gUArding  the  women  as  tliey  milked  the  oows  outside  the 
stAtiou,  One  was  killed,  a  seuund  mortuUy  wounded,  and  a  third, 
iiAmed  IlArrison,  disAbled.  This  poor  mnn,  unable  to  Aid  hlutself, 
lAy  in  sight  of  the  fort,  whore  his  wife,  who  saw  his  condition,  wmh 
begging  some  one  to  go  to  his  relief.  But  to  Attempt  such  a  thing 
seemed  mAdness;  fbr  whoever  ventured  iVom  either  side  into  the 
open  ground,  whero  HArrison  lay  writhing  And  groaning,  would 
instantly  beuome  a  target  for  All  the  sliArpshooters  of  the  opposito 
pATty.  For  scnue  moments  LogAn  stood  it  pretty  well ;  lie  tried 
to  perHuudo  himself,  and  tlio  poor  womAn  who  was  pleAding  to  him, 
thAt  his  duty  required  him  to  remain  within  the  walls  And  let  the 
SAVAges  complete  tu^ir  bloody  work.  But  suoh  a  hoArt  as  his  was 
too  WArm  to  bo  long  restrained  by  Arguments  And  judioious  oxpo- 
dieucy ;  luid  suddenly  turning  to  bis  men,  he  uried,  "  Come,  buys, 
who's  tlie  man  to  help  me  in  witli  Harrison  ?"  There  wore  brsvo 
men  there,  but  to  run  into  certain  deatli  in  order  to  save  a  inAu 
whom,  after  all,  they  could  not  save— -it  was  asking  too  much ;  and 
oil  shook  their  hoAds,  and  shrunk  back  from  the  mad  proposal. 
"  Not  one !  not  one  of  you  help  a  poor  fellow  to  save  his  soalpY" 


ITTT. 


iOtiAV  OnTAIHN  AMMUVITION  AT  HOMTOV. 


80A 


«  Why,  whnt'N  th«  good,  oAptftIn  i  to  let  tbo  red  tmqiA*  kill  um  wont 
help  IIiirrlNon !"  At  liMt,  one,  hnlf  Iniplred  hy  ^ogiin'ii  impetnouii 
ooumge,  Agreed  to  go;  Ite  oould  die  but  onee,  he  Maid,  nnd  WM 
about  an  reader  then  an  he  Mhould  ever  be.  The  gate  w^  slightly 
opened,  and  the  two  doomed  mem  utepped  out ;  Iniitantly  a  tenapeNt 
of  rifle  ballH  opened  upon  them,  and  Logan'H  oompanion,  rapidly 
reanunlng  hiniHelf  into  the  belief  that  he  wan  not  «o  ready  to  die  m 
ho  had  believed,  bolted  baok  into  the  itatlon.  Not  »o  hi*  noble> 
hearted  leader.  Alone,  through  that  tempest,  ho  sprang  forward 
to  whoru  the  wounded  man  lay,  and  while  hli  hat,  hunting-»hlrt, 
and  hair  were  out  and  torn  by  the  ooaNeleM  Nhower,  he  lifted  hiN 
oontrade  like  a  child  In  hli  arniH,  and  regained  the  fort  without  a 
•orateh. 

But  thlN  roHoue  of  a  fellow-boing,  though  worthy  of  record  In 
immortal  vorHe,  was  nothing  uompared  with  what  thlN  Name  Benja* 
min  Logan  did  soon  after.  The  Indians  oontlnuod  their  siege;  still 
they  made  no  Impression,  but  the  garrison  were  running  short  of 
powder  and  ball,  and  none  oould  be  procured  oxoept  by  crossing 
tlio  mountains.  To  do  this,  tho  neighboring  forest  must  bo  passed, 
thronging  with  Indians,  and  a  Journey  of  some  hundred  miles  ao> 
oompllshod  along  a  path  every  portion  of  whtoh  might  be  waylaid, 
and  at  last  tho  fort  must  bo  rO'Ontorod  with  the  articles  so  much 
needed.  Buroly,  if  ever  an  onterpriso  seemed  hopeless.  It  was  this 
one,  and  yet  tho  thing  must  be  tried.  Logan  pondered  the  matter 
oarolblly ;  bo  calculated  tho  distance,  not  less  than  four  hundred 
miles  in  and  baok ;  ho  ostimatod  tho  aid  f^om  other  quarters ;  and 
in  tbo  silence  of  night  asked  wisdom  and  guidance  from  Qod.  Nor 
did  ho  ask  in  vain ;  wisdom  was  given  him.  At  night,  with  two 
picked  companions,  ho  stole  from  the  station,  every  breath  bushed. 
Tho  summer  leaves  wore  thick  above  them,  and,  with  the  pro- 
foundost  care  and  skill,  Logan  guided  his  followers  from  tree  to 
troe,  Arom  run  tG  run,  unseen  by  tbo  savages,  who  dreamed  not, 
probably,  of  so  dangerous  an  undertaking.  Quickly,  but  most 
cautiously,  pushing  eastward,  walking  forty  or  fifty  miles  a  day, 
tho  three  woodsmen  passed  onward  till  tho  Cumberland  range  wai 
in  sight;  then,  avoiding  the  Gap,  which  they  supposed  would  be 
watched  by  Indians,  over  those  rugged  hills,  whore  man  had  never 
climbed  before,  thoy  forced  their  way  with  untiring  energy,  and  a 
rapidity  to  us,  dogenorato  as  we  arc,  inconceivable. 

Tho  mountains  crossed,  and  tho  valley  of  tho  Ilolston  reached, 
Logan  procured  his  ammunition,  and  then  turned  alone  on  his 
homeward  track,  leaving  his  two  companions,  with  full  directions, 


266 


rOM  B|Ur|lT  XBBBAXINBO^ 


177T. 


to  IqUqw  him  move  nbw^  with  the  le^  and  powder.  He  retiw»ed 
jffiSiliP^  *the;in,  beofuae  he  wished  to  reyiTe  the  hope*  of  hlf  lijttle 
gan^n  in  th9  wilderoesB,  namhering  as  it  d,id,  l^  his  absence, 
only  ten  men*  and  they  without  <he  n^eiuu  of  4'Qf<Bnse.  He  fearcid 
^^  wonld  yield,  If  he  delayed  an  hoar;  so  back,  like  a  ohi^ois, 
he  sped  oyer  thpse  iM^oi^en  and  prctcipi^ij^s  ranges,  itsid  a«taal]ly 
retQJ^ed  and  re-entered  his  fort  in  ten  days  from  ^e  time  he  jt^^  it, 
f/l^ftnd  foil  of  hope,  Snch  a  spirit  wonld  haye  made  eyeii  iromen 
4/^  and  do  eyeiy  thing,  and  by  hijB  influence  the  |U|Bge  was  still 
ra^i^ted  till  the  ammnnitsop  came  safe  tp  hand,  ^rom  May  till 
September  that  little  band  was  thus  bes|Bt;  then  Colonel  Bowman 
jrelieyed  them.  In  the  midst  of  thi|t  summer,  as  j^^leoi^  Rogers 
Clark's  journal  has  it,  "  Lieutenant  Linn  was  married — ^great  mer- 
riment t"  This  was  a]b  Harrodsburgt  near  by  JjQfBai'9  station. 
Such  was  the  front^r  life  t 

.  It  was  a  jtiying  year,  1777,  for  those  little  forts  in  the  wild^^eo?* 
At  the  close  of  it,  three  settlements  only  existed  in  the  ^pterior-— 
Harrpdsbuig,  Boonesborough,  and  Logtm's;  aud  pf  the«e  thi^9 
tiie  whole  military  population  w^  but  one  hundred  and  tWQ  in 
^umbjDr! 

I^Tor  wmi  it  in  Kentncl^  alone  that  the  Indians  w«e  biisy. 
Through  the  spiping  and  summer  constant  attacks  wen  made  upon 
this  settlements  in  the  neighborhood  of  "Vnieeling.  Ajt  this  point, 
^e  Zanes  had  settled,  in  1770,  and  here,  in  1774,  Connolly,  or  the 
iettlers,  by  his  direction,  had  built  a  fort,  called  Fort  Finoastje,* 
after  the  name  of  the  western  county  of  Virginia.  In  this  a  bod^ 
of  men  was  left  by  Lord  punmore,  when  he  made  his  treaty  with 
tl^e  Sbawanese,t  and  through  the  whole  of  1775  and  1776  it  was 
occupied  by  more  or  fewer  soldiers;  indeed,  in  those  times  aU  men 
were  soldiers,  an4  hostility  from  the  Indians  daily  anticipated. 
This  fort^  in  1776^  was  called,  in  honor  of  the  eloquent  goyprj^or  oS 
yirginia^  Fort  Heniy,  and  was  the  centn^l  point  between  Fort  Pitt 
and  the  works  at  the  mouth  of  Kanawha, 

lEarly  in  the  autnnm  of  1777^  word  from  friendly  Indians,  per- 
haps the  Christian  Delawares,  of  the  Muskingum,  or  perhaps  from 
Imwo  Zane,  the  brother  of  the  Wheeling  setUers,  reiMihed  General 
Hand,  who  commanded  at  Fort  Pitt,  informing  him  that  a  l^i|;e 
body  of  the  north-western  Indians  was  preparing  to  f^tack  the 


*  &*argtt  R.  Ohurk*  ii  Mdd  to  have  plMuiad  it.    (AbmHoui  PioBMr.  ii., 
t  AmwiiaM  InhivM,  Fourth  Soriw^  U,  1189. 


im. 


rois  EiMntT  fpiqiaiD. 


m 


posts  of  the  uppcir  Ohio.  ThM9  c^ws  wim  qwciUj  i^rea4  ft1^n09d» 
and  all  wwe  wfttchii^  wl^ve  the  blow  would  oomct. 

On  the  evening  ot  Si^tember  26th,  smoke  was  seen  hy  tikoee 
near  Wheeling,  down  the  river,  and  wps  anm-osed  tq  pirojBeed  ftom 
the  bumiiig  of  the  block-hoiiise  at  G^ve  oreek,  and  the  people  of 
the  vicinity  tal^ng  the  aljarm,  betook  themselves  to  the  f<Mrt^  '^iHk- 
in  its  walls  were  fortgr-tiwo  %hting  men,  of  vftrious  «ge9  and  gifta; 
these  were  well  supplied  with  guns,  botl^  rifles  and  ig»iis|:ets^  b^ 
had  only  a  scant  supply  of  gun  powden  as  the  event  proved,  ^^e 
night  of  the  26th  passed  without  alarm,  but  whom  v«y  eariy  up<in 
the  27th,  two  men,  who  were  sent  out  for  horses,  in  order  to  alarm 
the  settlements  near  by,  had  proceeded  sonie  distance  fh>m  Ae  jGoft, 
tiiey  met  a  party  of  six  savages,  by  wh(nn  one  of  them  wits  idiott 

The  commandant  of  the  post,  Colonel  ShejAierd,  learning  &em 
the  survivor  that  there  weise  but  six  of  the  assailants,  sent  !^  ffffty 
of  fifteen  men  to  aee  to  them,  These  were  soffered  to  man^  aftw 
l^e  six,  who  seem  to  have  been  meant  merely  for  a  decoy,  until 
they  were  within  the  Ind^.r.n  lines,  when,  suddejdy,  in  liont^  be- 
hind, and  on  every  side,  the  punted  warriors  showed  thepnselves. 
The  little  band  fought  bravely  against  incalculable  odds,  but  <Mf  tbP 
fiilteen,  three  only  escaped,  and  they  by  Ij^eans  t^  the  brush  w4 
logs  which  were  in  the  corn-field  where  the  skinnid.  took  place. 
As  soon  as  the  position  of  the  first  band,  was  seen  at  tiie  fort,  thir- 
teen others  rushed  to  their  assistance,  and  shared  their  |«be.  Then, 
ft»d  it  was  not  yet  sunrise,  the  whole  body  of  Ludians,  disposed  in 
iK>mewhat  martial  order,  appeared  regularly,  to  invest  the  devoted 
fort  There  wero  nearly  four  hundred  of  them,  and  of  the  defend«e9, 
b^t  twelve  men  and  boys;  unless  indeed,  the  women  are  counted,  thm 
whom  none  wtn  braver  or  calmer  wUhin  the  waU$  of  that  Uttie  fertreU' 

The  IJQidians  were  led,  as  was  supposed,  by  3iiU0n  Girty,  who  wpty 
acting  as  an  agent  for  the  British^  in  the  attempt  to  secure  the  aid 
of  a  part^  at  anyrate,  of  the  frontier  i]aen,  in  the  Bevolutioi^V7 
struggle. 

Fort  Henry  stood  immediately  upon  the  bank  of  |ihe  014o,  about 
a  quarter  of  a  mile  above  the  mouth  of  WheelUig  creek,  and  W* 
tween  it  and  the  steep  river  hill,  with  which  every  tnftveler  in  tiie 
west  is  acquainted^  were  twenty  or  thirty  bg  huts.  When  Girty 
led  his  red  troops  against  the  fort,  he  at  once  tool^  possessioi^  of  the 
houses  of  tbo  village,  as  a  safe  nad  ready-made  line  of  attack,  and 
from  the  window  of  one  of  the  cabins  called  upon  the  little  garri> 
Bon  to  surrender  to  King  George,  ai^d  promised  absolution  to  all 
who  would  do  so.  Oo)>  Shepherd  ansiv^red  at  onpe  that  they  wou|d 


tlMAUl  HlBOISlf. 


1777. 


neither  desert  or  yield;  and  when  Girty  reoommencecLhie  eloquence, 
»  shot  from  some  impatient  listener  sudd«n1y  stopped  his  mouth. 

Then  commenced  the  siege.  It  was  jost  sunrise  in  the  valley, 
trough  which  the  quiet  river  flowed  as  peacefully  as  if  ▼  *r  was 
never  known.  A  oidm,  warm,  hright  Septemher  day — one  of 
those  days  most  lovely  among  the  many  pleasant  ones  of  a  year  in 
iiie  Ohio  valley.  And  from  sunrise  till  noon,  and  from  noon  till 
night  of  that  day,  the  hundreds  of  hesiegers  and  units  of  besieged, 
about  and  within  Fort  Henry,  ceased  not  to  load  and  discharge 
musket  or  rifle  till  it  was  too  hot  to  hold. 

About  noon  the  fire  of  the  assailants  slackened,  and  then,  as 
powder  was  scarce  in  the  fort,  and  it  was  remembered  that  a  keg 
was  concealed  in  the  house  of  Ebenezer  Zane,  some  sixly  yards  dis- 
tant, it  was  determined  to  make  an  effort  to  obtain  it.  When  the 
question  "  Who  will  go  ?  "  was  proposed,  however,  so  many  com- 
petitors appeared,  that  time  was  wasted  in  adjusting  the  claims  to 
what  was  almost  sure  death.  The  rest  of  the  story  is  ^ven  by  Mr. 
George  8.  McEieman,  from  whom  the  whole  account  is  derived. 

**At  this  crisis  a  young  lady,  the  sister  of  Ebenezer  and  Silas 
Zane,  came  forward  and  desired  that  she  might  be  permitted  to 
execute  the  service.  This  proposition  seemed  so  extravagant  that 
it  met  with  a  peremptory  refusal ;  but  she  instantly  renewed  her 
petition  in  terms  of  redoubled  earnestness,  and  all  the  remonstrancea 
oi  the  colonel  and  her  relatives  failed  to  dissuade  her  from  her 
heroic  purpose.  It  was  finally  represented  to  her  that  either  of  the 
young  men,  on  account  of  his  superior  fleetness  and  &miliarity 
with  scenes  of  danger,  would  be  more  likely  than  herself  to  do  the 
work  successfully.  She  replied  that  the  danger  which  would  attend 
the  enterprise  was  the  identical  reason  that  induced  her  to  offier  her 
services,  for,  as  the  garrison  was  very  weak,  no  soldier's  life  should 
be  piaced  in  needless  jeopardy,  and  that,  if  she  were  to  fall,  the  loss 
would  not  be  felt  Her  petition  was  ultimately  granted,  and  the 
gate  opened  for  her  to  pass  out.  The  opening  of  the  gate  arrested 
the  attention  of  several  Indians  who  were  straggling  through  the 
Tillage.  It  was  noticed  that  their  eyes  were  upon  her  as  she  lir  -A^'iA 
the  open  space  to  reach  her  brother's  house;  but  seized,  pexhaps 
with  a  sudden  freak  of  clemency,  or  believing  that  a  woman's  life 
was  not  worth  a  load  of  gunpowder,  or  influenced  by  some  other 
unexplained  motive,  they  permitted  her  to  pass  without  molesta- 
tion. When  she  reappeared  with  the  powder  in  her  arms,  the  In- 
dians suspecting,  no  doubt,  the  character  of  her  burden,  elevated 
their  firelocks  and  discharged  a  volley  at  her  as  she  swiftly  glided 


177T. 


IZPLOrr  Of  MAJOR  M  OOLLOOH. 


towatd  the  giite;  bat  the  balls  flew  wide  of  tbe  mark,  and  the  te$r- 
less  girl  readied  the  fort  in  safety  with  her  prise."* 

The  allies  of  Britain,  finding  rifles  powerless  when  used  against 
well-built  block-hoases  and  pickets,  determined  upon  trying  an 
extemporary  cannon,  and  having  bound  a  hollow  maple  with 
chuns,  having  bored  a  toach  hole,  and  plugged  up  one  end,  they 
loaded  it  liberally  and  leveled  it  at  the  gate  of  the  impregnable 
castle.  It  was  now  evening,  and  the  disappointed  Wyandots 
gathered  about  their  artilleiy,  longing  to  see  its  loading  of  stones 
open  to  them  the  door  of  the  American  citadel.  The  match  was 
applied ;  bursting  into  a  thousand  pieces,  the  cannon  of  Girty 
tore,  maimed,  and  killed  his  copper-colored  kinsfolk,  but  hurt  no 
one  else. 

During  thiBt  ^ight  many  of  the  assailants  withdrew  disheartened. 
On  the  morning  of  the  28th,  fifteen  men  came  from  Cross  creek  to 
the  aid  of  Fort  Henry,  and  forty-one  from  Short  creek.  Of  these, 
all  entered  the  fort  except  Mfyor  McGoUoch,  the  leader  of  the 
Short  creek  volunteers,  who  was  separated  from  his  men,  and  left 
at  the  mercy  of  the  natives.  His  escape  is  thus  described  by  Mr. 
McEieman : 

"  From  the  very  commencement  of  the  war,  his  reputation  as  an 
Indian  hunter  was  as  great,  if  not  greater,  than  that  of  any  white 
man  on  the  north-western  border.  He  had  participated  in  so  many 
renconters,  that  almost  every  warrior  possessed  a  knowledge  of 
his  person.  Among  the  Indians  his  name  was  a  word  of  terror; 
they  cherished  against  him  feelings  of  the  most  frenzied  hatred, 
and  there  was  not  a  Mingo  or  Wyandot  chief  before  Fort  Henry 
who  would  not  have  given  the  lives  of  twenty  of  his  warriors  to  se- 
cure to  himself  the  living  body  of  Miyor  McCoIlooh.  When,  there- 
fore, the  man  whom  they  had  long  marked  Out  as  the  first  object  of 
their  vengeance,  appeared  in  their  midst,  they  made  almost  superhu- 
man efibrts  to  acquire  possession  of  his  person.  The  fleetness  of  Mr. 
McGoUoch's  well-trained  steed  was  scarcely  greater  than  that  of  his 
enemies,  who,  with  flying  strides,  moved  on  in  pursuit.  At  length 
the  hunter  reached  the  top  of  the  hill,  and,  turning  to  the  leftj 
darted  along  the  ridge  with  the  intention  of  making  the  best  of  his 
way  to  Short  creek. 

"  A  ride  of  a  few  hundred  yards  in  that  direction  brought  him 
suddenly  in  contact  with  a  party  of  Indians,  who  were  returning  to 


*  Sm  Am«rie«i  Pioaetf,  toI.  U.  p.  809. 


290 


xsoAn  or  HAJom  u'covmor. 


im. 


tii^  ounp  fnm  a  manndiiiff  ezcwaiou  to  Maton's  BottMB,  on  tha 
eaatera  ude  of  the  Mil.  Thii  party  bdog  too  formidable  in  nam- 
b«ni  to  encounter  single-band«4  the  mi^or  tamed  his  horse  about, 
and  rode  over  his  own  trace,  in  the  hope  of  discoTcring  some  other 
amnue  to  escape.  A  few  paces  only  of  his  countennacoh  had  been 
made,  when  he  found  himself  confionted  by  his  orin^nal  pursueii, 
who  had,  by  this  time  gained  the  top  of  the  ridge,  and  a  tliird  party 
was  discovered  pressing  up  the  hiU  directly  on  his  right  He  was 
now  completely  hemmed  in  on  three  sides,  and  the  fourth  was 
aJmoit  a  perpendicular  precquce  of  one  hundred  and  fi%  feet  de- 
scent, with  Wheeling  creek  at  its  baae. 

The  imminence  of  his  danger  alUnved  him  but  little  time  to  reflect 
on  his  situation.  In  an  instant  he  decided  upon  hb  course.  Sup. 
ppirting  his  i^fie  in  his  left  hvid,  and  carefully  acyusting  his  reins 
with  the  othw,  he  urged  his  horse  to  the  brink  of  the  blu£^  and 
then  made  the  leap  which  decided  his  &te.  In  the  neirt  moment 
the  noble  steed,  still  bearing  his  intrepid  rider  in  safety,  was  at  Ijie 
fyoiof  the  precipice.  McOoIloch  immediately  dashed  across  ths 
ott^kf  and  was  soon  beyond  the  reach  of  the  Indians."* 

Finding  all  attempts  to  take  the  fort  fruitless,  the  Indians  killed 
all  the  stock;  including  more  than  ^ree  hundred  ctrttle,  burned 
houses  and  fences,  and  destroyed  every  article  of  furniture. 

Of  the  forty*two  men  who  had  been  in  the  fort,  tweniy-five  wen 
kiUed,  aU  mUtUle  of  the  waik.,  and  of  the  savages,  probably  one  hunp 
dred  perished. 

Some  of  the  incidents  of  the  first  siege  of  Fort  Henry  here 
detailed,!  we  referred  by  some  of  the  early  historians  of  the  west 
to  the  seeond  siege  of  that  fort,  in  17^  l%e  stoiy  of  the  wooden 
cannon  made  by  the  Indians,  and  the  "gunpowder  e:q>loit,"  are 
especially  referred  to  that  period*  In  regard  to  the  latter  incident^ 
thare  is  a  further  difficulty  arinng,  firom  the  fact  that  another 
ohunxant  for  the  honor  of  the  exploit  has  appeared.  The  statement 
of  Mrs.  pruger,  nmde  in  1849,  affinns  that  at  the  attack  on  Foit 
Henry,  in  1782,  of  which  she  wae  at  that  time  an  inmate,  Mias 
Molly  Scott,  ran  from  the  house  of  Colonel  Zane  to  the  fort,  to 
obtain  a  supply  <^  gunpowder  for  the  use  of  those  who  weie 
defending  it    She  avers,  that  she  herself  assisted  in  placing  the 


•Amtriean  Piouer,  toL  ii.  p.  812. 

fTh*  rathoritykere  foUowed  ii  that  of  the  AiMriean  Pion««r.  With«ra,  in  hia  border- 
wwftuw,  prMwitf  many  of  the  ineidente  of  the  lint  Mege,  m  here  giTen,  in  1782. 


im. 


SKttOH  6W  TKt  GIltTS. 


^1 


{Mwder  hi  Mbllj  Sciotf  •  «p)ron;  ttid  afflrmB  tibut  Elixabeih  Znie 
^^  iiot  ihdti  at /Wlieeting.* 

There  ie  •  fiirtlidr  dlfieally  iA  fhe  conflicting  statements  made  in 
ragaid  to  the  presience  of  Simon  Girty,  at  tiiat  siege.  TSf.  B.  OittSg, 
]^.,  whose  aconracy  ib  nnqnestioned,  says:  **0n  the  28th  of  Martth, 
1778,  Simon  Gir^,  Alexander  McEee,  and  Matthew*  Elliott,  made 
their  escape  firom  Pittsbnigh,  and  eVdr  after  were  active  agents  of 
the  British  goveMtnent,  and  exercised  much  inflaence  with  tiie 
Indians  against  the  Ignited  Stiates."  If  the  date  here  assigned  to 
the  fli^t  of  Girty  and  his  companions  is  correct,  it  necessarily 
contradicts'  the  stlttement  that  hts  was  present  at  the  siege  of 
Wheeling,  in  1777. 

As  Girty's  name  is  associated  with  the  whole  hist(Mry  of  the  Indian 
wars  of  that  period,  it  may  be  proper  to  refer  more  partioalariy  to 
hU  ori^^n  and  history. 

The  fiither  of  Gtrty,  was  a  native  of  Ireland,  who  emigrated  to), 
and  settled  in  Pennsylvania  about  the  year  1740.  Ho  was  a  man 
of  bad  character  and  dissolute  habits.  He  had  four  sbns,  Thomas, 
^imon,  George,  and  James.  It  is  said  he  was  murdered  by  the 
paramour  of  his  wifb,  who  afterward  married  her,  and  removed 
with  her  about  1754,  to  the  eittreme  flintier.  There  the  whole 
£bnily  were  taken  by  the  Indians,  and  the  step^fttlier  Was  buiiied 
before  the  eyes  of  his  fistmily.  Of  the  remaining  members,  Thomas 
was  rescued  by  Oolbnel  Armstrongj  in  the']EKttanning  expedition, 
and  tiie  rest  were  ransotiied  at  various  times  froni  1758  to  1765, 
but  only  the  mbther  and  Simon  returned; 

Geoi^e  Girty  was  adbpted  by  the  Belawai^s^  and  obntinued  With 
them  until  his  death.  He  became  a  perfect  ravage,  and  adopted 
entirely  the  manners  of  the  Indians.  To  consummate  cunning,  he 
added  the  most  fbarless  intrepidity.  He  fiiiught  in  the  battle  of 
Point  Pleiasant^  Blue  Lickt^  and  Sandusky,  and  gained  himself 
much  distinction  for  skill  and  braveiy.  In  his  iMtor  years  he  gave 
himself  up  to  intemperance  and  died  drank,  abdut  1818,  on  the 
Miami  of  the  Lake. 

James  Girty  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Shawanese,  who  adopted 
Inm  as  a  son.  As  he  approached  manhood  he  beeame  dextrous  in 
all  the  arts  of  savage  Bfe.  To  the  most  sanguinaiy  s|>irit  he  added 
all  the  vices  of  the  depraved  fiontier  men,  with  wh&m  he  flrequentiy 
associated.  It  is  represented  that  he  <ittoii  vitited  Kentucky  at  the 
time  of  its  first  settiement,  and  many  of  the  inhabitants  fbit  the 


*De  Hms's  Wwtera  l^rglBiift,  p.  280. 


^i^^ 

'^r 


202 


OHABAOTIR  Of  SUCOIT  OIBTT. 


1777. 


effeots  of  his  ooange  and  oraeUy.  Neither  age  nor  aez  found 
mert^  at  his  hand.  Hit  delight  was  in  carnage.  When  nnable  to 
walk  in  consequence  of  diseaae,  he  laid  low  with  hit  hatchet  captive 
women  and  children  who  came  within  hii  reach.  Traders  who  were 
aoqaunted  mth  him,  say,  so  fbrioos  was  he,  that  he  wonld  not  have 
turned  on  his  heel  to  save  a  prisoner  from  the  flames,  llis  pleasure 
was  to  see  new  and  refined  tortures  inflicted,  and  to  perfect  this 
gratification  he  frequently  gave  directions.  To  this  barbarian  are 
to  be  attributed  many  of  the  cruelties  chaiged  on  his  brother 
Simon.    Yet  this  monster  was  caressed  by  Elliott  and  Proctor. 

Thomas  Girly  alone,  of  the  sons,  returned  to  civilized  life.  He 
was  one  of  Brady's  spies  in  the  Indian  wars  after  the  revolution, 
and  died,  perhaps  in  Butler  county,  Pennsylvania,  in  1820. 

Simon  Qirty  was  the  most  notorious  of  the  family.  He  wai 
adopted  by  the  Senecas,  but  returned  with  his  mother  to  the  settle- 
ments, after  his  release.  He  joined  the  army  under  Lord  Dunmore, 
in  1774,  and  in  that  campaign  was  the  companion  of  Simon 
Kenton,  sleeping,  as  he  said,  often  under  the  same  blanket.  At 
the  revolution,  he  sought  a  con^mission  in  the  continental  army, 
was  refbsed,  and  witii  McEee  and  Elliott,  who  were  dissatisfied  fbr 
the  same  reason,  left  the  vicinity  of  Pittsbuigh,  and  joined  tiie 
Indians.  In  Kentucky  and  Ohio,  he  sustained  the  reputation  of  a 
relentless  barbarian,  and  his  name  was  associated  with  every  thing 
crnel  and  fiend-like.  This  impression  was  in  part  erroneous.  It 
is  said  to  be  a  foct  susceptible  of  proo^  that  through  his  importn- 
nities,  mai^  pri«>ners  were  saved  from  death.  Iffis  infiuence 
among  the  Indians  was  great,  and  when  he  chose  to  be  merciful,  it 
was  generally  in  his  power  to  protect  the  imploring  captive. 

His  reputation  was  that  of  an  honest  man.  In  the  payment  of 
his  debts  he  was  scrnipuloosly  exact;  knowing  and  duly  appreciating 
integrity,  he  fulfilled  his  engagements  to  the  last  cent  It  is  stated 
that  on  one  occasion  he  sold  his  horee,  rather  than  incur  the  odium 
of  violating  his  promise.  He  was  a  great  lover  of  mm.  Nothing 
could  afford  him  more  joy  than  a  keg  of  this  beverage.  When 
intoxicated,  in  abuse  he  was  indiscriminate,  sparing  neither  friends 
nor  foes.  Then  it  was  he  had  no  compassion  in  his  heart  Although 
much  disabled  by  rheumatism,  for  the  last  ten  years  of  his  life  he 
rode  to  his  hunting  grounds  in  pursuit  of  game.  Suffering  the 
most  excruciating  pains  he  often  boasted  of  his  warUke  spirit,  and 
it  was  his  constant  wish  that  he  might  breathe  his  last  in  battle. 
It  is  probable  tftiat  he  was  gratified,  for  it  is  said  he  was  cut  to 
pieces  by  Johnston's  mounted  men  at  the  battle'  of  the  Thamei. 
This,  however,  is  not  certain. 


1777. 


UVTVOKIAVI  mOT  BUEOMMM. 


26a 


Baty  notwithituiding  tha  dangers  and  diffionltiet  which  sor- 
rounded  them  during  1777,  the  pioneen  of  the  West  held  steadily' 
to  their  parpoees,  and  those  of  Eentncky  heing  now  a  component 
port  of  the  citisens  of 'Viiginia,  proceeded  to  exercise  their  oivH 
privileges,  and,  in  April,  elected  John  Todd  and  Richard  Callaway, 
burgesses,  to  represent  them  in  the  Assembly  of  the  parent  State. 
Early  in  the  following  September,  the  first  conrt  was  held  at 
Harrodsbnrg,  and  Col.  Bowman,  who,  as  had  arrived  from  the 
settlements  in  August,  was  placed  at  Uie  head  of  a  regitiar  militaiy 
organization  which  had  been  commenced  the  March  previous. 
Thus,  witbin  herself,  feeble  as  she  was,  Kentuc^  was  organiainj^ 
and  George  Rogers  Clark,  her  chief  spirit,  that  had  represente4  her 
beyond  the  mountains  the  year  before,  was  mediteting  another  trip 
to  "Williamsburg,  for  the  purpose  of  urging  a  bolder  and  more 
decided  measure  than  any  yet  proposed. 

He  understood  the  whole  game  of  the  British.  He  saw  that  it 
was  through  their  possession  of  Detroit,  Yincennes,  Ka8kaski% 
and  the  other  western  posts — ^which  gave  them  easy  and  constant 
access  to  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  north-west — ^that  the  British 
hoped  to  efiect  such  an  union  of  the  wild  men  as  would  annihilate 
the  frontier  fortresses.  He  knew  that  the  Delawares  were  divided 
in  feeling,  and  the  Shawanese  but  imperfectly  united  in  &vor  of 
England,  ever  since  the  murder  of  Cornstalk.  He  was  convinced, 
that  could  the  British  in  the  north-west  be  defeated  and  expelled, 
the  natives  might  be  easily  awed  or  bribed  into  neutrality,  and  by 
spies  sent  for  tiie  purpose,  and  who  were  absent  from  April  20th^ 
to  June  22d,  he  had  satisfied  himself  that  an  enterprise  against  the 
Illinois  settlements  might  easily  succeed. 

Having  made  up  his  mind,  on  the  Ist  of  October,  he  left  Harroda- 
burg  for  the  East,  and  reached  the  capitel  of  Virginia^  Kovember 
the  5th.  Opening  his  mind  to  no  one,  he  watched  with  care  the 
state  of  feeling  among  those  in  power,  waiting  the  proper  moment 
to  present  his  scheme.  Fortunately,  while  he  was  upon  his  road, . 
on  the  17th  of  October,  Burgoyne  had  surrendered,  and  hope  %a8 
again  prodominant  in  t^e  American  councils.  When,  therefora, 
the  western  soldier,  on  th^  10th  of  i)eoemher,  broke  the  snlject  of 
his  proposed  expedition  against  the  fortao|i  the  distant  MississipiM, 
to  Patrick  Heniy,  who  was  still  govomor,  he  met  witii  a  &voiabIe 
hearing,  and  though  doubts  and  fears  arose  by  degrees^  yet  so  well 
digested  wero  his  plans,  that  he  was  able  to  meet  eadi  objection, 
and  remove  eveiy  seeming  impossibility. 

Already  the  necessity  of  securing  the  western  posts  had  been 


m 


OLABE  OBDim>  VO  ATtMOK  JLUM^U, 


im 


pMiMftad  «» th«  MMidtrMloii  of  OongMib ;  M  Mttly  Ai  April  SOth, 
tTt6,  tin  eomiiittCM  dki  liidiAil  AflUik  'WtM  iatthiotod  to  raporf 
ii)^  th«  poMiMtit^  6#  tftking  Betroift ;  •  Md  agKin,  ttpmk  th«  fOih 
of  ISatmhttt  Vnr,  •  report  wtl  made  to  thit  body,  in  which  thii 
MOMsity  WMt  uiged^  ilidf  «lto  tb«  iiMd  th»t  oxifte^  of  tsking  iom« 
mMrare  to  prciv^tit  tho  spirit  of  dimfl^OB  ftom  iprMding  among 
Um  ftHMitier  inhabitanlB.f  l^hrte  OomBkfaitioneiti,  alio,  wOro  ohoieii 
to  go  to  Toirt  ^iit,  fot  tho  pnipoM  of  inquiring  into  tho  oaniet  of 
tho  ftontior  difficiilidM,  add  doing  what  ooold  b«  done  to  aeonra  all 
th«  white!  to  the  AoMrioan  oanee,  to  onltiyAte  the  friendship  dTthe 
Shawaneoe  and  Delaware*,  an  i  to  oonoert  with  Ooneral  Hand,  some 
iMiattriM  for  pnehittg  the  war  westward,  so  as  to  tfbtidn  possession 
ofDetrolt  and  other  posts.  General  Wadiing^on  was  also  requested' 
to  send  Ool<teel  William  Orawford,  an  old  pioneer,  to  take  aotive 
command  in  the  West;  and  he  aocordlngly  left  head-qufiters  npon 
the  26th.  All  this  ended  in  nothing,  bQt  it  proved  tiie  oorrect> 
nesa  of  Clark's  idews,  and  liided,  we  may  snppoSe,  in  oOnTincing 
those  who  nded  in  the  Anoient  Dominion,  that  tlieir  glory  and 
iiites*^  as  wdl  as  the  safety  of  the  whole  frontier*  oonntry,  were 
dM^ly  involved  in  the  snCoess  of  the  bold  plan  of  &e  founder  of 
KoBtttclcy. 

Clark  having  satisied  tho  Tiiginia  leaders  of  the  feasibility  of  hif 
Vtl^lJ  plan,  received  oh  the  2d  of  January,  two  sets  of  instmc* 
tiona^-the  oue  <^p««i;  authorising  him  to  enlist  seven  companies  to 
go'  toEentudt^,  subject  to  hb  orders^  and  to  serve  for  thiM  montbi 
ftoih  tli^r  aniviil  in  thti  West;  the  othors  set  secret,  and  drawn  as 
follows; 

"yiBaQnA:  Sot  IiT'Oouiroii^  Williamsbubg,  Jan.  2d,  1778. 
**lAemUiiaili»Cblmdeeorg9  Mogen  Clark: 

"  Yon  aiis  tb  proceed  with  all  convenient  speed,  to  raise  seven 
ccNnpanies  of  Soldiers;  to  consist  of  fifty  men  each,  officered  in  the 
riStial  miinnei^  ahd  anued  most  properly  for  the  enterprise,  and 
with  this  force  attack  tile  British  force  at  Easkasky. 

**It  te  coi^ectttred  that  there  are  matiy  pieces  of  caniion  and 
raintary  storeis,  to  conriderBble  amount  at  that  place;  the  takiiig 
ahd  preserVatidn  df  which,  would  be  a  Valuable  acquisition  to  the 
^te.    tt  yon'  ate  so  fortunate,  tberef<M^;  as  to  succeed  in  yonr 


*  flMrat  JrauMk.- 1.  4S. 

t  OU  J«anala,  vol.  tt.  p.  tM. 


♦ 


1778. 


oomaoB  MiiitT'f  nrBTBVonoifs. 


466 
the 


expedition,  700  will  take  ereiy  poisible  meeBure  to  seonre 
•rtillerjr  and  stores,  and  whatever  may  advantage  the  Btate. 

«For  the  transportation  of  the  troops,  provisions,  Jko.,  down  the 
Ohio,  yon  are  to  apply  to  the  commanding  officer  at  Fort  Pitt,  for 
hoats;  and,  during  the  whole  tnmsaodun,  yon  are  to  take  espeo^al 
care  to  keep  the  true  destination  of  your  force  secret;  its  snooese 
depends  upon  this.  Orders  are,  therefore,  given  to  Oapt  Smith  to 
secure  the  two  men  flrom  Easkael^.  Similar  conduct  will  he 
proper  in  similar  cases. 

'*It  is  earnestly  desired  that  yon  show  humanity  to  such  British 
subjects  and  other  persons  as  foil  in  your  hands.  If  the  white 
inhabitants  at  that  post  and.  neighborhood  will  give  undoubted 
evidence  of  their  attachment  to  this  State,  (for  it  is  certain  they 
live  within  its  limits,)  by  taking  the  test  proscribed  by  law,  and  by 
every  other  way  and  means  in  their  power,  let  them  be  treated  as 
fellow-citisens,  and  their  persons  and  property  duly  secured. 
Assistance  and  protection  against  all  enemies  whatever,  shall  be 
afibrded  them,  and  the  Oommonwealth  of  Viiginia  is  pledged  to 
accomplish  it  But  if  these  people  will  not  accede  to  these  reason- 
able demands,  they  must  feel  the  miseries  of  war,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  that  humanity  that  has  hitherto  distinguished  Americans, 
and  which,  it  is  expected,  you  will  ever  consider  as  the  rule  of  your 
conduct,  and  from  which  you  are,  in  no  instance,  to  depart 

"The  corps  you  are  to  command,  are  to  receive  the  pay  and 
allowance  of  militia,  and  to  act  under  the  laws  and  regulations  of 
this  State  now  in  foree,  as  militia.  The  inhabitants  at  this  post 
will  be  informed  by  you,  that  in  case  they  accede  to  the  offers  of 
becoming  citizens  of  liiis  Oommonwealth,  a  proper  garrison  will  be 
maintained  among  them,  and  every  attention  bestowed  to  render 
their  commeree  beneficial,  the  foirest  prospects  being  opened  to  the 
dominion  of  both  France  and  Spain. 

"It  is  in  contemplation  to  establish  a  post  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Ohio.  Cannon,  will  be  WMited  to  fortify  it  Part  of  those  at  Kas- 
kiaky  will  be  easily  brought  thither,  or  otherwise  secured,  as 
circumstances  will  make  necessary. 

"You  are  to  apply  to  General  Hand,  at  Pittsburgh,  for  powder 
and  lead  necessary^  for  this  expedition.  If  he  can't  supply  it,  the 
person  who  has  that  which  Captain  Lynn  brought  from  New 
Orleans  can.  Lead  was  sent  to  Hampshire  by  my  orders,  and 
that  may  be  delivered  you.  TVishing  you  success,  I  am,  Sir,  your 
humble  servant, 

P.  HENRY." 
18 


26e> 


eLAMC  DMOIMM  ffll  OHO. 


im 


With  thoM  imtrootioDti  md  twelTO  bandrad  pminda  te  the 
depreoi»t«d  enmnaj  of  the  time,  Oolonel  OlAric,  for  radh  wm  now 
hit  title,  on  the  4th  of  Febrmny,  itorled  ftnr  Pittshnrgh.  It  had 
been  Ihonght  best  to  raiee  the  troope  neededi  beyond  the  monn. 
tftine,  M  the  ooloniee  were  in  want  of  all  the  iddiehi  they  oonld 
mniter  east  of  the  Allegheniety  to  defend  themeeltei  againtt  the 
Britbh  foroeiu  Olark,  therefore,  profioeed  to  enliet  men  abont 
Pittibnrgh,  while  Mi^or  W.  B.  Smith,  for  the  eame  pmrpoee,  went 
to  the  Holston,  and  other  offioera  to  other  pointer  None  of  them^ 
however,  raooeeded  as  they  hoped  to;  at  Pittsbnrgfa,  Ohnrk  found 
great  opposition  to  the  intention  of  oanying  men  away  to  defend 
the  ontposts  of  Kentucky^  while  theit  own  citadel  and  the  whole 
region  abont  it,  were  threatened  by  the  savage  allies  of  England; 
and  Smith,  though  he  nominally  soooeeded  in  raising  fonr  compa- 
nies, was  unable^  essentiidly^  to  idd  his  saperior  oAeer  after  all. 
With  three  companies  and  several  private  adventursis,  Clarlc,  at 
length,  commenced  his  descent  of  the  Ohioy  which  be  navigated  aft 
far  as  the  Falls,  where  he  took  possession  of^  and  forced  Oom 
Island^  opposite  to  the  i^t  now  occupied  by  Louisville.  At  this 
place,  he  appointed  Colonel  Bowman  to  meet  him  with  such 
recruits  as  had  reached  Eentuct^  by  the  southern  route,  and  as 
many  men  as  could  be  spared  Afom  tiie  stations. 

He  was  joined  on  Oom  Island  by  Captain  Bowman,  and  a  com. 
pany  from  Eentucli^,  under  Ouptiim  Dillard.  His  principal  officers 
were  Captains  Bowman^  Helm,  Harrod,  Montgomeiy^  and  Dillard; 
and  he  <kily  ejected  a  reinforcement  fW>m  the  Hdston  countiy, 
under  Mi^or  Smithy  which  failed.  He  now  disclosed  to  his  droops 
that  Uieir  point  of  destinaHon  was  EaricMlda,  in  the  Illinois  coun- 
try. The  prqject  met  lite  enthtisiastio  apprdbation  of  his  men, 
except  the  company  from  Kentucky,  tinder  Captaki  IMUard;  a 
laige  part  of  which,  with  the  lieutenant^  on  Hie  momin|^  appointed 
for  starting,  the  Worthy  captain  had  the  mortification  to  find,  had 
wadied  the  riVer  and  deserted.  Hiey  were  pursuttd  in  the  mornii^» 
overtaken  in  the  woods,  ftbout  twen^  mil«ls  fh>m  liie  ^Us,  eight 
taken  back,  and  the  rest  wandered  about  ift  the  woods  for  some 
weeks,  where  they  twSamd  greater  deprivations  and  hardaliips  than 
thdr  comrades  who  bad  gone  ^n  the  expedition,  before  they  got 
shelter  in  A  tott.* 


*  Clark's  Journsl— Butler's  Kentoeky,  p.  49. 


ITTS. 


ULAMM.  MMM  VMB  f  ALU  Of  OROb 


Hwrhig  W!rft«d  viitil  hit  iwNmgMMDti  wtrt  all  <»n|^l«ted,  and 
thoM  ohoMB  Who  wtit  to  h«  of  th«  inmding  party,  on  tho  £4th  of 
June,  dluing  a  total  ooUpM  of  th«  ran,  with  four  oompaniM^  he 
left  hii  ^o^fon  and  Ml  down  the  riyor.  Hii  plan  wat  to  follow 
the  Ohio  as  fhr  ak  th«  fort  known  aa  Fort  Manao,  and  thanoe  to  go 
by  land  diraot  to  Eatkaalda.  Hia  troopa  took  no  other  baggage 
than  they  oonld  carty  in  the  Indian  foahion,  and  for  his  sncoess  he 
tmsted  entirely  to  svrpriee.  If  he  Ihiled,  his  plan  was  to  cross  the 
Miasisrippi,  and  ^row  himself  into  the  Spanish  settlements  on  the 
west  of  that  river.  Before  he  oommenoed  his  march,  he  received 
two  pieces  of  information,  of  which  he  made  good  use  at  the  pro* 
per  time,  by  means  of  which  he  conquered  the  West  without 
bloodshed.  One  of  these  important  items  was  the  alliance  of 
France  with  the  colonies ;  this,  at  once,  made  the  American  side 
popular  with  the  French  and  Indians  of  Illinois  and  the  lakes; 
France  having  never  lost  her  hold  upon  her  ancient  subjects  and 
allies,  and  England  having  never  secured  their  confidence.  The 
other  item  was,  that  the  inhabitants  of  Easkaskia,  and  other  old 
towns,  had  been  led  by  the  British  to  belrove  that  the  Long  Knives, 
or  Yiii^nianB,  were  the  most  fierce,  cruel,  and  blood-thirsty  savages 
that  ever  scalped  a  foe.  With  this  impression  on  their  minds, 
Olark  saw  that  proper  management  would  readily  dispose  them  to 
submit  from  foar,  if  surprised,  and  then  to  become  friendly  fi^m 
gratitade,  when  tieated  with  unlooked-for  clemen<7. 

Near  the  month  of  the  Tennessee  river,  he  found  a  party  of 
hunters,  who  had  recently  come  from  Kaskaskia,  and  who  could 
give  him  important  information.  They  reported  that  M.  Koche- 
blave  was  the  commander;  that  the  militia,  chiefly  French  citizens, 
were  kept  in  good  discipline ;  that  spies  were  stationed  ulong  the 
Mississippi ;  that  a  rumor  had  reached  Kaskaskia  that  the  '*  Long- 
Enivee"*  had  projected  an  attack,  and  that  the  hunters  and  Indians 
had  received  orders  to  keep  watch,  and  report  if  any  American 
troops  were  coming  that  way.  The  fort  near  the  town  was  kept 
in  order,  as  a  place  of  retreat  if  the  village  was  attacked,  bat  it  had 
no  regular  garrison.  The  hunters  ofliBred  to  return  with  Glark^ 
and  one  John  Saunders  was  employed  as  a  guide. 

The  party  landed  near  the  old  rfto  of  Fort  Massac,  and  secured 
thor  boats  in  the  m>outh  of  a  small  creek.   Heavy  rains  had  follen. 


•  tkfc  fitttSltt  kkd  tHKuSh  of  niteMl  MRUd  irt«  Net  Englkii(l<aii  BotMuiu,"  Kod  Hb^ 
ViiegiBlMa '•iM^JBMMa?' 


268 


OLABK  OROSSBS  FBOU  MASSAC  TO  KA8KASKIA. 


1778. 


saccoeded  by  hot,  sultry  weather.  Their  route  lay  ihroagh  a  wil- 
derness without  a  path.  Cypress  swamps,  ponds,  and  de^,  muddy, 
slug^sh  streams  had  to  be  forded.  Their  success  depended  on  a 
secret  and  rapid  march  through  the  woods  and  prunes.  For  most 
part  of  the  route,  the  game  on  which  they  relied  for  subsistence 
was  iNjarco,  and  to  send  out  hunting  parties  would  expose  them  to 
discoveiy.  On  the  prairies,  a  July  sun  beat  on  them,  and  water 
was  scarce.  The  distance,  as  they  traveled,  was  over  one  hundred 
miles.  On  tLe  third  day  the  guide  became  so  bewildered  that  he 
could  not  direct  their  course.  A  suspicion  arose  amongst  the  men 
that  he  designed  to  betray  them,  and  they  earnestly  demanded  that 
lie  should  be  put  to  death.  He  begged  that,  under  a  guard,  he 
might  go  a  short  distance  into  the  prairie  and  try  to  find  his  course. 
In  an  hour  or  two  the  poor  fellow  exclaimed,  "I  know  that  point 
of  timber,"  and  pointed  out  the  direction  of  Kaskaskia.  It  was  on 
the  Fourth  of  July^  1778,  that  this  party  of  invaders,  with  their  gar- 
ments torn  and  soiled,  and  their  beards  of  three  weeks'  growth, 
a|.^>roaclied  the  town,  and  secreted  themselves  among  the  hills  east 
of  the  Kaskaskia  river.  Clark  sent  forward  his  spies  to  watch  the 
proceedings  of  the  people,  and  oiler  dark  put  his  troops  in  motion, 
and  took  possession  of  a  house,  where  a  family  lived,  about  three- 
quarters  of  a  mile  above  town.  Here  they  found  boats  and  canoes. 
The  troops  were  divided  into  three  parties,  two  of  which  were 
ordered  to  cross  the  river,  while  the  other,  under  the  immediate 
command  of  Colonel  Clark,  took  possession  of  the  fort. 

Kasla^kia  then  contained  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  houses. 
Persons  who  could  speak  the  French  language,  were  oi*dered  to 
pass  through  the  streets  and  make  proclamation,  that  all  the  inhab- 
itants must  keep  within  their  houses,  under  penalty  of  being  shot 
down  in  the  streets. 

The  fiw  British  officers  who  had  visited  these  French  colonies 
since  the  commencement  of  the  rebellion  of  their  Atlantic  colo- 
nies, as  they  tonned  the  Revolution,  had  told  the  most  exaggerated 
stories  about  the  brutality  and  ferocity  of  the  "Long-Knives;"— 
that  they  would  not  only  take  the  property  of  the  people,  but  would 
butcher,  in  the  most  horrible  manner,  men,  women,  and  children ! 
The  policy  of  these  stories  was  to  excite  in  the  minds  of  these  sim- 
ple-hearted French  people,  the  most  fearful  apprehensions  agaiiieit 
the  colonists,  that  they  might  be  watchful  and  be  prepared  for  a 
determined  resistance,  should  any  attempt  be  made  on  these  remote 
posts.  These  stories  were  a  stimulus  to  the  French  traders  to  sup- 
ply the  Indians  with  guns,  ammunition,  and  scalping-knives,  to  aid 
tbcir  depredations  on  the  settlements  of  Kentucky. 


1778. 


OLABK  BURPBISIS  THB  KABKA8KIANS. 


Colonel  Gla^  gained  this  intelligence  from  the  hunten,  and  in 
his  jottrnal  says,  "I  was  determined  to  improve  upon  this,  if  I  wtw 
fortunate  enough  to  got  them  into  my  possession;  as  I  conceived 
the  greater  the  shock  I  could  give  them  at  first,  the  more  sensibly 
would  they  feel  my  lenity,  and  become  more  valuable  friends."* 

Few  men  have  had  a  quicker  or  keener  sagacity  than  Clark. 
His  plan  was  to  produce  a  terrible  panic,  and  then  capture  the  town 
without  bloodshed,  and  well  did  he  succeed. 

The  two  parti<$8  having  crossed  the  river,  entered  the  quiet  and 
unsuspecting  villi^e  at  both  extremes,  yelliag  in  the  most  furious 
manner,  while  those  who  made  the  proclamation  in  French,  ordered 
the  people  into  their  houses  on  pain  of  instant  death.  In  a  mo- 
ment, men,  women,  and  children  were  screaming,  "^  Un^ 
Oouteaux! — lea  long  Couteaux!" — the  Long-Knives! — the  Long- 
Knives  ! 

In  about  two  hours  after  the  surprise  of  the  town,  the  inhabi- 
tants had  all  surrendei'ed,  and  delivered  up  their  arms  to  the  con- 
queror. 19'ot  a  drop  of  blood  had  been  shed,  though  the  victory 
was  complete.  The  whole  management  displayed  in  a'most  admi- 
rable manner,  what  the  French  style  ruse  de  guerre^  the  policy  of 
war.  M.  Rochebla>ve,  the  governor,  was  taken  in  his  chamber; 
but  his  public  papers  and  documents  were  admirably  concealed  or 
destroyed  by  his  wife. 

Throughout  the  night  the  Virginia  troops  were  ordered  to  patrol 
the  streets,  Mnith  yells  and  whoopings  after  the  Indian  fashion,  which, 
though  exceedingly  alarming  to  the  conquered  inhabitants,  was  a 
stratagem  of  Clark  to  accomplish  bib  purposes. 

One  of  the  richest  and  most  distinguished  citizenB  of  Kaskaskia 
at  that  period  was  M.  Cerre,  said  by  Col.  Clark  to  have  been  a 
most  bitter  enemy  to  the  Americans.  In  this,  probably,  he  was 
misinformed.  None  cf  the  French  families  in  Illinois  were  partic- 
ularly friendly  to  the  government  of  Great  Britain.  But,  probably, 
M.  Cerre  had  partaken  of  the  feeling  of  his  townsmen  concerning 
the  "Long-Knives."  He  had  long  been  a  successful  trader,  but 
had  left  the  place  before  the  arrival  of  the  Americans,  and  was 
then  at  St.  Louis,  on  his  way  to  Quebec. 

The  commander  at  once  determined  to  bring  him  and  all  his 
influence  to  the  side  of  the  American  interest.  Accordingly,  he 
took  possesion  of  his  house  and  extensive  stock  of  merchandise. 


*  Clark'a  Journal  in  Dillon's  Indiana,  i.  p.  137. 


270 


CLARK  TAKJI8  KA8KA8KIA. 


1778. 


1778. 


and  plaoed  a  gaard  onrer  the  property.  Another  stratagem  was  to 
prevent  all  intercourse  between  his  own  men  and  the  eitizens,  and 
to  admit  none  of  the  latter  to  his  presence,  except  by  positive  com- 
mand for  them  to  appear  before  him ;  or,  apparently,  in  great  con- 
descension, when  urgently  solicited,  to  grant  andience  to  some 
humble  petitioner.  By  this  course  of  policy  he  contrived,  at  first, 
to  confirm  allihe  worst  suspicions  the  British  had  instilled  into  the 
minds  of  the  simple  villagers,  of  the  ferocity  of  the  "Long-Knives," 
and  then,  by  undeceiving  them,  to  produce  a  revulsion  of  feelings, 
and  gain  their  unlimited  confidence.  In  this  he  was  completely 
successful.  The  town  was  in  possession  of  an  enemy  the  inhabi- 
tants had  been  taught  were  the  most  ferocious  and  brutal  of  all 
men,  and  of  whom  they  entertained  the  most  horrible  apprehen- 
sions, and  all  intercourse  was  strictly  prohibited  between  each 
other,  and  the  conquerors.  After  five  days  the  troops  were 
I'emoved  to  the  outskirts  of  the  town,  and  the  citizens  were  per- 
mitted to  walk  in  the  streets.  But  finding  them  engaged  in  con- 
versation, one  with  another.  Col.  Clark  ordered  some  of  the  officers 
to  be  put  in  irons,  without  assigning  a  single  reason,  or  permitting 
a  word  of  defense.  This  singular  display  of  despotic  power  in  the 
conqueror,  did  not  spring  from  a  cruel  disposition,  or  a  disregard 
to  the  principles  of  liberty,,  but  it  was  the  course  of  policy  he  had 
marked  out  to  gain  his  object. 

Of  all  commanders,  perhaps,  Colonel  Clark  had  the  readiest  and 
clearest  insight  into  human  nature.  The  efiect  of  this  stretch  of 
military  power,  at  first,  was  to  fill  the  inhabitants  with  consterna- 
tion and  dismay. 

After  some  time,  M.  Gibault,  the  parish  priest,  got  permission  to 
wait  on  Colonel  Clark,  with  five  or  six  elderly  gentlemen. 

If  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  were  filled  with  astonishment  at 
the  sQddenner«  of  their  captivity,  these  men  were  far  more  aston- 
ished at  the  personal  appearance  of  Clark  and  his  soldiers. 

Their  clothes  were  dirty  and  torn,  (for  they  had  no  change  of 
apparel,)  their  beards  of  three  and  four  weeks'  growth,  and,  as 
Clark  states  in  his  journal,  they  looked  more  frightful  and  disgust- 
ing than  savages. 

Some  minutes  passed  before  the  deputation  could  speak,  and 
then  they  felt  at  a  loss  whom  they  should  address  as  commandant, 
for  they  saw  no  difierence  in  the  personal  appearance  between  the 
chieftain  and  his  men. 

Finally,  the  p^'est,  in  the  most  submissive  tone  and  posture,  re- 
marked, that  the  inhabitants  expected  to  be  separated,  perhaps 


ma. 


OMftX  TASaS  KASKASKU. 


271 


never  to  meet  agtXn,  »nd  they  begg«d  through  him,  as  a  geeat  &vor 
from  their  conqueror,  to  be  permitted  to  assemble  in  the  church, 
offer  up  their  prayers  to  God  for  their  souls,  and  take  leave  of  each 

other. 

The  commander  observed,  with  apparent  carelessness,  that  the 
Americans  did  not  trouble  themselves  about  the  religion  of  others, 
but  left  every  man  to  worship  God  as  he  pleased,  th^t  they  might 
go  to  church  if  they  wished,  but  on  no  account  must  a  single  per- 
son leave  the  town.  All  further  conversation  was  repelled,  and 
they  were  sent  away  rather  abruptly,  that  the  alarm  might  be 
raised  to  the  highest  pitoh. 

Tha  whole  population  assembled  in  the  church,  as  for  the  last 
time,  mournfully  chantod  their  prayers,  and  bid  each  other  fare- 
well— never  expecting  to  meet  ^gain  in  this  world !  But  so  much 
did  they  regard  this  as  a  favor,  that  the  priest  and  deputation  re» 
turned  firom  the  church  to  the  lodgings  of  Col.  Clark,  and  in  the 
name  of  the  people,  expressed  thanks  for  the  indulgence  they  had 
received.  They  then  begged  leave  to  address  their  conqueror  upon 
their  separation  and  their  lives.  They  claimed  not  to  know  the 
origin  or  nature  of  the  contest  between  Great  Britain  and  the  col- 
onies. What  they  had  done  had  been  in  subjection  to  the  British 
commanders,  whom  they  were  constrained  to  obey.  They  were 
willing  to  submit  to  the  loss  of  all  their  property,  as  the  fate  of  war, 
but  they  begged  they  might  not  be  separated  from  their  families, 
and  that  clothes  and  provisions  might  be  allowed  them,  barely  suf- 
ficient for  their  present  necessities. 

Gol.  Clark  had  now  gained  the  object  of  his  artful  maneuver. 
He  saw  their  fears  were  raised  to  the  highest  pitch,  and  he  abruptly 
thus  addressed  them : 

<*  Who  do  you  take  me  to  be  ?  Do  you  think  we  are  savages— 
that  we  intend  to  massacre  you  all?  Do  you  think  Americans  will 
strip  women  and  children,  and  take  the  bread  out  of  their  mouths? 
My  countrymen,"  said  the  gallant  colonel,  "never  make  war  upon 
the  innocent !  It  was  to  protect  our  own  wives  and  children  thtU; 
we  have  penetrated  this  wilderness,  to  subdue  these  British  posts, 
from  whence  the  savages  are  supplied  with  arms  and  ammunition 
to  murder  us.  We  do  not  war  against  Frenchmen.  The  king  of 
France,  yanv  former  master,  is  our  ally.  His  ships  and  soldiers 
are  fighting  for  the  Americans.  The  French  are  our  firm  friends. 
Go,  and  ei^joy  your  religion,  and  worship  when  you  please.  B«h 
tain  your  property — and  now  please  to  inform  all  your  citUsens 
from  me,  that  they  are  quite  at  liberty  to  conduct  themselves  as 


272 


OLARK  TAKKS  OAHOKIA. 


1778. 
are  your 


1778. 


usual,  and  diemiss  all  apprehensions  of  alarm.     We 
friends,  And  come  to  deliver  you  from  the  British." 

This  speech  produced  a  revulsion  of  feelings  better  imagined 
than  described.  The  news  soon  spread  throughout  the  village,  the 
bell  rang  a  merry  peal,  the  people,  with  the  priest,  again  assembled 
in  the  church,  Te  Deum  was  loudly  sung,  and  the  most  uproarious 
joy  prevailed  throughout  the  night.  The  people  were  now  allowed 
all  the  liberty  thBy  c6uld  desire.  All  now  cheerfully  acknowledged 
Col.  Clark  as  the  commandant  of  the  country. 

An  expedition  was  now  planned  against  Caholda,  and  Major 
Bowman  with  his  detachment,  mounted  on  French  ponies,  was 
ordered  to  surprise  that  post.  Several  Kaskaskia gentlemen  offered 
their  services  to  proceed  ahead,  notify  the  Cahokians  of  the  change 
of  government,  and  prepare  them  to  give  the  Americans  a  cordial 
reception.  The  plan  was  entirely  successful,  and  the  post  was 
subjugated  without  the  disaster  of  a  battle.  Indeed,  there  were 
not  a  dozen  British  soldiers  in  the  garrison. 

In  all  their  intercourse  with  the  citizens,  Col.  Clark  instructed 
his  men  to  speak  of  a  large  army  encamped  at  the  falls  of  the  Ohio, 
which  would  soon  overrun  and  subjugate  all  the  British  posts  in 
the  West,  and  that  Post  Vincent  would  be  invaded  by  a  detach- 
ment from  this  army.  He  soon  learned  from  the  French,  that 
Governor  Abbot  was  gone  to  Detroit,  and  that  tLe  defense  was  left 
with  the  citizens,  who  were  mostly  French.  M.  Gibault,  the  priest, 
readily  undertook  an  embassy  to  Vincennes,  and  to  bring  over  the 
people  to  the  American  interests  without  the  trouble  and  expense 
of  an  invasion.  ThiFi  was  also  successful,  and  in  a  few  days  the 
American  flag  was  displayed  on  the  fort,  and  Captain  Helm 
appointed  to  the  command,  much  to  the  surprise  and  consternation 
of  the  neighboring  Indians. 

M.  Gibault  and  party,  with  several  gentlemen  from  Ylncennes, 
returned  to  Easkaskia  about  the  first  of  August  with  the  joyful 
intelligence. 

The  reduction  of  these  posts  was  the  period  of  the  enlistment  of 
the  men,  and  Colonel  Clark  was  at  a  loss  to  know  how  to  act,  as 
his  instrnctidns  were  vague  and  general.  To  abandon  the  country 
now,  was  to  lose  the  immense  advantages  gained,  and  the  com- 
mander, never  at  a  loss  for  expedients,  opened  a  new  enlistment 
and  engaged  his  own  men  on  a  new  establishment,  and  he  issued 
commissions  for  French  officers  in  the  country  to  command  a 
company  of  the  inhabitants.    He  then  established  a  garrison  at 


1778. 


aiBAULT  NBGOTIATBS  AT  VIirClNlfBS. 


278 


lent  of 
act,  as 
ountry 
I  com- 
itment 
issued 
and  a 
on  at 


Cahokia,  commanded  by  Gapt  Bowman,  and  another  at  Kas- 
kaskia,  commanded  by  Gapt.  Williams.  Gapt.  William  Linn  took 
charge  of  a  party  thac  was  to  be  discharged  when  they  arrived 
at  the  Falls,  (Louisville,)  and  orders  were  sent  to  remove  the  station 
from  Gom  Island,  and  erect  a  fort  on  the  main  land;  and  a  stockade 
fort  was  erected. 

Gapt.  John  Montgomery,  in  charge  of  M.  Rocheblave,  the  late 
British  commander^  and  as  bearer  of  dispatches,  was  sent  with  a 
corps  of  men  to  Virginia. 

For  the  command  of  Post  Vincent,  he  chose  Gapt.  Leonard 
Helm,  in  whom  he  reposed  great  confidence.  Gapt.  Helm  had 
much  knowledge  and  experience  in  Indian  character,  and  Gol. 
Glark  appointed  him  agent  for  Indian  affairs  in  the  department  of 
the  Wabash.  About  the  middle  of  August,  he  went  out  to  take 
possession  of  his  new  command. 

At  that  period,  an  Indian  of  the  Piankashaw  tribe  that  had  their 
principal  village  near  Vincennes,  possessed  great  influence  among 
his  people.  He  was  known  by  the  name  of  "Big  Gate,"  or  "Big 
Door,"  and  called  by  the  Indians,  "The  Grand  Door  to  the 
Wabash,"  because  nothing  could  be  done  by  the  Indian  confederacy 
on  the  Wabash  without  his  approbation.  His  father  who  had  been 
known  as  "Tobacco,"  or,  more  commonly,  "Old  Tobac,"  sent  him 
"  a  spirited  compliment  by  priest  Gibault,  who  had  influence  with 
these  Indians.  Big  Door  returned  it.  Next  followed  a  regular 
"  talk,"  with  a  belt  of  wampum. 

Captain  Helm  arrived  safe  at  Vincennes,  and  was  received  with 
acclamation  by  the  people,  and  soon  sent  the  "talk"  and  the  wam- 
pum to  the  Grand  Doc.  These  Indians  had  been  under  British 
influence,  and  had  done  no  small  mischief  to  th«  frontier  settle- 
ments. The  proud  and  pompous  chief  was  taken  with  the  courtesy 
of  the  shrewd  Captain,  and  sent  him  a  message  tl-at  he  was  ^lad  to 
see  one  of  the  Big  Knife  chiefs  in  town;  that  htre  he  jcii  ed  the 
English  against  the  Big  Knives,  but  he  long  thougbt  he;;  -'jooked 
a  little  gloomy;"  that  he  must  consult  his  counsolorH,  hJ  ,;  time 
to  deliberate,  and  hoped  the  captain  of  the  BigKnivo'  '  v^uld  b« 
patient.  After  several  days  of  very  constant  and  ceremonious  pro- 
ceedings, the  captain  was  invited  to  council  by  Old  Tobac,  who 
played  quite  a  subordinate  part  to  his  son. 

After  the  customary  display  of  Indian  eloquence,  about  the  sky 
having  been  dark,  and  the  clouds  now  having  loen  brushed  away, 
tba  Grand  Door  announced  "that  his  ideas  were  quite  changed" — 
and  the  "Big  Knives  was  in  the  right," — "and  that  he  would  tell 


274 


fOVQUSST  OV  IL71VOI8* 


ma. 


all  the  red  people  on  the  Wabash  to  bloody  the  land  no  more  for 
^  English." 

"He  jamped  up,  straok  his  breast,  called  lumself  a  man  and  a 
warrior,  said  that  he  was  now  a  Big  Knife,  and  took  Oapt  Helm 
by  the  hand.    His  example  was  followed  by  all  present"  * 

This  was  a  most  fortunate  alliance,  for,  in  a  short  time,  all  the 
tribes  along  the  Wabash,  as  high  as  the  Ooiatenon,  came  to  Post 
Yincennes  and  foUoweJ  the  example  of  the  Great  Door  chief,  and 
the  interests  of  the  British  lost  ground  daily  in  all  the  villages  south 
(tf  Lake  Mijohigan.  The  French  citizens  at  the  different  posts, 
enlisted  warmly  in  the  American  cause. 

Captain  Montgomery  reached  Williamsburg,  then  the  seat  of 
gavQmrfiQuij  in  the  "Old  Dominion,"  with  M.  Booheblava,  the 
Go^eruo  '  of  IDinois,  a  prisoner  of  war,  and  the  dispatches  of  Ool. 
Ol'irk:  announcing  that  the  British  posts  were  captured,  and  the 
vast  ten  it  .17  of  the  north-west  subjugated.  Only  four  persons 
iaa  kn  '^n  the  real  destination  of  Olark  when  he  left  the  seat  of 
!(^ve  ruiixGnt  at  the  commencement  of  the  year.  These  were  the 
Qovernoi,  Patrick  Henry,  and  hb  confidential  counselors,  Thomas 
JeSeraon,  George  Wythe  and  George  M&don.  They  had  assumed 
a  fearful  responsibility  iu  giving  him  private  instructions,  author- 
izing an  attack  on  these  remote  British  poets.  The  degree  of  siac- 
oess  was  beyond  the  expectations  of  the  most  sanguine. 

In  October,  the  House  of  Brrgesses  created  the  county  of  Illi- 
nois, and  appointed  John  Todd,  Esq.,  then  of  Kentucky,  lieu- 
tenant-colonel and  civil  commandant.  The  act,  which  we  have 
in  manuscript,  with  the  seal  of  the  Commonwealth,  contained  the 
following  provisions : 

"All  the  citizens  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia,  who  are 
already  settled,  or  .'•kail  hereafter  settle  on  the  VMtem  side  of  the 
Ohio,  shall  be  in-luded  in  a  distinct  county,  which  shall  be  called 
JlUnois  eourUy,:  ^nd  the  Governor  of  this  Commonwealth,  with  the 
advice  of  the  council,  ma^*  appji.nt  a  county  lieutenaat,  or  com- 
mandant-in-chief, in  that  uounty,  during  pleasure,  who  shall  appoint 
and  commission  so  many  deputy  commandants,  militia  and  officers, 
and  commissaries  as  he  shall  think  proper,  in  the  different  districts, 
during  pleasure,  all  of  whom,  before  they  enter  into  office,  shall 
take  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  this  Commonwealth,  and  the  oath  of 
office,  according  to  the  form  of  their  own  religion.    And  all  civil 


«  Jonraal  of  Clavk,  in  DiUon'a  Indbu,  p.  IH. 


ma. 


Qomq/Qwn  ov  iLLnou. 


276 


offioen  to  wMoh  the  iah*bitant«  hav«  been  aeonBtomed,  neoeesary 
to  the  preservation  of  peace,  and  the  administration  of  justice,  shall 
be  chosen  by  a  nugority  of  <»tiaens  in  their  reapectire  districts,  to 
be  convened  for  that  purpose,  by  the  connly  lieutenant  or  com- 
mandant, or  his  deputy,  and  shall  be  commissioned  by  the  said 
county  lieutenant,  ot  commandantpin-chief. 

In  November,  the  Legulature  passed  the  following  compli- 
mentary resolution  to  daxk  and  his  men: 

In  Tsi  HonsB  of  Dblboatbs,       \ 
Monday,  the  2^  Nov.,  17T8.  j 

Whereas,  authentic  information  has  been  ree^ved,  that  Lieuten- 
ant-Oolonel  George  Bogers  Clark,  with  a  body  of  Virginia  militia, 
has  reduced  the  British  posts  in  the  western  part  of  this  common- 
wealth, on  the  river  Mississippi,  and  its  branches,  whereby  great 
advantage  may  accrue  to  the  common  cause  of  America,  as  well  as 
to  this  commonwealth  in  particular: 

Besolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  House  are  justly  due  to  the 
said  Colonel  Clark,  and  the  brave  officers  and  men  under  his  co«n- 
mand,  for  their  extraordinary  resolution  and  persevenmoe,  in  so 
hazardous  an  enterprise,  and  for  their  important  services  thereby 
rendered  their  country.'*' 

.  Test,  E.  RANBOLPH,  0.  H.  D. 

After  organizing  a  civil  government,  and  providing  for  an  elec- 
tion of  magistrates  by  the  people.  Col.  Clark  directed  his  attention 
to  the  subjugation  of  the  Indian  tribes.  In  this  he  displayed  the 
same  tact  and  shrewdness,  the  same  daring,  and  his  acts  were 
erowned  with  the  same  success  as  in  the  conquest  with  the  British 
posts. 

He  always  reprobated  the  policy  of  inviting  and  urging  the  In- 
dians  to  hold  treaties,  and  maintained  that  such  a  course  was 
founded  upon  a  mistaken  view  of  their  character.  He  supposed 
they  always  interpreted  such  overtures  from  the  government  as  an 
evidence  of  the  fear  and  conscious  weakness  of  the  whites.  Hence, 
he  avoided  eveiy  intimation  that  he  desired  peace,  and  assumed  a 
line  of  conduct  that  would  appear  that  he  meant  to  exterminate 
thorn  at  once.  He  alwf>^ys  waited  for  them  to  apply  and  beg  for  a 
treaty. 


*  See  Butler^s  History  <,(  Kentncky,  p.  490. 


^■^■^ 


178 


00KQUI8V  OF  ILLZVOM. 


ms. 


These  and  other  measures,  which  displayed  great  penetration 
into  Indian  character,  were  completely  suooessfiil.  No  commander 
ever  subjugated  as  many  warlike  tribes,  in  so  short  a  time,  and  at  so 
little  expense  of  life. 

His  meetings  with  them  were  opened  at  Oaholda,  in  September, 
and  his  principles  of  action  being  never  to  court  them,  never  to 
load  them  with  presents,  never  to  seem  to  fear  them,  though  alwayg 
to  show  respect  to  courage  and  ability,  and  to  speak  in  the  most 
direct  manner  possible— he  waited  for  the  natives  to  make  the  first 
advances,  and  offer  peace.  When  they  had  done  so,  and  thrown 
away  the  bloodj  wampum  sent  them  by  the  British,  Clark  coldly 
told  them  he  would  answer  them  the  next  day,  and,  meanwhile,  cau- 
tioned them  against  shaking  hands  with  the  Americans,  as  peace 
was  not  yet  concluded;  it  will  be  time  to  give  hands  when  the 
heart  can  be  given  too,  he  said.  The  next  day  the  Indians  came  to 
hear  the  answer  of  the  Big  Enife,  which  is  given,  as  taken  by  Mr. 
Butler  and  Mr.  Dillon,  from  Clark's  own  notes : 

"  Men  and  warriors :  pay  attention  to  my  words.  You  informed 
me  yesterday,  that  the  Qreat  Spirit  had  brought  us  together,  and 
that  you  hope  that,  as  he  was  good,  it  would  be  for  good.  I  have 
also  the  same  hope,  and  expect  that  each  party  will  strictly  adhere 
to  whatever  may  be  agreed  upon,  whether  it  shall  be  peace  or  war, 
and  henceforward  prove  ourselves  worthy  of  the  attention  of  th6 
G-reat  Spirit.  I  am  a  man  and  a  warrior,  not  a  counselor ;  I  cany 
war  in  my  right  hand,  and  in  my  left,  peace.  I  am  sent  by  the  Great 
Council  of  the  Big  Knife,  and  their  friends,  to  take  possession  of 
all  the  towns  possessed  by  the  English  in  this  country,  and  to 
watch  the  motions  of  the  Red  people:  to  bloody  the  paths  of  those 
who  attempt  to  stop  the  course  of  the  river  ^  but  to  clear  the  roads 
for  us  to  those  that  desire  to  be  in  peace ;  that  the  women  and 
children  may  walk  in  them  without  meeting  any  thing  to  strike 
their  feet  against.  I  am  ordered  to  call  upon  the  Great  Fire  for 
warriors  enough  to  darken  the  land,  and  that  the  Red  people  may 
hear  no  sound,  but  of  birds  who  live  on  blood.  I  know  there  is  a 
mist  before  your  eyes;  I  will  dispel  the  clouds,  that  you  may  clearly 
see  the  causes  of  the  war  between  the  Big  Enife  and  the  English; 
then  you  may  judge  for  yourselves,  which  party  is  in  the  right;  and 
if  you  are  warriors,  as  you  profess  yourselves  to  be,  prove  it  by 
adhering  faithfully  to  the  party  which  you  shall  believe  to  be 
entitled  to  your  friendship,  and  not  show  yourselves  to  be  squaws. 

"  The  Big  Knife  is  very  much  like  ^he  Red  people,  they  don't 
know  how  to  make  blankets,  and  powder,  and  cloth ;  they  buy 


ins. 


C0KQVB8T  or  ILUNOIS. 


277 


these  things  from  the  English,  from  whom  they  are  sprang.  They 
live  hy  making  com,  hunting,  and  trade,  as  you  and  your  neigh- 
bors, the  French,  do.  But  the  Big  Knife  daily  getting  more 
numerous,  like  the  trees  in  the  woods,  the  land  became  poor,  and 
the  hunting  scarce;  and  having  but  little  to  trade  with,  the  women 
began  to  cry  at  seeing  their  children  naked,  and  tried  to  learn  how 
to  make  clothes  for  themselves ;  some  made  blankets  for  their  hus- 
bands and  children ;  and  the  men  learned  to  make  guns  and  pow- 
der. In  thb  way  we  did  not  want  to  buy  so  much  from  the  English ; 
they  then  got  mad  with  us,  and  sent  strong  garrisons  through  our 
country,  (as  you  see  they  have  done  among  you  on  the  lakes,  and 
among  the  French,)  they  would  not  let  our  women  spin,  nor  our 
men  make  powder,  nor  let  us  trade  with  anybody  else.  The  Eng- 
lish said  we  shoula  buy  every  thing  from  them,  and  since  we  had 
got  saucy,  we  should  give  two  bucks  for  a  blanket,  which  we  used 
to  get  for  one ;  we  should  do  as  tluey  pleased,  and  they  killed  some 
of  our  people,  to  make  the  rest  fear  them.  This  is  the  truth,  and 
the  real  cause  of  the  war  between  the  English  and  us ;  which  did 
not  take  place  for  some  time  after  this  treatment.  But  our  women 
became  cold  and  hungry,  and  continued  to  cry ;  our  young  men 
got  lost  for  want  of  counsel  to  put  them  in  the  right  path.  The 
whole  land  was  dark,  the  old  men  held  down  their  heads  for  shame, 
because  they  could  not  see  the  sun,  and  thus  there  was  mourning 
for  many  years  over  the  land. 

"At  last  the  Great  Spirit  took  pity  on  us,  and  kindled  a  great 
council  fire,  that  never  goes  out,  at  a  place  called  Philadelphia;  he 
then  stuck  down  a  post,  and  put  a  war  tomahawk  by  it,  and  went 
away.  The  sun  immediately  broke  out,  the  slqr  was  blue  agfun, 
and  the  old  men  held  up  their  heads,  and  assembled  at  the  fire ; 
they  took  up  the  hatchet,  sharpened  it,  and  put  it  into  the  hands 
of  our  young  men,  ordering  them  to  strike  the  English  as  long  as 
they  could  find  one  on  this  side  of  the  great  waters.  The  young 
men  immediately  struck  the  war>poBt,  and  blood  was  shed:  in  this 
way  the  war  began,  and  the  English  were  driven  from  one  place  to 
another,  until  they  got  weak,  and  then  they  hired  you  Red  people 
to  fight  for  them.  The  Great  Spirit  got  angry  at  this,  and  caused 
your  old  &ther,  the  French  king,  and  other  great  nations,  to  join 
the  Big  Enife,  and  fight  with  them  against  all  their  enemies.  So 
the  English  have  become  like  a  deer  in  the  woods ;  and  you  may 
see  that  it  is  the  Great  Spirit,  that  has  caused  your  waters  to  be 
troubled ;  because  you  have  fought  for  the  people  he  was  mad  with. 


m 


278 


OOHQVHSV  Of  XIUROM. 


1778. 


If  your  women  and  children  shonld  now  oiy,  70a  mnit  blame  yoius 
selves  for  it,  and  not  the  Big  Knifb. 

"Yon  can  no#  judge  who  b  in  the  right;  I  have  already  toM 
yon  who  I  am ;  here  is  a  bloody  belt)  and  a  white  onC)  take  which 
yon  please.  Behave  like  men,  and  don't  let  your  being  surronnded 
by  the  Big  Knife,  cause  yon  to  lake  np  the  one  belt  with  yoar 
hands,  while  your  heuls  take  np  tho  other.  If  you  take  the  bloody 
path,  yon  shall  leave  the  town  in  safety,  and  may  go  and  join  yonr 
friends,  the  English ;  we  will  then  try,  like  warriors,  who  can  put 
the  most  stumbling  blocks  in  each  other's  way,  and  keep  oar 
clothes  longest  stained  with  blood.  If,  on  Ae  other  hand,  yon 
should  take  the  path  of  peace,  and  be  received  as  brothers  to  the 
Big  Enife,  with  their  fHends,  the  French,  sho^d  you  then  listen 
to  bad  birds,  that  may  be  flying  through  the  land>  yon  will  no 
longer  deserve  to  be  counted  as  men,  but  as  creatures  with  two 
tongues,  that  ought  to  be  destroyed  without  listening  to  any  thing 
you  might  say.  As  I  am  convinced  you  never  heard  the  truth  be- 
fore, I  do  not  wish  you  to  answer  before  you  have  taken  time  to 
counsel.  We  will,  therefore,  {>art  this  evening,  and  when  the 
Great  Spirit  shall  bring  us  together  again,  let  us  speak  and  think 
like  men,  with  one  heart  and  one  tongue."* 

This  speech  produced  the  desired  effect,  and  upon  the  following 
day  the  "Bed  people"  and  the  "BigEnifo,"  united  hearts  and 
hands  both.  In  all  these  proceedings,  there  is  no  question  that, 
directly  and  indirectly,  the  alliance  of  the  United  States  with 
France  was  very  instrumoatal  in  producing  a  friendly  feeling 
among  the  Indians,  who  had  never  lost  their  old  regard  toward  their 
first  Oreat  Father. 

But  though  it  was  Clark's  generol  rule  not  to  court  the  savages 
there  were  some  pardcnlar  chieftains  so  powerful  as  to  induce  him 
to  invite  thdm  to  meet  him,  and  learn  the  merits  of  the  quarrel  be- 
tween tiie  colonies  and  England.  Among  th<)se  was  Black  Bird, 
one  of  the  lake  chieft ;  he  came  at  the  invitation  of  tiie  American 
leader,  and,  dispensing  with  the  usual  formulas  of  the  Indian  nego- 
tiation, sat  down  with  Ool.  Clark^  in  a  common  sense  way,  and 
lalked  and  listened,  qttesti<!med  and  considei*ed,  until  he  was  satis- 
fied Itot  the  rebels  had  the  right  Of  the  matter ;  after  which  he  be- 
eame,  and  remained  a  finn  Mend  ef  the  Big  Knives. 


^  8«to  Imisn  ^dt^#  Itbnfdol^,  p.  to. 


1778. 


ooiTQuwT  or  xLLnroii. 


While  the  negotiations  between  the  conqueror  of  Einkaikia  and 
the  natives  were  going  forward,  an  incident  occnrred,  lo  character* 
istio  of  Oolonel  Olark,  that  it  is  worthy  of  notice:   A  party  of 
IndianS)  known  as  Meadow  Indians,*  bad  come  to  attend  the 
coancil  with  their  neighbors.    These,  by  some  means,  wereindnced 
to  attempt  the  murder  of  the  inyaders,  and  tried  to  obtun  an 
opportunity  to  commit  the  crime  proposed,  by  sniprising  Clark  and 
his  officers  in  their  quarters.    In  this  plan  they  failed,  and  their 
purpose  was  discovered  by  the  sagacity  of  the  French  in  attend- 
ance; when  this  was  done,  Clark  gave  them  to  the  French  to  deal 
with  as  they  pleased,  but  with  a  hint  that  some  of  the  leaders 
would  be  as  well  in  irons.    Thus  fettered  and  foile>'         chieft 
were  brought  daily  to  the  council  house,  where  he  whoiii  they  pro- 
posed to  kill,  was  engaged  daily  in  forming  friendly  relations  with 
their  red  brethren.    At  length,  when  by  these  means  the  futility 
of  their  project  had  been  sufficiently  impressed  upon  them,  the 
American  commander  ordered  their  irons  to  be  stanok  ot£,  and  in 
his  quiet  way,  full  of  scorn,  said,  "Every  body  thinks  you  ought  to 
die  for  your  treacheiy  upon  my  life,  amidst  the  Sacred  deliberations 
of  a  council.    I  had  determined  to  inflict  death  npon  you  for  your 
base  attempt,  and  you  yourselves  must  be  sensible  that  you  have 
justly  forfeited  your  lives;  but  on  considering  the  meanness  of 
watching  a  bear  and  catching  him  asleep,  I  have  found  out  that 
you  are  not  warriors,  only  old  women,  and  too  mean  to  be  killed 
by  the  Big  Enife.    But,"  continued  he,  "as  you  ought  to  be 
punished  for  putting  on  breech  cloths  like  men,  they  shall  be  taken 
away  from  you ;  plenty  of  provisious  shi^l  be  given  for  your  journey 
home,  as  women  don't  know  how  to  hunt,  and  during  your  stay 
you  shall  be  treated  in  everjr  respect  as  squaws."  f 

These  few  cutting  words  concluded,  the  Colonel  turned  «way  to 
converse  with  others.  The  children  of  the  prairie,  who  had 
looked  for  anger,  not  contempt— punishment,  not  freedom — were 
unaccountably  stirred  by  this  treatment.  They  took  counsel 
together,  and  presently  a  chief  came  forward  with  a  belt  and  pipB 
of  peace,  which,  wit^  proper  words,  he  laid  upon  the  table.  The 
interpreter  stood  ready  to  translate  the  words  of  friendships  but 


•Th«w  irere  «  nmxtuA  of  tlw  Btoeovtim  trtbe,  or  Prmrie  9!rit%  *  tt*  anae  Og- 
nifies. 

fThia  ute  a  mode  of  ponishiaent  dwd  by  the  indiAa  u  a  mark  o^  disgrace.  An 
Uidita  thli^  ^^gfkdtfd,  n«V(»  atter  MiH  \k  a  muk.  lb  matt  do  tii«  AnteAy  ot  k 
Bq«a*. 


V 


<?►. 


^«-^ 


^ 


^• 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


|gr 


./ 


1.0    ^Ui  Ui 

itt  m  12.2 


Ui 


2?  HA    — 


Giii  lUd  Ui& 


%^ 


Photographic 

ScMices 

Corporation 


23  WBT  MAIN  STRIIT 

WnSTIR,N.Y.  MSM 

(716)t72-4S03 


5 


280 


009DUIST  OF  xLinron. 


1778 


with  curling  lip,  the  American  said  he  did  not  wish  to  hear  them, 
and  lifting  a  gword  whidi  lay  hefore  him,  he  shattered  the  offered 
pipe,  with  the  cutting  expression  that  "he  did  not  treat  with 
women."  The  hewildered,  overwhelmed  Meadow  Indians,  next 
asked  the  intercession  of  other  rod  men,  already  admitted  to 
friendship,  hnt  the  only  reply  was,  **  The  Big  Eiiife  has  made  no 
war  upon  these  people;  they  are  of  a  kind  that  we  shoot  like 
wolves  when  we  meet  them  in  the  woods,  lest  they  eat  the  deer." 

All  this  wrought  more  and  more  upon  the  offending  tribe;  again 
they  ^ook  counsel,  and  then  two  young  men  came  forwaTd,  and, 
covering  their  heads  with  their  blankets,  sat  down  before  the 
impenetrable  commander;  then  two  chiefii  arose,  and  stating  that 
these  young  warriors  offered  their  lives  as  an  atonement  for  the 
misdoings  of  their  relatives,  again  they  presented  the  pipe  of  peace. 
Silence  reigned  in  the  assembly,  wldle  the  fate  of  the  proffered 
victims  hung  in  suspense:  all  watched  the  countenance  of  the 
American  leader,  who  could  scarce  master  the  emotion  whirii  the 
incident  excited.  Still,  all  sat,  noiseless,  nothing  heard  but  the 
deep  breathing  of  those  whose  lives  thus  hung  by  a  thread.  Pres- 
entiy,  he  upon  whom  all  depended,  arose,  and,  approaching  the 
young  men,  he  bade  them  be  uncovered  and  stand  up.  They 
sprang  to  their  feet.  '*I  am  glad  to  find,"  said  Clark,  warmly, 
Mtfaat  there  are  men  among  all  nations.  With  you,  who  alone  are 
fit  to  be  chie&  of  your  tribe,  I  am  willing  to  treat;  through  you  I 
am  ready  to  grant  peace  to  your  brothers ;  I  take  you  by  the  hands 
as  chieft,  worthy  of  being  such."  Here  again  the  fearless  gener- 
osilj,  the  generous  fearlessness  of  Glark,  proved  perfectly  succese- 
ful,  and  while  the  tribe  in  question  became  the  allies  of  America, 
the  feme  of  the  occurrence,  which  spread  fiur  and  wide  through 
the  north-west,  made  the  name  of  the  white  negotiator  eveiywbere 
respected. 

**ln  October  of  the  same  year,  an  agent  arrived  at  Ouiatenon 
on  the  upper  Wabash,  whose  special  mission  was  to  keep  the 
Indians  of  that  place  and  vicinity,  ia  the  British  interest  There- 
fore, it  was  resolved,  in  the  language  of  Colonel  Clark,  "to  take 
him  off"  A  detachment  of  men  under  Lieutenant  Bailey,  from 
Easkaskia,  and  Captain  Helm,  commanding  at  Yincennes,  in  all 
numbering  about  one  hundred,  a  portion  of  whom  were  Frencli 
militia  and  Indians,  were  sent  to  surprise  him;  but  by  some  acci- 
dent, he  perhaps  the  only  one  at  the  post,  received  intelligence  of 
tiieir  approach,  absconded,  and  returned  to  the  north,  leaving  his 
friends  who  were  unprepared  for  any  resistance,  to  the  mercy  of 


tm 


covQiTinr  Of  nuiroxs. 


sn 


their  captors.  Forty  men  were  made  prisoiieiv,  all  of  idiom  wore 
reloMed  l^  f^gning  a  treatjr  maoh  to  oar  advaniage;  and  the 
detaehment  retamed  as  £ir  as  Yinoennes,  by  water." 

In  leaving  Oaptain  Helm  at  Vinoenne^  with  a  very  diminnt^ve 
command,  Oolonel  Glark  was  snpposed  to  have  relaxed  firom  his 
former  caution  and  vigilance;  bat  atorabont  that  tim^,  he  had 
been  officially  informed  of  the  orders  to  General  Mcintosh^  to 
march  with  all  possible  dispatoh  against  Detroit^  where  it  was 
believed  that  the  whole  British  force,  together  with  their  Indian 
allies,  wonld  find  empl<^rment  in  their  immediate  defense.  Mcin- 
tosh, however,  loitered  on  his  march  nnii]  the  season  wore  away, 
and  proceeded  no  farther  against  November,  than  the  apper 
Maskingam,  where  he  bailt  a  fort,  left  a  garrison,  and  retamed  to. 
Fort  Pitt 

From  the  fidlare  of  that  expedition,  the  post  at  Vincennes  w»i 
left  exposed  to  the  attack  of  the  British  and  Indians,  withont  any 
snfficient  force  to  defend  it  Henry  Hamilton,  the  British  Lienten- 
ant-Govemcr  of  Detroit,  collected  an  army  of  about  thirty  regalaxs, 
fi%  French  volunteers,  and  four  hundred  Indians,  went  fixmi 
Detroit  to  the  Wabash,  thence  down  that  river,  and  appeared 
before  the  fort  on  the  15th  of  December,  1778.  llie  people  made 
no  effort  to  defend  the  place.  Captain  Helm  and  a  man  named 
Henry,  were  the  only  Americans  in  the  fort  The  latter  had  a 
cannon  well  charged,  placed  in  the  open  gateway,  while  the  com- 
mandant, Helmj  stood  by  it  with  the  lighted  mateh.  When 
Colonel  Hamilton  and  his  troops  approached  within  hailing  dis- 
tance, the  American  officer  called  out,  with  a  loud  voice,  "Halt!" 
This  show  of  resistance  caused  Hunilton  to  stop,  and  demand  a 
surrender  of  the  garrison. 

Helm  exclaimed,  "No  man  shall  enter  here  until  I  know  the 
terms."  Hamilton  responded,  "You  shall  have  the  honors  of 
war;"  and  the  fort  was  surrendered,  and  the  one  officer  and  the  one 
private  received  the  oustomaiy  mark  of  respect  for  their  brave 
defense. 

A  portion  of  Hamilton's  foroe  was  dispatohed  with  the  Indians 
to  attack  the  settlements  on  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  rivers.  Capt 
Helm  was  detained  in  the  fort  as  a  prisoner,  and  the  French  inhabit- 
tants  were  disarmed.  Col.  Clark's  position  became  perilous. 
Detached  parties  of  hostile  Indians,  sent  out  by  Col.  Hamilton, 
began  to  appear  in  Illinois.  He  ordered  Migor  Bowman  to  evacu- 
ate the  fort  at  Cahokia,  and  meet  him  at  Easkasikia.  "I  could 
see,"  sayq  Clark,  "but  littie  probability  of  keeping  possession  of 
19 


OOHOVWV  or  ILU90I9, 


%rn. 


the  countay,  as  mj. number  of  men  was  too  small  to  stand  a  siege, 
and  my  situation  too  remote  to  call  for  assistance.  I  made  aU  tixe 
preparation  I  possibly  oonld  for  the  attack,  and  was  necesmtated  to 
set  fire  to  some  of  the  houses  in  town,  to  dear  them  out  of  the 
way."  At  this  crisis,  the  bold  and  hazardous  prcgect  of  capturing 
Colonel  Hamilton,  and  retaking  Post  Vincennes,  became  the  theme 
of  his  daily  and  nightly  meditations. 

He  employed  Col.  Francis  Yigo^  then  a  resident  of  St.  Louis,  to 
make  an  exploration  of  the  civoumstances  and  strength  of  the 
enemy  at  Post  Vincennes.  Col.  Vigo,  though  a  Spani^  subject, 
possessed. an  innate  love  of  liberty;  an  attachment  to  republican 
principles,  and  an  ardent  sympathy  for  an  oppressed  people,  strag- 
gling for  their  rights.  He  diweguded  personal  consequoaces,  for 
as  soon  as  he  had  heard  of  the  arrival  of  Col.  Clark  at  Kaakaslda, 
and  the  possession  of  Illinois  by  the  Americans,  he  went  there  and 
tendered  his  wealth  and  influence  to  sustain  the  cause  of  liberty. 

At  the  request  of  Col.  Clark,  Col.  Yigo^  mth  a  single  servant, 
proceeded  to  Vincennes.  At  the  Embarrass  he  was  taken  prisoner 
by  a  party  of  Indians,  plundered  and  brought  before  CoL  Hamilton. 
Being  a  Spanish  subject,  though  suspected  of  being  a  spy  for  the 
Americans,  the  governor  had  no  power  to  hold  him  as  a  prisoner 
of  war,  but  forbid  him  to  leave  the  fort  Entreated  by  the  French 
inhabitants  to  allow  him  to  depart,  and  threatened  wi^  the  refusal 
of  all  supplies  for  the  garrison,  the  governor  reluctantly  yielded,  on 
condition  that  Col.  Vigo  would  sign  an  article  "not  to  do  any  act 
during  the  war,  injurious  to  the  British  interests."  This  he  refused, 
but  consented  to  a  pledge  not  to  do  anything  injurious  on  Ms  way 
to  St,  Louis.  This  was  accepted,  and  Col.  Vigo  was  permitted  to 
depart  in  a  pirogue  down  the  Wabash  and  Ohio,  and  up  the  Missis- 
sippi to  St.  Louis. 

He  kept  his  pledge  most  sacredly.  On  his  way  to  St.  Louis,  he 
abstained  from  all  intercourse  with  the  Americans — ^but  he  only 
staid  at  home  long  enough  to  change  his  dress,  when  he  returned 
to  Easkaskia,  and  gave  Col.  Clark  full  and  explicit  information  of 
the  condition  of  the  British  force  at  Vincennes,  the  projected 
movements  of  Hamilton,  and  the  friendly  feelings  of  the  French 
toward  the  Americans.  From  him.  Col.  Clark  learned  that  a  po^ 
tion  of  the  British  troope  were  absent  on  marauding  parties  with 
the  Indians,  that  the  garrison  consisted  of  about  eighty  regular 
SKridiers,  three  brass  field-pieces  and  some 'swivels,  and  that  Gov. 
Hamilton  meditated  the  r^^aptuire  of  Easkaakia  early  in  the  q^ng. 
Ooh  Clark  determined  on  th«  bold  prcyeot  of  i^n  expedHion  to 


mt. 


ci;abk  xabosm  AaAiirsv  TnroiHirns. 


sm 


YinQoajMB,  of  which  he  wrote  to  Got.  Henry,  And  e«nt  an  express 
to  Yixginia.  As  a  reason  for  this  hasardoos  project,  Col.  Clark 
urged  the  force  and  designs  of  Hamilton,  saying  to  Gh>v.  Henry  in 
his  letter,  «/  knew  tf  J  did  not  take  him,  he  unnOd  take  me." 

A  boat  fitted  np  as  a  galley,  oanying  two  four-ponnders  and  fonr 
swivels,  and  commanded  by  Capt.  John  Bogers,  with  forty-six  men, 
and  provivons,  was  dupatdked  from  Easkaskia  to  the  Ohio,  with 
orders  to  proceed  np  the  Wabash  as  secretly  as  possible  to  a  place 
near  the  month  of  the  Embarrass.  Two  companies  of  men  were 
raised  from  Cahokia  and  Kaskaskia,  commanded  by  Captains 
McOarty  and  Charleville,  which,  with  the  Americans,  amounted  to 
one  hundred  and  seventy  men. 

The  winter  was  unusually  wet  and  the  streams  all  high;  but  on 
the  7th  of  Febroary,  1779,  this  fragment  of  an  army  commenced 
its  march  from  KaskasUa  to  Post  Yinoent.  Their  route  lay 
through  the  prairies  and  points  of  timber  east  of  the  Easkaskia 
river,  a  north-easterly  course  through  Washington  and  Marion 
counties  into  Clay  county,  where  the  trail,  visible  thirty  years  since, 
would  strike  the  route  of  the  present  road  from  St  Louis  to  Vin- 
cennes.  This  was  one  of  the  most  dreary  and  fatiguing  expedi- 
tions of  the  Bevolutionaiy  war.  After  incredible  hardships,  they 
reached  the  Little  Wabash,  the  low  bottoms  of  which,  for  several 
miles,  were  covered  wi^h  water,  as  Col.  Clark's  report  affirms, 
"generally  three  feet  deep,  never  under  two,  and  frequently  over 
four  feet" 

They  arrived  at  the  "  two  Wabashes,"  as  Bovmian,  in  his  journal 
calls  the  two  branches,  (now  known  as  the  "Little  Wabash"  and 
"Muddy"  rivers,)  on  the  18th.  Here  they  made  a  canoe,  and  on 
the  15th^  furried'  over  their  baggage,  which  they  placed  on  a  scaf- 
fold on  the  opposite  bank.  Ridns  fell  every  day,  but  the  weather 
was  not  cold.  Hitherto  they  had  borne  their  extreme  privations 
and  difficulties  with  incredible  patience,  but  now  the  i^irits  of 
many  seemed  exhausted.  There  was  an  Lish  drummer  in  the 
pM*ty  who  possessed  an  uncommon  talent  in  singing  comic  bish 
songs.  While  the  men  were  wading  to  their  waist,  and  sometimes 
to  the  arm-pits  in  mud  and  water,  the  fertile  ii^nuity  of  Colonel 
Clark^  who  never  fiuled  in  resources,  placed  the  Irishman  on  his 
drum,  which  readily  floated,  while  he  entertained  his  exhausted 
troops  with  his  comic  and  musical  powers. 

On  the  18th  day  of  February,  eleven  days  after  their  deputure 
from  Easkaskia,  they  heard  the  morning  gun  of  the  fort,  and  at«ven- 
ing  of  the  same  day,  th^  were  on  the  Great  Wabash,  below  the 


284 


OLABK  MABOBU  AOAINfft  THrOBNNIS. 


1779. 


month  of  the  Emb*nM8,  Th«  party  were  now  m  ^e  most  ezbansted, 
destitnte  and  starving  condition,  and  no  sign  of  their  boat  with 
anppliee.  The  river  was  ont  of  its  banks,  all  the  low  gronnda  cov- 
ered with  water,  and  canoes  conld  not  be  constracted  to  carry  them 
over  before  the  British  garrison  would  discover  and  capture,  or 
massacre  the  whole  party.  On  the  20th  of  Febmary  they  hailed 
and  bnmght  to  a  boat  from  Post  Vincent,  and  from  the  crew,  whom 
they  detained,  they  learned  that  the  French  population  were 
friendly  to  the  Americans,  and  that  no  suspicion  of  the  expeditim 
had  reached  the  British  garrison. 

Oolonel  Olark  says : 

"This  last  day's  march,  (February  21st,)  through  the  water,  was 
fke  superior  to  any  thing  the  Frenchmen  had  any  idea  of:  they 
were  backward  in  speaking — said  the  nearest  land  to  us  was  a 
small  league,  called  the  sugar  camp,  on  the  bank  of  the  slough.  A 
canoe  was  sent  off,  and  returned  without  finding  that  we  could 
pass.  I  went  in  her  myself,  and  sounded  the  water;  found  it  deep 
as  to  my  neck.  I  returned  with  a  design  to  have  the  men  trans- 
ported on  board  the  canoes  to  this  sugar  camp,  which  I  knew  would 
spend  the  whole  day  and  ensuing  night,  as  the  vessels  would  pasa 
slowly  through  the  bushes.  The  loss  of  so  much  time,  to  men  half 
starved,  was  a  matter  of  consequence.  I  would  have  ^ven  now  a 
great  deal  for  a  day's  provisions,  or  for  one  of  our  horses.  I  re> 
turned  but  slowly  to  the  troops — ^giving  myself  time  to  think.  On 
our  arrival,  all  ran  to  hear  what  was  the  report.  Every  eye  was 
fixed  on  me.  I  unfortunately  spoke  in  a  serious  manner  to  one  of 
the  officers;  the  whole  were  alarmed  without  knowing  what  I  said. 
I  viewed  their  confbsion  for  about  one  minute — whispered  to  those 
near  me  to  do  as  I  did — ^immediately  put  some  water  in  my  hand, 
poured  on  powder,  blackened  my  face,  gave  the  war-whoop,  marched 
into  the  water  without  saying  a  word. 

*'  The  party  gazed,  fell  in,  one  after  another,  without  saying  a 
word,  like  a  flock  of  sheep.  I  ordered  those  near  me  to  ^ve  a  fa- 
vorite song  of  theirs.  It  soon  passed  through  the  line,  and  the 
whole  went  on  cheerfully.  I  now  intended  to  have  them  trans- 
ported  across  the  deepest  part  of  the  water;  but  when  about  waieft 
deep,  one  of  the  men  informed  me  that  he  thought  he  felt  a  path. 
We  examined,  and  found  it  so;  and  concluded  that  it  kept  on  the 
highest  ground,  which  it  did;  and  by  taking  pains  to  follow  it,  we 
got  to  the  sugar  camp  without  the  least  difficulty,  where  there  was 
about  half  an  acre  of  dry  ground,  at  least  not  iwder  water,  where 
we  took  up  our  lod^ngs.    The  Frenchmen  that  we  had  taken  on 


im. 


OLARX  MABOBM  AQAJXn  YXironiNM. 


286 


the  river  appeared  to  be  uneasy  at  our  aitoation.  They  be|^ed 
that  they  might  be  permitted  to  go  in  the  two  canoes  to  town  in 
the  night:  they  said  they  would  bring  from  their  own  honses  pro- 
visions, without  the  possibility  of  any  person  knowing  it;  that  some 
of  our  men  should  go  with  them,  as  a  surety  of  their  good  conduct; 
that  it  was  impossible  we  could  march  from  that  place  till  the  wa> 
ter  fell,  for  the  plain  was  too  deep  to  march.  Some  of  ihe  offi- 
oera  believed  that  it  might  be  done.  Iwouldnotsuftierit.  X  never 
could  well  account  for  this  piece  of  obstinacy,  and  give  satisfiMstory 
reasons  *  inyseli^  or  anybody  else,  why  I  denied  a  proposition  ap- 
parp^v^y  so  easy  to  exeoate,  and  of  so  much  advantage;  but 
something  seemed  to  tell  me  tiiat  it  should  not  be  done,  and  it  was 
not  done. 

"  The  most  of  the  weather  that  we  had  on  this  march,  was  moist 
and  warm  for  the  season.  This  was  the  coldest  night  we  had.  The  ice 
in  the  morning  was  from  one-half  to  three-quarters  of  an  inch  thick, 
near  the  shores,  and  in  still  water.  The  morning  was  the  finest 
we  had  on  our  march.  A  little  after  sunrise  I  lectured  the  whole. 
What  I  said  to  them  I  forget;  but  it  may  be  easily  imagined  by  a 
person  that  could  possess  my  affections  for  them  at  that  time :  I 
concluded  by  informing  them,  that  passing  the  plain  that  was  then 
in  full  view,  and  reaching  the  opposite  woods,  would  put  an  end  to 
their  fatigue — ^that  in  a  few  hours  they  would  have  a  sight  of  their 
long  wished  for  object— and  immediately  stepped  into  the  water 
without  waiting  for  any  reply.  A  huzza  took  place.  As  we  gen- 
erally marched  through  the  water  in  aline,  before  the  third  entered 
I  halted  and  called  to  Migor  Bowman,  ordered  him  to  fall  in  the 
rear  with  twenty-five  men,  and  to  put  to  death  any  man  who  re- 
fased  to  march,  as  we  wished  to  have  no  such  person  amongst  us. 
The  whole  gave  a  cry  of  approbation,  and  on  we  went  This  was 
the  most  trying  of  all  the  difficulties  we  had  experienced. 

"  I  generally  kept  fifteen  or  twenty  of  the  strongest  men  next 
myself;  and  judged  from  my  own  feelings  what  must  be  those  of 
others.  Getting  about  the  middle  of  the  plain,  the  water  about 
mid-deep,  I  found  myself  sensibly  fiuling ;  and  as  there  were  no 
trees  nor  bushes  for  the  men  to  support  themselves  by,  I  feared 
that  many  of  the  most  weak  would  be  drowned.  I  ordered  the 
canoes  to  make  the  land,  discharge  their  loading,  and  ply  back- 
ward and  forward  with  all  diligence,  and  pick  up  the  men;  and  to 
encourage  the  party,  sent  some  of  the  strongest  men  forward,  with 
orders,  when  they  got  to  a  certain  distance,  to  pass  the  word  back 
that  the  water  was  getting  shallow;  and  when  getting  near  the 


286 


OLABK  M AROBM  AOADTSt  flMVUBm. 


in». 


woods  to  017  out  *  Lamd  V  This  stratagem  had  its  desired  eflbot 
The  lAen,  encouraged  hj  it,  exerted  themselves  almost  beyoiid  their 
ahilities— the  weiA:  holding  by  the  stronger.  The  water  never  got 
sliallower,  hnt  continued  deepening.  Getting  to  the  woods  where 
the  men  e3q[>eoted  land,  the  water  was  vp  to  my  shoulders :  but 
gaining  the  woods  was  of  great  consequence :  all  the  low  men  and 
weakly  hung  to  the  trees,  and  floated  on  the  old  logs,  tmtil  they 
were  teken  off  by  the  canoes.  The  strcmg  and  tall  got  ashore  and 
built  fires.  Many  would  roach  the  shoro,  and  M\  with  their  bodies 
half  in  the  water,  not  being  able  to  support  themselves  without  it. 

"  This  was  a  delightful  dry  spot  of  ground,  of  about  ten  acres. 
We  soon  found  that  fires  answered  no  purpose;  but  that  two  strong 
men  taldng  a  weaker  one  by  the  arms  was  the  only  way  to  rocover 
him;  and,  being  a  deligbtftil  day,  it  soon  did.  But,  fortunately, 
as  if  designed  by  Provi<''>ttce,  a  canoe  of  Indian  squaws  and  chil- 
dren was  coming  up  to  town,  and  took  through  part  of  this  plain 
as  a  ni^  way.  It  was  discovered  by  our  canoes  as  they  were  out 
after  the  men.  They  gave  chase  and  took  the  Indian  canoe,  on 
board  of  which  was  nearly  half  a  quarter  of  buffi^lo,  some  corn, 
tallow,  kettles,  &c.  This  was  a  grand  prize,  and  was  invaluable. 
Broth  was  immediately  made  and  served  out  to  the  most  weakly, 
with  great  care:  most  of  the  whole  got  a  little;  but  a  great  many 
gave  their  part  to  the  weakly,  jocosely  saying  something  cheering 
to  their  comrades. 

"  This  little  refreshment  and  fine  weather,  by  the  afternoon,  gave 
life  to  the  whole.  Crossing  a  narrow,  deep  lake,  in  the  canoes,  and 
marching  some  distance,  we  came  to  a  copse  of  timber,  called  the 
Warrior's  Island.  We  were  now  in  full  view  of  the  fort  and  town, 
not  a  shrub  betw^n  us,  at  about  two  miles  distance.  Every  mau 
now  feasted  his  eyes,  and  forgot  that  he  had  suffered  any  tiling— 
saying,  that  all  that  had  passed  was  owing  to  good  policy,  and 
nothing  but  what  a  man  could  bear,  and  that  a  soldier  had  no 
right  to  think,  &;c.— pasdng  from  one  extreme  to  another,  which 
is  common  in  such  cases.  It  was  now  we  had  to  display  our  abili- 
ties.  The  plun  between  us  and  the  town  was  not  a  perfect  level. 
The  sunken  grounds  were  covered  with  water,  ftiU  of  ducks.  We 
observed  several  men  out  on  horseback,  shooting  them,  within  half 
a  mile  of  us,  and  sent  out  as  many  of  our  active  young  Frenchmen 
to  decoy  and  take  one  of  these  men  prisoner,  in  such  a  manner  as 
not  to  alarm  the  others;  which  they  did.  The  information  we  got 
from  this  person  was  similar  to  that  which  we  got  from  those  we 
took  on  the  river:  except  that  of  the  British  having  that  evening 


m». 


CLARK  BIIORI  VINOBRNM. 


287 


completed  the  waU  of  the  fort,  and  that  there  were  a  good  many 
Indiana  in  town. 

**  Onr  ritnation  was  now  tmly  eritioal— no  poraibililgp  of  retreat- 
ing in  case  of  defeat— and  in  fhll  riew  of  a  town  that  had  at  this 
time  upward  of  six  hundred  men  in  it,  troops,  inhabitants,  and 
Indians.  The  crew  of  the  galley,  fhongh  not  fifty  men,  wonld  now 
have  been  a  reinforcement  of  immense  magnitade  to  bar  little 
array,  (if  I  may  so  call  it,)  but  we  wonld  not  -think  of  them.  We 
were  now  in  the  sitnation  that  I  had  labored  to  get  ourselves  in. 
*rh6  idea  of  being  made  prisoner  was  foreign  to  almost  every  man, 
as  they  expected  nothing  but  torture  from  the  savages,  if  they  fell 
into  their  hands.  Our  fate  was  now  to  be  determined,  probably  in 
a  few  hours.  We  knew  that  nothing  but  the  most  daring  eonduet 
would  insure  success.  I  knew  that  a  number  of  the  inhabitants 
wished  us  well— that  many  were  lukewarm  to  the  interest  of  either 
— and  I  also  learned  that  the  Grand  Chief,  the  Tobacco's  son,  had, 
but  a  few  days  before,  openly  declared  in  council  with  the  British, 
that  he  was  a  brother  and  a  friend  to  the  Big  Knives.  These  were 
fiivorablo  circumstances;  and  as  there  was  but  little  probability  of 
our  reihaining  until  dark  undiscovered,  I  determined  to  be^n 
the  career  immediately,  and  wrote  the  following  placard  to  the 
inhabitants: 

"  To  the  inhabitants  of  Post  Vincennes. 

**  Gbntlbhkn  : — Being  now  within  two  miles  of  your  village, 
with  my  army,  determined  to  take  your  fort  this  night,  and  not 
being  willing  to  surprise  you,  I  take  this  method  to  request  such 
of  you  as  are  time  citizens  and  willing  to  ei^joy  the  libeiij  T  bring 
you,  to  remain  still  in  your  houses.  And  those,  if  any  iJ  ere  be, 
that  are  friends  to  the  king,  will  instantly  repair  to  the  fort  and 
Join  the  hair-buyer  general,  and  fight  like  men.  And  if  any  such 
as  do  not  go  to  the  fort  shall  be  discovered  afterward,  they  may 
depend  on  severe  punishment.  On  the  contrary,  those  who  are 
true  Mends  to  liberty  may  depend  on  being  well  treated;  and  I 
once  more  request  them  to  keep  out  of  the  streets.  For  every  oiie 
I  find  in  arms  on  my  arrival,  I  shall  treat  him  as  an  enemy. 

[Signed.]  O.  B.  GLABK. 

"A  Uttle before  sunset  we  moved  and  displayed  ourselves  in  full 
viewlof  the  town->crowds  gazing  at  us.  We  were  plunging 
ourselves  into  certain  destruction,  or  success.  There  was  no  mid- 
way thought  of.    We  had  but  littie  to  say  to  our  men,  except 


I 


OLABX  AITAOXS  TIKOIHHM. 


im. 


inonloftting  an  idea  of  the  neoemty  of  obedience,  iko.  We  knew 
they  did  not  want  enoooraging;  and  that  aqy  thing  might  be 
attempted  with  them  that  waa  poesible  for  saoh  a  nombe^— pe^ 
feotly  oool,  under  proper  lubordination,  pleased  with  the  proepeot 
before  them,  and  mnoh  attached  to  their  <^Scere.  They  all  declared 
that  they  were  convinced  that  an  implicit  obedience  to  ordera  wu 
the  only  thing  that  would  ensure  success  and  hoped  that  no  meroj 
would  be  shown  the  person  that  should  violate  them.  Sudi 
language  as  this  from  soldiers,  to  persons  in  our  station,  must  have 
been  exceedingly  agreeable.  We  moved  on  slowly  in  fiill  view  of 
the  town ;  but  as  it  was  a  point  of  some  consequence  to  us  to  make 
ourselves  t^pear  as  formidable,  we,  in  leaving  the  covert  that  we 
were  in,  marched  and  counter>marched  in  such  a  manner  that  we 
appeared  numerous. 

"In  raising  volunteers  in  the  Illinois,  every  person  that  set  about 
the  business  had  a  set  of  colors  g^ven  them,  which  they  brought 
with  them,  to  the  amount  of  ten  or  twelve  pair.  These  were  dis< 
played  to  the  best  advantage;  and  as  the  low  plain  we  marched 
through  was  not  a  perfect  level,  but  had  frequent  raisings  in  it 
seven  or  eight  feet  higher  than  the  common  level,  (which  was 
covered  with  water,)  and  as  these  raisings  generally  run  in  an 
oblique  direction  to  the  town,  we  took  the  advantage  of  one  of 
them,  marching  through  the  water  under  it,  which  completely 
prevented  our  being  numbered ;  but  our  colors  diowed  considerably 
above  the  heights,  as  they  were  fixed  on  long  poles  procured  for 
the  purpose,  and  at  a  distance  made  no  despicable  appearance ;  and 
as  our  young  Frenchmen  had,  while  we  lay  on  the  Warrior's 
Island,  decoyed  and  taken  several  fowlers,  with  their  horses,  officers 
were  mounted  on  these  horses,  and  rode  about  more  completely  to 
deceive  the  enemy.  In  this  manner  we  moved,  and  directed  our 
march  in  such  a  way  as  to  suffer  it  to  be  dark  before  we  had  advan- 
ced more  than  half  way  to  the  town.  We  then  suddenly  altered 
our  direcjdon,  and  crossed  ponds  where  they  could  not  have 
suspected  us,  and  about  eight  o'clock  gained  the  heights  back  of 
the  town. 

"The  garrison  was  soon  completely  surrounded,  and  the  firing 
continued  without  intermission,  (except  about  fifteen  minutes  a. 
little  before  day,)  until  about  nine  o'clock  the  following  morning. 
It  was  kept  up  by  the  whole  of  the  troops,— joined  by  a  few  of  the 
young  men  of  the  town  who  got  permission--except  fifty  men  kept 
as  a  reserve. 

"I  had  made  myself  fully  acquainted  with  the  situation  of  the  fort 


1770. 


VIironMM  BISIMK). 


S89 


•nd  town,  »nd  the  purti  relative  to  each.  The  oftnnon  of  the  gar- 
rison was  on  the  upper  floon  of  strong  blook-honses,  at  each  angle 
of  the  fort,  eleven  feet  above  the  Barfiue;  and  the  porta  so  badly 
out  that  many  of  oar  troops  lay  under  the  fire  of  them,  within 
twenty  or  thirty  yards  of  the  walls.  They  did  no  damage  except  to 
the  buildings  of  the  town,  some  of  which  they  much  shattered:  and 
their  musketry,  in  the  dark,  employed  against  woodsmen  covered 
by  houses,  palings,  ditches,  the  banks  of  the  river,  &c.,  was  but  of 
little  avail,  and  did  no  injury  to  us  except  wounding  a  man  or  two. 
As  we  could  not  afford  to  lose  men,  great  care  was  taken  to  pre- 
senre  them  sufficiently  covered,  and  to  keep  up  a  hot  fire  in  order 
to  intimidate  the  enemy  as  well  as  to  destroy  them. 

*'The  embrasures  of  their  cannon  were  frequently  shut,  for  our  rifle- 
men, finding  the  true  direction  of  them,  would  pour  in  such  volleys 
when  they  were  opened,  that  the  men  could  not  stand  to  the 
guns ;  seven  or  eight  of  them  in  a  short  time  got  cut  down.  Our 
troops  would  frequently  abuse  the  enemy,  in  order  to  aggravate 
them  to  open  their  ports  and  fire  their  cannon,  that  they  might 
have  the  pleasure  of  cutting  them  down  with  their  rifies — ^fifty  of 
which  perhaps  would  be  leveled  the  moment  the  port  fiew  open ;  and 
I  believe  that  if  they  had  stood  at  their  artillery,  the  greater  part  of 
them  would  have  been  destroyed  in  the  course  of  the  night,  as  the 
greater  part  of  our  men  lay  within  thirty  yards  of  the  walls;  and  in 
a  few  hours  were  covered  equally  to  those  within  the  walls,  and 
much  more  experienced  in  that  mode  of  fighting. 

"  Sometimes  an  irregular  fire,  as  hot  as  possible,  was  kept  up  from 
different  directions  for  a  few  minutes,  and  then  only  a  continual 
scattering  fire  at  the  ports  as  usual;  and  a  great  noise  and  laughter 
immediately  commenced  in  different  parts  of  the  town,  by  the  re- 
served parties,  as  if  they  bad  only  fired  on  the  fort  a  few  minutes 
for  amusement;  and  as  if  those  continually  firing  at  the  fort  were 
only  regularly  relieved.  Conduct  similar  to  this  kept  the  garrison 
constantly  alarmed. 

"Thus  the  attack  continued,  until  about  nine  o'clock  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  24th.  Learning  that  the  two  prisoners  they  had  brought 
in  the  day  before  had  a  considerable  number  of  letters  with  them, 
•I  supposed  it  anei^ress  we  expected  about  this  time,  which  I  knew 
to  be  of  the  greatest  moment  to  us,  as  we  had  not  received  one 
since  our  arrival  in  the  country;  and  not  being  fully  acquainted 
with  the  character  of  our  enemy,  we  were  doubtful  that  those  pa- 
pers might  be  destroyed;  to  prevent  which  I  sent  a  flag,  with  a 
letter,  demanding  the  garrison." 


290 


KMl  OOMTmUID. 


1770. 


Tht  following  is  »  copy  of  the  letter  *  which  wm  Addretsed  hj 
OoL  Clark  to  LieutenADt-Oovemor  Hamilton,  on  th«  oooMion: 

*'SiBi — ^In  ordor  to  mto  yonnelf  ftom  the  impending  itorm  that 
now  threatens  yon,  I  order  yon  immediately  to  sorrender  yourself, 
with  all  yoar  garrison,  stores,  fto.  For  if  I  am  obliged  to  storm, 
you  may  depend  on  snoh  treatment  as  is  jostly  doe  to  a  murderer. 
Beware  of  desboying  stores  of  any  kind,  or  any  papers  or  letters 
that  are  in  your  possession,  or  hurting  one  house  in  town — ^for,  by 
heavens  I  if  you  do,  there  shall  be  no  moroy  shown  yon. 

[Signed.]  '  O.  R.  GLARE." 

To  this  the  governor  replied,  that  he  could  not  think  of  being 
"awed  into  any  action  unworthy  a  British  subject; "  but  his  true 
feeling  peeped  out  in  his  question  to  Helm,  when  the  bullets  rat> 
tied  about  the  chimney  of  the  room  in  which  they  were  playing 
piquet  together,  and  Helm  swore  that  Glsrk  would  have  them  pri- 
soners.   "  Is  he  a  merciftil  man  ?  "  said  the  governor. 

Olark  finding  the  British  unwilling  to  yield  quietly,  began  "firing 
very  hot"  When  this  came  on.  Helm  cautioned  tiie  English  sol- 
diers not  to  look  out  through  the  loop-holes;  for  these  Virginia 
riflemen,  he  said,  would  shoot  their  eyes  out  if  they  did.  And  seven 
being  actually  shot  by  balls  which  came  through  the  port-holes, 
Hamilton  was  led  to  send  out  a  flag  with  the  following  letter : 
:  "Lieutenant-Governor  Hamilton  proposes  to  Oolonel  Clark  a 
truce  for  three  days;  during  which  time  he  promises  there  shall  be 
no  defensive  works  carried  on  in  the  garrison,  on  condition  that 
Colonel  Clark  shall  observe,  on  his  part,  a  like  cessation  of  any  de- 
feuKve  work :  that  is,  he  wishes  to  confer  with  Colonel  Clark  as 
soon  as  can  be ;  and  promises  that  whatever  may  pass  between  them 
two,  and  another  person  mutually  agreed  upon  to  be  present,  ehall 
remain  secret  till  matters  be  finished,  as  he  wishes,  that  whatever 
the  result  of  the  conference  may  be,  it  may  tend  to  the  honor  and 
credit  of  each  party.  If  Colonel  Clark  makes  a  difficulty  of  com!  ng 
into  the  fort,  Lieutenant-Governor  Hamilton  will  speak  to  him  by 
the  gate. 

[Signed.]  HENRY  HAMILTON. 

24th  February,  79."  • 

"  I  was  at  a  great  loss  to  conceive  what  reason  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor Hamilton  could  have  for  wishing  a  truce  for  three  days,  on 


*£xtnoted  from  Mi^or  Bomun's  HS.  Journal. 


17T9. 


Mioi  ooHmruiD. 


m 


•iioh  termi  m  he  propoMd.  Nmnben  Mid  it  wm  *  foheme  to  get 
me  into  their  poeeeeeion.  I  hed  ft  diflfbrent  opinion,  and  no  ide* 
of  his  poMefsing  each  lentimente,  m  en  tot  of  thet  kind  wonld  in- 
fiillibly  rain  him.  Although  we  had  the  greateet  reason  to  expect  a 
reinforcement  in  leee  than  three  days,  that  would  at  once  put  an 
end  to  the  eiege,  I  yet  did  not  think  it  pradent  to  agree  to.  the  pro* 
poeala,  and  sent  the  following  anewer: 

'*  Colonel  Olark't  oomplimenta  to  Lieutenant-Governor  Hamilton, 
and  bege  leave  to  inform  him  that  he  will  not  bgree  to  any  terme 
"other  than  Mr.  Hamilton's  surrendering  himself  and  garrison  pris- 
oners at  discretion.  If  Mr.  Hamilton  is  desirous  of  a  conference 
with  Oolonel  Clark,  he  will  meet  him  at  the  church,  with  Captain 
Helm.  [Signed,]  G.  B.  C. 

February  24th,  '79." 

"We  met  at  the  church,  about  eighty  yards  from  the  fort— Lieu- 
tenantrGovemor  Hamilton,  M%jor  Hay,  Superintendent  of  Indian 
Affiurs,  Capi  Helm,  their  prisoner,  Mi^or  Bowman  and  myself. 
The  conference  began.  Hamilton  produced  terms  of  capitulation, 
signed,  that  contained  various  articles,  one  of  which  was  that  the 
garrison  should  be  surrendered,  on  their  being  permitted  to  go  to 
Pensacola  on  parole.  After  deliberating  on  every  article,  I  rejected 
the  whole.  He  then  wished  I  would  make  some  proposition.  I 
told  him  that  I  had  no  other  to  make,  than  what  I  had  already 
made — that  of  his  surrendering  as  prisoners  at  discretion.  I  said 
that  his  troops  had  behaved  with  spirit;  that  they  could  not  sup- 
pose that  they  would  be  worse  treated  in  consequence  of  it ;  that 
if  he  chose  to  comply  with  the  demand,  though  hard,  perhaps  the 
sooner  the  better;  that  it  was  in  vain  to  make  any  proposition  to 
me ;  that  he  by  this  time,  must  be  sensible  that  all  the  garrison  would 
M\;  that  both  of  us  must  view  all  blood  spilt  for  the  fhture  by 
the  garrison  as  murder;  that  my  tiroops  were  already  impatient, 
and  called  aloud  for  permission  to  tear  down  and  storm  the  fort ; 
if  such  a  step  was  taken,  many  of  course  would  be  cut  down;  and 
the  result  of  an  enraged  body  of  woodsmen  breaking  in,  must  be 
obvious  to  him;  it  would  be  out  of  the  power  of  an  American 
officer  to  save  a  single  man.  Various  altercations  took  place  for  a 
considerable  time.  Captain  Helm  attempted  to  moderate  our  fixed 
determination.  I  told  him  he  was  a  British  prisoner,  and  it  was 
doubtful  whether  or  not  he  could  with  propriety  speak  on  the  sub- 
ject Hamilton  then  said  that  Captain  Helm  was  from  that  moment 
liberated,  and  might  use  his  pleasure.    I  informed  the  Captun  that 


892 


HAMILTON  PB0P08BS  TBBMB  OV  OAPITULATIOIT. 


1779. 


I  would  not  receive  him  on  such  tenns — that  he  must  retom  to  the 
garrison  and  await  his  fate.  I  then  told  Lieutenant-Colonel  Ham- 
ilton that  hostilities  should  not  commence  until  five  minutes  after 
the  drums  gave  the  alarm.  Wo  took  our  leave  and  parted  hut  a 
few  steps,  when  Hamilton  stopped  and  politely  asked  me  if  I  would 
be  so  kind  as  to  give  him  my  reasons  for  refusing  the  giarrison  on 
any  other  terms  than  those  I  had  offered.  I  told  him  I  had  no 
objections  in  giving  him  my  real  reasons,  which  were  simply  these: 
that  I  knew  the  greater  part  of  the  principal  Indian  partizans  of 
Detroit  wore  with  him — ^that  I  wanted  an  excuse  to  put  them  to 
death,  or  otherwise  treat  them  as  I  thought  proper — that  the  cries 
of  the  widows  and  the  fatherless  on  the  frontiers,  which  they  had 
occasioned,  now  required  their  blood  from  my  hands,  and  that  I 
did  not  choose  to  be  so  timorous  as  to  disobey  the  absolute  com- 
mands of  their  authority,  which  I  looked  upon  to  be  next  to  divine ; 
that  I  would  rather  lose  fifty  men,  than  not  to  empower  myself  to 
execute  this  piece  of  business  with  propriety;  that  if  he  chose  to 
risk  the  massacre  of  his  garrison  for  their  sokes,  it  was  his  own 
pleasure;  and  that  I  might  perhaps  take  it  into  my  head  to  send 
for  some  of  those  widows  to  see  it  executed.  Major  Hay,  paying 
great  attention,  I  had  observed  a  kind  of  distrust  in  his  counte- 
nance, which  in  a  great  measure  influenced  my  conversation  during 
this  time. 

"  On  my  concluding,  *  Pray,  sir,'  said  he,  'who  is  it  that  you  call 
Indian  partizans? '  '  Sir,'  I  replied,  <I  take  M^or  Hay  to  be  one 
(Mf  the  principal.'  I  never  saw  a  man  in  the  moment  of  execution 
so  struck  as  he  appeared  to  be— pale  and  trembling,  scarcely  able 
to  stand.  Hamilton  blushed,  and,  I  observed,  was  much  affected 
at  his  behavior.  Mfyor  Bowman's  countenance  sufficiently 
explained  his  disdain  for  the  one,  and  his  sorrow  for  the  other. 
Some  moments  elapsed  without  a  word  passing  on  either  side. 
From  that  moment,  my. resolutions  changed  respecting  Hamilton's 
utuation.  I  told  him  that  we  would  return  to  our  respective  posts ; 
that  I  would  reconsider  the  matter,  and  let  him  know  the  result; 
no  offensive  measures  should  be  taken  in  the  meantime.  Agreed 
to,  and  we  parted.  What  had  passed  being  made  known  to  our 
officers,  it  was  agreed  that  we  should  moderate  our  resolutions." 

During  the  conference  at  the  church,  some  Indian  warriors  who 
had  been  sent  to  the  falls  of  the  Ohio  for  scalps  and  prisoners,  were 
discovered  on  their  return,  as  they  entered  the  plains  near  Post  Yin- 
cennes.  A  parly  of  the  American  troops,  commanded  by  Gaptun 
Williams,  went  out  to  meet  them.    The  Lidians,  who  mistook  this 


1779. 


HAMILTOH  SUBBBNDBSS. 


detachment  for  a  party  of  their  friends,  continued  to  advance 
<'with  all  the  parade  of  sucoesafal  warriors."  "  Oar  men,"  says 
Mi^or  Bowman,  "killed  two  on  the  spot,  and  wounded  three,  took 
six  prisoners  and  brought  them  m*jo  the  town ;  two  of  them  proved 
to  be  whites ;  we  released  them  and  brought  the  Indians  to  the 
main  street  before  the  fort  gate ;  there  tomahawked  them  and  threw 
them  into  the  river." 

In  the  course  of  the  afternoon  of  the  24th,  the  following  articles 
were  signed,  and  the  garrison  capitulated: 

"Lieutenant-Governor  Hamilton  engages  to  deliver  up  to  Colonel 
Clark,  Fort  Sackville,  as  it  is  at  present,  with  all  the  stores,  &c. 

"  The  garrison  are  to  deliver  themselves  as  prisoners  of  war,  an'd 
march  out  with  their  arms  and  accoutrements,  &c. 

"  The  garrison  to  be  delivered  up  at  ten  o'clock  to-morrow. 

"Three  days  time  to  be  allowed  the  garrison  to  settle  their  accounts 
with  the  inhabitants  and  traders  of  the  place. 

"The  officers  of  the  place  to  be  allowed  their  necessary  baggage,  &o. 

"Signed  at  Post  St.  Vincent,  [Vincennes,]  24th  February,  1779. 

"Agreed  for  the  following  reasons :  the  remoteness  from  succor; 
the  state  and  quantity  of  provisions,  &c. ;  unanimity  of  officers  and 
men  in  its  expediency;  the  honorable  terms  allowed;  and  lastly, 
the  confidence  in  a  generous  enemy. 

[Signed,]  HENRY  HAMILTON, 

Lieut.  Gov.  and  Superintendent" 

"The  business  being  now  nearly  at  an  end,  troops  were 
posted  in  several  strong  houses  around  the  garrison,  and  patroled 
during  the  night  to  prevent  any  deception  that  might  be  attempted. 
The  remainder  on  duty  lay  on  their  arms ;  and,  for  the  first  time 
for  many  days  past,  got  some  rest.  During  the  siege,  I  got  only 
one  man  wounded;  not  being  able  to  lose  many,  I  made  them 
secure  themselves  well.  Seven  were  badly  wounded  in  the  for^ 
through  ports." 

On  the  25th  of  February,  Fort  Sackville  was  surrendered  to  th« 
American  troops,  and  the  garrison  treated  as  prisoners  of  war. 
The  American  flag  waved  on  its  battlements,  and  thirteen  guns 
celebrated  the  victoiy. 

Seventy-nine  prisoners,  and  stores  to  the  value  of  50,000  dollarn, 
were  obtained  by  this  bold  and  desperate  enterprise,  and  the  whole 
country  along  the  Mississippi  and  Wabash,  remained  ever  after  in 
in  the  peaceable  possession  of  the  Americans.    Governor  Hamilton 


2M 


HAMILTON  SBNT  TO  VIBOINIA. 


1779. 


was  sent  to  Biohmond,  and  his  men  peimitted  to  retam  to  Detroit 
on  parole  of  honor. 

Six  were  badly,  and  one  man  mortally  wounded  on  the  part  of  the 
British,  and  only  one  man  wonnded  on  the  part  of  the  Americans. 

The  governor  and  some  others  were  sent  prisoners  to  Virginia, 
wh6re  the  council  ordered  their  confinement  in  jful,  fettered  and 
alone,  in  punishment  for  their  abominable  policy  of  urging  barba> 
rians  to  greater  barbarism,  as  they  surely  had  done  by  offering 
rewards  for  scalps,  but  none  for  prisoners,  a  course  which  naturally 
resulted  in  wholesale  and  cold-blooded  murder;  the  Indians  driving 
captives  within  sight  of  the  British  forts  and  then  butchering  them. 
As  this  ri^d  confinement,  however  just,  was  not  in  accordance 
with  the  terms  of  Hamilton's  surrender.  General  Phillips  protested 
in  regard  to  it,  and  Jefferson  having  referred  the  matter  to  the 
commander-in-chief,  Washington  gave  his  opinion  decidedly  against 
it,  in  consequence  of  which  the  Council  of  Yir^nia  released  the 
Detroit  "hair  buyer"  from  his  irons.* 

Clark  returned  ix)  Easkaskia,  where,  in  consequence  of  the  com- 
petition of  the  traders,  he  found  himself  more  embarrassed  from 
the  depreciation  of  the  paper  money  which  had  been  advanced  him 
by  Virginia  than  he  had  been  by  the  movements  of  the  British; 
and  where  he  was  forced  to  pledge  his  own  credit  to  procure  what 
he  needed,  to  an  extent  that  influenced  vitally  his  own  fortune  and 
life  thenceforward. 

After  the  taking  of  Vincennes,  Detroit  was  undoubtedly  within 
the  reach  of  the  enterprisng  Virginian,  had  he  been  but  able  to 
raise  as  many  soldiers  ad  were  starving  and  idling  at  Forts  Laurens 
and  Mcintosh.  In  his  letter  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  he  says,  that  with 
five  hundred  men,  when  he  reached  Illinois,  or  with  three  hundred 
'^fter  the  conquest  of  Post  Vincennes,  he  could  have  taken  Detroit. 
The  people  of  Detroit  rejoiced  greatly  when  they  heard  of  Hamil- 
ton's capture.  Governor  Henry  having  promised  him  a  reinforce- 
ment, he  concluded  to  wait  for  that,  as  his  force  was  too  small  to 
both  conquer  and  garrison  the  British  Forts.  But  the  results  of 
what  was  done  were  not  unimportant;  indeed  of  very  great  impor- 
tance. Hamilton  had  made  arrangements  to  enlist  the  Southern 
and  Western  Indians,  for  the  next  spring's  campaign ;  and,  if  Mr. 
£tone  be  correct  in  his  suppositions.  Brant  and  his  Iroquois  were 
to  act  in  concert  with  him.    Had  Clark,  therefore,  failed  to  conquer 


*  Spark's  WMhington,  vi.  816. 


177d. 


boohb's  8iooin>  oAmviTT. 


295 


tihe  governor,  there  is  too  much  reason  to  fear,  l^at  the  West 
would  have  been,  indeed,  swept,  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  moan> 
tains,  and  the  great  blow  stmok,  which  had  been  contemplated 
from  the  outset,  by  Britiun.  But  for  his  small  army  of  dripping, 
but  fearless  Virginians,  the  union  of  all  the  tribes  from  Georgia 
to  Maine,  against  the  colonies,  might  have  been  effected,  and  the 
whole  current  of  onr  history  changed. 

The  conquest  of  Clark  changed  the  face  of  affairs  in  relation  to 
the  whole  country  north  of  the  Ohio  river,  which,  in  all  probability, 
would  have  been  the  boundary  between  Canada  and  the  Fnited 
States.  This  conquest  was  urged  by  the  American  Commissioners 
in  negotiating  the  definite  treaty  of  1798. 

While  Clark  was  thus  successful  in  the  West,  the  difficulties  and 
misfortunes  of  the  people  of  the  frontier  were  greatly  enhanced. 
The  people  of  Kentucky  had  suffered  much  for  salt,  and  the  labor 
and  risk  of  packing  it  over  the  mountains  on  horseback  were  too 
great;  for  only  by  that  mode  of  transportation  could  they  obtain 
the  necessaries  of  life  which  the  wilderness  did  not  furnish.  It 
was  arranged  that  thirty  men,  under  the  guidance  of  Captain 
Boone,  should  proceed  to  the  Lower  Blue  Licks,  on  Licldng  river, 
and  manufacture  salt.  The  enterprise  was  commenced  on  Kew 
Year's  day,  1778. 

Boone  was  to  be  guide,  hunter,  and  scout ;  the  rest  to  cut  wood, 
and  attend  to  the  manufacturing  department.  January  passed 
quietly,  and  before  the  7th  of  February,  enough  of  salt  had  accu- 
mulated to  lead  to  the  return  of  three  of  the  party  to  the  stations, 
with  the  treasure.  The  rest  still  labored  on,  and  Boone  enjoyed 
the  winter  weather  in  the  forest  after  his  own  fashion.  But  there 
was  more  than  mere  game  about  him  in  those  woods  along  the 
Licking.  On  the  7th  of  February,  as  he  was  hunting,  he  came 
upon  a  party  of  one  hundred  and  two  foes — ^two  Canadians,  the 
remainder  Indians,  Shawanese  apparently.  Boone  fled;  but  their 
swiftest  runners  were  on  his  trail,  and  he  was  soon  their  prisoner. 
Finding  it  impossible  to  give  his  companions  at  the  Licks  due 
notice,  so  as  to  secure  their  escape,  he  proceeded  to  make  terms  on 
their  behalf  with  his  captors,  and  then  persuaded  his  men  by  ges> 
tnres,  at  a  distance,  to  .surrender  without  offering  battle.  ThuS) 
without  a  blow,  the  invaders  found  themselves  possessed  of  twenty- 
eight  prisoners,  and  among  them  the  greatest,  in  an  Indian's  eyes, 
of  all  the  Long-Enives.  This  band  was  on  its  way  to  Boonesbo- 
rough,  to  attack  or  to  reconnoitre ;  bat  such  good  luck  as  th^  had 


S96 


BOOVB'8  8B00ND  oAPVivxrr. 


ms. 


met  witii,  changed  their  minds,  and,  taming  upon  their  traol^ 
they  tCK^  op  their  march  for  old  Ohillioothe,  an  Indian  town  on 
the  Little  Miami. 

It  was  no  part  of  the  plan  of  the  Shawanese,  however,  to  retain 
these  men  in  captivity,  nor  yet  to  scalp,  slay,  or  eat  them.  Under 
the  inflnenoe  and  rewards  of  Governor  Hamilton,  the  British  com- 
mander in  the  North-West,  the  Indians  had  taken  np  the  businesi 
of  speculating  in  human  beings,  both  dead  and  alive ;  and  the 
Bhawanese  meant  to  take  Boone  and  his  comrades  to  the  Detroit 
market.  On  the  10th  of  March,  accordingly,  eleven  of  the  party, 
including  Boone  himself,  were  dispatohed  for  the  north,  and,  after 
twenty  days  of  journeying,  were  presented  to  the  English  governor, 
who  treated  them,  Boone  says,  with  great  humanity.  To  Boone 
himself,  Hamilton  and  several  other  gentlemen  seem  to  have  taken 
an  especial  fnncy,  and  offered  considerable  sums  for  his  release; 
but  the  Shawanese  had  also  become  enamtfredof  the  veteran  hunter, 
and  would  not  part  with  him.  He  must  go  home  with  them,  they 
said,  and  be  one  of  them,  and  become  a  great  chief.  So  the 
pioneer  found  his  very  virtues  becoming  the  cause  of  a  prolonged 
captivity.  ' 

In  April,  the  red  men,  with  their  one  white  captive,  about  to  be 
converted  into  a  genuine  son  of  nature,  returned  from  the  flats  of 
Michigan,  covered  with  bmsh-choken  forests,  to  the  rolling  valley 
of  the  Miamis,  with  its  hill-sides  dotJied  in  their  rich,  open  woods 
of  maple  and  beech,  then  just  bursting  into  bloom.  And  now  the 
white  blood  was  washed  out  of  the  Eentuc^  ranger,  and  he  was 
made  a  son  in  the  family  of  Blaokfish,  a  Shawanese  cliie^  and  was 
loved  and  caressed  by  &ther  and  mother,  brothers  and  rasters,  till 
he  was  thoroughly  sick  of  them.  But  disgust  he  could  not  show; 
BO  he  was  kind  and  affiible,  and  knew  how  to  allay  any  suspicions 
they  might  harbor  lest  he  should  run  away.  He  took  his  part  in 
their  games  and  romps;  shot  as  near  the  centre  of  a  taiget  as  a 
good  hunter  ought  to,  and  yet  left  the  savage  marksmen  a  chanos 
to  excel  him,  and  smiled  in  his  quiet  eye  when  he  witnessed  their 
joy  at  having  done  better  than  the  best  of  the  Long-Knives.  H« 
grow  into  favor  with  the  chief,  was  trusted,  treated  with  respect^ 
and  listened  to  with  attention.  "No  man  could  have  been  better 
caiciflated  than  Boone  to  disarm  the  suspicions  of  the  red  men. 
Some  have  called  him  a  white  Indian,  except  that  he  never  showed 
the  Indian's  blood-thirstiness  when  excited.  Scarce  any  other 
white  ever  possessed  in  an  equal  degree  the  true  Indian  gravity, 
which  comes  neither  from  thought,  fteling,  nor  vacuity,  but  from 


1778. 


boonb's  escape  from  oaptivitt. 


297 


; 


a  peculiar  organization.  And  bo  in  hundLg,  shooting,  swimming, 
and  other  Shawanese  amnsements,  the  newly-made  Indian,  Boone, 
spent  the  month  of  May,  necessi^  making  all  the  inconveniences 
of  his  lot  endarahle. 

On  the  1st  of  Jane,  his  aid  was  required  in  the  husiness  of  salt 
making,  and  for  that  purpose  he  and  a  party  of  his  brethren  started 
for  the  valley  of  the  Scioto,  where  he  stayed  ten  days,  hunting, 
boiling  brine,  and  cooking.  But  when  he  returned  to  Chillicothe 
a  sad  sight  met  his  eyes ;  four  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  choice 
warriors  of  the  West,  painted  in  the  most  exquisite  war  style,  and 
armed  for  the  battle.  He  scarce  needed  to  ask  whither  they  were 
bound;  his  heart  told  him  Boonesborough;  and  already  in  imagi- 
nation he  saw  the  blazing  roofs  of  the  little  borough  he  had 
foanded,  and  the  bleeding  forms  of  his  friends.  Gould  he  do 
nothing?  He  was  a  long  way  from  his  own  white  homestead; 
one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  at  least,  and  a  rough  and  inhospitable 
country  much  of  the  way  between  him  and  it.  But  he  had  traveled 
fast  and  &r,  and  might  again.  So,  without  a  word  to  his  fellow 
prisoners,  early  on  the  morning  of  June  the  16th,  without  his 
breakfast,  in  the  most  secret  manner,  unseen,  unheard,  he  departed. 
He  left  his  red  relatives  to  mourn  his  loss,  and  over  hill  and  valley 
sped,  forty  miles  a  day,  for  four  successive  days,  and  ate  but  one 
meal  by  the  way.  He  found  the  station  wholly  unprepared  to 
resist  so  formidable  a  body  as  that  which  threatened  it,  and  it  was 
a  matter  of  life  and  death  that  every  muscle  should  be  exerted  to 
get  all  in  readiness  for  the  expected  visitors. 

Rapidly  the  white  men  toiled  to  repair  and  complete  the  fortifi- 
cations, and  to  have  all  ready  for  an  attack.  But  the  Indians  did 
not  make  their  appearance,  and  in  a  few  days  another  escaped 
captive  brought  information  of  the  delay  of  the  expedition  in  con- 
sequence of  Boone's  fiight.  The  savages  had  relied  on  surprising 
the  stations,  and  their  plans  being  foiled  by  their  adopted  son 
Daniel,  all  their  determinations  were  unsettled.  Thus  it  proved 
the  salvation  of  Boonesborough,  and  probably  of  all  the  frontier 
forts,  that  the  founder  of  Kentucky  was  taken  captive  and  remained 
a  captive  as  long  as  he  did.  So  often  do  seeming  misfortunes 
prove,  in  God's  hand,  our  truest  good. 

Boone,  finding  his  late  relatives  so  backward  in  their  proposed 
call,  determined  to  anticipate  them  by  a  visit  to  the  Scioto  valley, 
where  he  had  been  at  salt  making;  and  early  in  August,  with 
nineteen  men,  started  for  the  town  on  Paint  Creek.  He  knew,  of 
course,  that  he  was  trying  a  somewhat  hazardous  experiment,  as 
20 


w^ 


298  BOONESBOROUOH  ATTAOKBD  BT  BRITISH  AND  INDIAN^/    1778. 

Boonesborough  might  be  attaoked  in  his  absence ;  bat  he  had  his 
wits  aboat  him,  and  his  scouts  examined  the  coantiyfhr  and  wide. 
Without  interruption,  he  crossed  the  Ohio,  and  had  reached  within 
a  few  miles  of  the  place  he  meant  to  attack,  When  his  advanced 
guard,  consisting  of  one  man,  Simon  Kenton,  discovered  two 
natives  riding  one  horse,  and  enjoying  some  joke  as  they 
rode.  Not  considering  that  these  two  might  be,  like  himself,  the 
▼an  of  a  small  army,  Simon,  one  of  the  most  impetuous  of  men, 
-shot  and  ran  forward  to  scalp  them,- but  found  himself  at  once  in 
the  midstof  a  dozen  or  more  of  his  enemies,  from  whom  he  escaped 
only  by  the  arrival  of  Boone  and  the  remainder.  The  coimmauder, 
upon  considering  the  circumstances,  and  learning  from  spies  whom 
he  sent  forward,  that  the  town  he  intended  to  attack  was  deserted, 
came  to  the  opinion  that  the  band  just  met  was  on  its  way  to  join 
a  larger  body  for  the  invasion  of  Kentucky,  and  advised  an  imme- 
diate return. 

His  advice  was  taken,  and  the  result  proved  its  wisdom;  for  in 
order  to  reach  Boonesborough,  they  were  actually  obliged  to  go 
around,  and  outdirip  a  body  of  nearly  fire  hundred  savages,  led  by 
Canadians,  who  were  marching  against  his  doomed  borough,  and 
'after  all,  got  there  only  the  day  before  them. 

Shortly  after  their  return,  in  August,  the  whole  Indian  army, 
fourhuudred  and  Ihrty^four  in  number,  commanded  by  BlaekfiHh, 
with  eleven  Canadians  under  Captain  Du  Qnesne,'with  British  and 
French  colors  flying,  appeared  before  Boonesborough,  and  sum- 
moned the  fort  to  '*  surrender  in  the  name  Of  his  Britannic 
l^iy'esty,"  with  the  promise  of  liberal  treatment. 

It  was,  as  Boone  says,  a  critical  period  for  him  and  his  friends. 
Should  they  yield,  what  mercy  could  tiiey  look  for  ?  and  he,  espe- 
cially, after  his  unkind  flight  from  his  Shawanese  parents  ?    They 
had  almost  stifled  him  with  their  caresses  before;  they  would  liter- 
ally hug  him  to  death  if  again  within  their  grasp.    Should  they 
xefuse  to  yield,  what  hope  of  successfol  resistance  ?    And  they  bad 
to  much  need  of  all  their  cattle,  to  aid  them  in  sustaining  a  eiege, 
'and  yet  their  cows  were  abroad  in  the  woods.    Boone  pondered  the 
matter,  and  concluded  it  would  be  safe  to  ask  two  days  for  consid- 
eration.   It  was  granted,  and  he  drove  in  his  cOws.    The'  evening 
'-of  the  9th  soon  arrived,  however,  and  he  politely  thanked  the  rep- 
tesentative  of  his  gracious  Majesty  for  ^ving  the  garrison  time  to 
'prepare  for  their  defense,  and  announced  ^  their  dMdrminadon  to 
^fight.    Captain  Du  Quesne'was much  grieved «t*^ieft«Mwer,  sinee 
Governor  Hamilton  was  auxious  to  save<bloodsh«d,'ftnd  wished  the 


1778. 


INVADBRB  lOTRSAT  TBOM  BOONBBBOROUOn. 


299 


Eentackians  token  alive;  and  rather  than  proceed  to  extremities, 
he  offered  to  withdraw  his  troops,  if  the  gai^rison  would  make  ^ 
treaty,  though  to  what  point  the  treaty  was  to  aiin  is  unknown. 

Boone  w;^  determined  not  to  yield;  hut  then  he  had' no  wish  to 
storve  in  his  fort,  or  have  it  token  hy  storm,  and  be  scalped ;  and 
he  thought,  remembering  Hamilton's  kindness  to  him  w^en  in  De- 
troit, that  there  might  be  something  in  what  the  captain  i^d,  and 
at  any  rate,  to  enter  upon  a  treaty  was  to  gain  time,  and  something 
might  be  gained.  So  he  agreed  to  treat ;  but  where?  Could  nine 
of  the  garrison,  as  desired,  safely  venture  into  the  open  field  ?  It 
might  be  all  a  trick  to  get  possession  of  some  of  the  leading  whites. 
Upon  the  whole,  however,  as  the  leading  Indians  and  their  Can»> 
dian  allies  must  come  under  the  rifles  of  the  garrison,  who  might 
with  certointy  and  safety  pick  them  off  if  treachery  were  attempted, 
it  was  thought  best  to  run  the  risk;  and  Boone,  with  eight  others, 
went  out  to  meet  the  leaders  of  the  enemy,  sixty  yards  from  the 
fort,  within  which  the  sharpest  shooters  stood,  with  leveled  rifles, 
ready  to  protect  their  comrades.  The  treaty  was  made  and  signed, 
and  then  the  Indians,  saying  it  was  their  custom  for  two  of  them 
to  shake  hands  with  every  white  man  when  a  treaty  was  made,  ex- 
pressed  a  wish  to  press  the  palms  of  their  new  allies.  Boone  and 
his  friends  must  have  looked  rather  queer  at  this  proposal ;  but  it 
was  safer  to  accede  thian  to  refuse  and  be  shot  down  instantly;  so 
they  presented  each  his  hand.  As  anticipated,  the  warriors  seized 
them  with  rough  and  fierce  eagerness,  the  whites  drew  back  strug- 
gling, the  treachery  w^s  apparent,  the  rifle  balls  from  the  garrison 
struck  down  the  foremost  assailants  of  the  little  baud,  and,  amid  a 
fire  from  friends  and  foes,  Boone  and  his  fellow  deputies  bounded 
,back  into  the  station,  with  the  exception  of  one,  unhurt. 

The  treaty  trick  having  thus  failed,  Captain  Du  Quesne  had  to 
look  to  more  ordinary  modes  of  warfare,  and  opened  a  fire  which 
lastod  during  ten  days,  though  to  no  purpose,  for  the  woodsmen 
were  determined  not  to  yield.  On  the  20th  of  August,  the  Indians 
were  forced  uawillingly  to  retire,  having  lost  thirty-seven  of  their 
number,  and  wasted  a  vast  amount  of  powder  and  lead.  The  gar- 
rison picked  up  from  the  ground,  after  their  departure,  one  hundred 
and  twenty-five  pounds  of  their  bullets.'" 

A  formidable  expedition  into  the  Indian  country  was  planned  for 
the  summer  of  the ,  sanie  year.    It  w^  arjcanged  that  fifteen  hun- 


*Batler'a  Kentnokjr. 


# 


m 


DHTBOIT  llPiblTKAr  A  TAILtmi. 


1778. 


diied  itt«ki  tv^te  to  iMNniWiB  it  the  ntMith  of  the  Kanawha,  and  is 
'  many  mote  to  pais  doWn  the  rit«i'  teom  Fort  Htt  Theire  the  two 
diviaibns  were  to  unite,  enter  the  Indian  Oonntiy,  and  destroy  thefar 
towniB  atid  crops.  .  General  M'latosh,  then  commanding  at  Fort 
Pitt,  led  the  diViii^  firom  th$t  pdnt  Tailing  to  receive  any  rein, 
foroement  from  the  KannlWha,  Qeneral  il'Intosh  prepared  toinvade 
th^  liidian  oonntrj^  by  the^ray  of  Big  Beaver,  or  nearly  the  same  rodte 
tliat  Gol.  Bouquet  had  pursued  fourteen  years  before.  Preparatoiy 
to  the  expedition.  Fort  M'lntosh  was  built,  on  the  present  site  of 
'Beaver.  It  Wae  a  regular  stockaded  Work,  nith  four  bastions,  and 
was  defonded  by  six  pieces  Of  caAnoni* 

From  this  point  it  was  intended  to  op(dttite  in  reducing  Detroit, 
x^eire  mischief  was  sttll  bre^^ng.  Indeed,  the  natives  were  rum 
•  more  united  than  ever  against  the  frontier  inhabitants.  In  June, 
GongreSB  was  in  possettnon  of  inforniatlon  that  led  them  to  think 
a  universal  frontier  war  close  at  hand,  f  The  Senecas,  Oayugss, 
Mingoes,  (by  which  doubtiCM  were  meant  the  Ohio  Iroquois,  or 
possibly  the  Mohawks,)  Wyandots,  Onondagas,  Ottawas,  Ohip- 
'  p^as,  Shawanese  and  Delawehres,  were*  all  said  to  be  more  or  Idas 
united  in  bppodition  to  America.  Oongress,  learning  the  danger 
to  be  so  immediate  and  great,  deteniiined  to  push  on  tiie  Detrdt 
expedition,  and  ordered  anotiier  to  be  undertaken  by  the  Mohawk 
Valli^  against  the  Senecas,  who  might  otherwise  very  mu6h  annOy 
and  im^e  the  march  frotn  Fort  Pitt  For  the  capture  of  De- 
troit, three  thousand  continental  troops  and  two  thousand  fire 
hundred  militia  were  voted;  an  appropriation  was  made  of  nearly  a 
million  of  dollars;  and  General  M'lntosh  was  to  carry  forward  ^e 
needfhl  (fpetti&bhB. 

All  the  flourish  irhich  was  made  about  taking  Detroit,  however, 
and  conquering  the  Senecas,  ended  in  the  resolves  of  Congress. 
The  dilatory  movemei4s  of  M'lntosh  occupied  the  summer,  and  It 
was  Anally  thought  too  lato  in  the  seaeon  for  advantageous  acti(m, 
and 'also  too  great  an  utidertaking  for  tiie  weak  handed  colonies. 

This  having  been  settled,  it  -waei  resolved  that  the  forces  in  the 
west  should  move  up  and  JEtttaok  the  Wyandots  aiid  other  Indians 
abdut  the  Banduidty,  and*  a  body  ^tro^  was  accordingly  marched 
forward  to  prepare  ahalf-way  h^se,  or  post  by  Which  tiienecesssty 
do^hectibn  might  be  ke|>«  up.  '  This'  'wiur  built  upon  the  Tuseara- 
'Was,'  a  few  miles  0ttth6f  the  j^resdtittown  of  Bolivar.    In  these 


«  Craig's  HUtoi7  of  nttslnwgii. 

t  Joomals  of  the  Old  CongroM,  toL  U.  p.  686. 


XTTO. 


fOBX  X4VSIVS  BVZiT. 


801 


qpiot,  oommeroial  dftTs^  the  Ohio  <mm}  P«^W  tl^rpfi||h  ite  ]|ii4«t 
It  wa»  named  Fort  Lavreni^  il>^ho^or  ofthe  Piw^dentof  Oongrei*, 
While  these  warlike  mM^nrea  wiere>  pnrsufid,  on  the  one  hand» 
the  oonfeder»oy  op  the  other,  by  its,  cpii(imiMio|if)r«>  Andrew  apd 
Thomoa  Lewis,  of  Yiiginim  fonW  at  Fq^  Pitt,  on  the  17th  of 
September^  a  treaty  of  peaee  and  alliance  i^ith,  th^;  <^ie^  of  tb^ 
Delawares,  White-Eyes,  Eill-Buck,  and  Pipe. 

l^he  erection  of  F(»i;  Lanrena  has  been  already  noticed.  At  that 
1779.]  point,  seventy  miles  from  Fort  M'Intosh,  and  exposed  to 
f^lthe  fierce  north-western  tribes,  Col.  John  Oibson^hiid  be^n  lejEt 
with  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  ta  get  througl^  the  winter  of 
1778-79,  as  he  best  could,  Mrhile  M'lntosh  himself  retomed  to  Pitts- 
bvigh,  disappointed  and,  dispirited.  Not,  was  Congress  in  a  very 
good  hamor  with  him,  for  already  had  six  months  pi^ssed  to  no  poiv 
pose.  Washington  was  consulted^  but  could  give  no  definite  advipe, 
knowing  nothiug  of  those  detiuls  which, must  determine  tl^  course 
of  things  for  the  winter.  M'Intosh,  at  length,  in  Februl^y,  «|kied 
leave  to  retire  from  his  unf»tis&ctory  command,  and  was  allowed 
to  do  so.  No  blame  appears  to  have  been  a,ttaohed  to  him  for  any 
unfidthfnlness  in  the  performance  of  his  duty.  He  doubtiess 
attempted  to  do  whatever  was  in  his  power,  bnt  wa^  regarded  as 
weak  and  inefficient.  Among  other  things,  he  led  a  ^arty  with 
provisions  for  the  relief  of  OoU  Gibson's  starving  garrison,  but  un- 
happily the  guns  fired  as  a  salute  by  those  about  to  be  relieved, 
spared  the  pack-horses,  and  much  of  the  provisions  was  scattered 
and  lost  in  the  woods.  The  force  at  Fort  Iiaurens,  meantime,  had 
been  suffering  cruelly,  both  from  the  Indians  aioA  filming,  and, 
though  finally  rescued  from  sta^ation,  bad  done,  ^nd^  could  do, 
nothing,    The  post  was  at  last  abi^idoned  in  Au^st,  1779. 

A  new  cause  of  trouble  was  meanwhile  arising  in  the  north.  Of 
the  six  tribes  of  the  Iroquois  the  Senecas,  Mohawks,  Cayugas,  and 
Onondagas,  had  been,  from  the  outset  inclii^ng  tq  Britain,  though 
all  of  these,  but  the  Mohawks,  had  now  {md  then  tried  to  persuade 
the  Americans  to  the  contrary.  Buring  the  winter  of  1778-79,  the 
Onondagas,  who  hfMl  been  for  <^  while  nearly  neutral,  were  sus- 
pected by  the  Americans  of  deception,  and  this  suspicion  having 
become  nearly  knowledge,  a  band  was  sent,  early  in  April,  to  de- 
stroy their  towns,  and  take  such  of  them  as  could  be  taken,  prison- 
ers. The  work  appointed  was  done,  and  the  villages  »nd  wealth 
of  the  poor  savages  were  annihilated.  This  sudden  act  of  severity 
startled  all.    The  Oneida,  hitherto  faitiiful  to  their  neutrality. 


BxpEDiTioir  AOAttnitmtiqviM  Htojiono. 


im 


y^eik  lOahh^  tott  tlid  fi«±t  blo^*  sliotilcl'  M  <M  theib,  sad  it  wttf 
otf Ty  ftft^i^  It  fbll  e!fe{lIka«tioii  tfitft'  tbeik'  ftKff  Wettf  qnietetf.  At  fof 
^d  Onon&gte,  H  Wil«  bbt  t<y  l^e  hop«d  tbftt  they  would  sit  down 
ilttdoi'itfoh  tMitiUMt;  Mid  MObrdikigiy,  that  some  hundred  of  their 
#fi<tion  were'  at  Onoe  in  the  field,  ttbd  fkMi  that  time  forward,  i 
fbt^dh  tit  tMt  datioii  rdtttchied,  ai^d  jiMCiy,  hoitik  to  the  United* 
States. 

The  Oontinetttal  Oongrees,  meanwhile,  had  become  convinced, 
itbfti  the  nliWBMaelie  at  wyoihing  fltnd*  Oh^riy  Valley,  that  it  WM 
idviiabld  tb  udopt  iotne*  meatat  of  eeonting  the  north-wefetem  and 
#eitem  frontiers  i^init  the  recurrence  of  inch  cataatro|)heB;  and, 
the  hotitiYe  tribeH  of  the  &it  Ifatiottt  beitig  the  moet  nnmerons  and 
deadly  foei,  it  m^il*  (ioteliided  to  beghi  by  itrong  action  againd 
them.  "Waiihtngtoa  had  alWaye  0ltid|  that  the  only  proper  mode  o^ 
defense  against  the  Indians  Was  to  stttiiolc  theitt;  aftd  this  itiode  h« 
deteHidnid  to  adopt  on  this  occasion.  Boib!ii  difFerence  of  opiniott 
ousted,  however,  a)B  to  the  best  path  into  the  cmintry  of  tho*  inimi* 
<»!  lA)q(dOls. 

Ctenerai  Schtiyler  wair  ih  ^tor  of  a  movemettt  up  the  Mohawk 
livdr ;  the  objectiOki  to  Which  rbttte  #a«^  thit  it  carried  the  invaderM 
too  neitf  to  take  Ontario,  tftid  Within  r^h  of  the  British.  The 
othc(r  6tftin6  proposed  wtK  tip  the  Susquehanna,  which  heads,  as  all 
know,  in  tbd  region  that  was  to  be  reachedf.  llhe  latter  route  wai 
the  dttd  determined  oh  by  Washington  fof  tho  itaain  body  of  troopK^ 
Which  Was  to  be  joined  by  another  bod^  ikioving  Up  the  Mohawk^ 
and  aiso  by  det^hmeuts  coming  from  the  Western  Army,  by  the 
Way  ot  the  Allegheny  and  iVench  creek.  Upon  farther  thought, 
hoWeVifti',  the  ino/vemeut  ^ta  the  We^  Wto  countermanded.  Alj 
the  anMUI^ments  for  this  invasion  Were  inacte  in  March  and  April, 
but  it  W^  the  last  of  July  befoMi  C^cineilal  Sullivan  could  get  hiif 
men  ori  their  march  froin  tTyoiUin^,  Wh6r6  they  had  gathered; 
ihid,  of  course,  infohuatioti  of  the  proposed  ilaovements  had  been 
^eU  to  the  Indians  and  Tories,  so  that  Brant,  the  Johnsons,  and 
tiieir  followers,  stood  ready  to  receive  the  invikders. 

I^hey  Wei^  not,  however,  strong  enough  tO  Withstand  the  Ameri^ 
^ns;  and,  having  been  defeated  at  the  battle  of  Newton,  were 
driven  fh>tti  Village  to  villagie,  and  their  Whole  country  was  laid 
Waste.  Houses  were  burued,  crops  and  orchards  destroyed,  and 
eVdiy  thing  doUe  that  could  be  thought  of,  to  render  the  countiy 
tthinhlkbitabfe.  Of  all  these  steps  Mr.  StOne  speaks  fblly.  For^ 
ioWns  Were  burnt,  and  more  than  one  hundred  and  sixty  thousand 
bushels  of  corn  destroyed.    Well  did  the  Seneoas  name  Washinl^ 


177»s 


BMDBI|A0!8  ALLMHIXX  IXPIOniOir. 


801 


ton,  whoM  MrnuM  did  dlthia,  'Hho  TowQ  Destroyer."  Having 
performed  thii  poitioa  of  hie  work,  Sullivan  tamed  homeward 
from,  the  beaotiftt),  valU^  of  the  Geoeeee;  leaving  Niagara,  whither 
the  IndMna  fled,  at  to  the  etxonghold  of  BritiHh  power  in  that, 
neighborhood,  untooAhed^  Thia  oonduot,  Mr.  Stoue  thinks  **  diffi- 
cult of  solution,"*  as.  he  supposes  the  destruction  of  that  post  to 
have  been,  ^ne  of  ih»  main,  ol^jeots  of  the.  expedition.  Such,  how- 
ever, was  not  the  fact  Originally,  it  had  been  part  of  the  proposed 
plan  to  attack  Niagara;  but,  early  in  January,  Washington  was  led 
to  doubt,  and  then  to,  abandon  that  part  of  the  plan,  thinking  it 
wiser  to  carry  on,  merely,  some  operations  on  a  smaller  scale  against 
the  savages. 

One  of  the  smaller  operations  was  from  the  West  On  the  22d 
of  March,  1779,  Washington  wrote  to  Colonel  Daniel  Brodhead, 
who  had  succeeded  Mcintosh  in  command  at  Fort  Pitt,  that  an 
incursion  into  the  country  of  the  Six  Nations  was  in  preparation,^ 
and  that  in  connection  therewith,  it  might  be  advisable  for  a  force 
to  ascend  the  Allegheny  to  Eittanning,  and  thence  to  Yenango,, 
and,  having  fortified  both  points,  to  strike  the  Mingoes  and  Man- 
seys  upon,  French  creek,  and  elsewhere  in  that  neighborhood,  and 
thus  aid  General  Sallivau  in  the  great  blow  he  was  to  give  by  his 
march  up  the  Susquehanna.  Btodhead  was  also  directed  to  say  to 
the  western  Indians,  that  if  they  made  any  trouble,  the  whole  force 
of  the  United  States  would  be  turned  against  them,  and  they  should 
be  cut  off  from  the  face  of  the  eairth. 

But,  on  the  2l8t  of  April,  these  orders  were  countermanded,  and 
Brodhead  was  directed  to,  prepare  an  expedition  against  the  Indians 
of  the  Ohio  and  western  lak^,  with  au  especial  view  to  the  reduc- 
tion of  De^it.  Whether  this  order  came  too  late,  or  was  with- 
drawn, is  uot  ascertamed.  Brodhead,  however,  proceeded  as  first 
directed,  Oiud  marched  up  the  Allegheny.  His  report  will  furnish 
the  best  account  of  the  expedition : 

"I  left  this  place  on  the  11th  of  August,  with  six  hundred  and, 
five,  rank  and  fiile^  including  the  militia  and  volunteers,  and  one 
month's  provisions^  which,  except  the  live  cattle,  was  transported 
by  water,  under  the  escort  of  one  hundred  men,  to  a  place  called 
Mfthoney,  idbout  fifteen  miles  above  Fort  Armstrong,  (Eittanning,) 
where,  afber  four  days'  detention  by  excessiye  rains,  and  the  stray- 
ing of  sppi^e  of  thci  cf\;ttle,  the  stores  were  loaded  on  pack-horses, 


i 


•laibof  Bnuit,ToLiL 


804 


BBODHBAD'I  ALLMHimr  IXPIDinOV. 


m». 


and  the  troopt  prboeeded  o&  th«  nuuroh  ibif  OoJDowigo,  on  the  p«flk 
iMtding  to  Onihoothing.  At  tan  milM  this  tide  fh«  town,  one  of 
the  adyance  gnardf,  oonditing  of  fifteen  white  men  and  eight  DeU> 
ware  Indiani,  under  the  command  of  Lieotenant  Hatdlng,  dia* 
cohered  between  thirty  and  forty  warriort  coming  down  the  rirer 
in  seven  canoei.  These  wairion  having  likeiHse  discovered  some 
of  the  troops,  imme^tely  bmded,  stripped  off  their  shirts,  and 
prepared  for  action,  and  the  advance  gnard  imtnediatefy  began  the 
attMk.  All  the  troops,  eicept  one  column  and  flankers,  being  in 
the  narrows  between  the  river  and  a  high  liill,  were  immediately 
prepared  to  receive  the  enemy;  which  being  done,  I  n^ent  fbrward 
to  discover  the  enemy,  and  saw  six  of  them  retreating  over  the 
river  without  arms;  at  the  same  time  the  rest  ran  away,  leaving 
their  canoes,  blankets,  shirts,  provisions,  and  eight  guns,  besides 
five  dead,  and,  by  the  signs  of  blood,  several  went  off  wounded; 
only  two  of  our  men  and  one  of  the  Delaware  Indians  were 
wounded,  and  so  slightly  that  they  are  already  recotered  and  fit 
for  action. 

**  The  next  morning  the  troops  proceeded  to  Buokaloons,  where 
I  ordered  a  small  breastwork  to  be  thrown  up,  of  felled  timber  and 
ftsoines.  A  captain  and  fbrty  men  were  left  to  secure  our  baggage, 
and  the  troops  marched  immediately  to  Ophowago,  whieh  I  found 
had  been  deserted  about  eighteen  months  past  Here  the  troops 
seemed  much  mortified,  because  we  had  no  person  to  proceed  as  a 
guide  to  the  upper  towns,  but  I  ordered  them  to  jiroceed  on  a  path 
which  appeared  to  have  been  traveled  by  the  enemy  some  time 
past,  and  we  continued  marching  on  it  abotit  twenty  miles  before 
any  discoveries  were  made,  except  a  few  tracks  of  their  spies;  bat 
immediately  before  ascen^g  a  high  hill  We  discovered'  the  Alle- 
gheny river,  and  a  liumber  of  cornfields,  and  descending,  several 
towns,  which  the  enemy  had  deserted  on  the  approach  of  tiie  troops; 
some  of  them  fled  just  before  the  advanced  guard  reached  the  town, 
and  left  several  packs  of  deer  skins. 

**  At  the  upper  Seneca  town  we  found  a  punted  image  or  War-post, 
clothed  in  dog  skin,  and  John  Montour  informed  me  this  toWii  was 
called  Yoghwonwaga;  beside  this  we  found  other  towns,  consisting 
in  the  whole  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  houses,  some  of  which  were 
huge  enough  to  accommodate  three  or  four  Indian  fifuuilies.  The 
troops  remained  on  the  ground  three  days,  destroying  the  towns 
and  cornfields.  I  never  saw  finer  com,  although  it  was  planted 
much  thicker  than  is  common  among  our  fiumers.  The  quantity 
of  com  and  other  vegetables  destroyed  at  the  several  towns,  from 


1779. 


bowkan's  MMwmmn. 


8M 


th«  bMt  Mooonti  I  oovld  ooHcel  htm  the  oAo«n  «aipkij»d  to  d«- 
gtroy  it,  miiit  oertaiBlj  ezmad  Ikw  htuHiMfl  mtm,  whkh  ii  th« 
lowest  Mtimftte ;  «kd  th«  pNnder  talNNi  i«  «itiin«t«d  at  three  thoo- 
MUid  dollan.  I  haif  directed  »  ude  (rf  it  for  the  benefit  of  the 
troope,  and  hope  it  will  meet  yo«r  approbetion.  On  mj  retora  I< 
piefeired  the  VenMigo  roed.  The  old  town*  of  Oonowago,  Buoka- 
looni,  and  Maghinqoeehahoddng,  about  tweaty  miles  above  Ve- 
nangOi  on  French  oraek,  oOneieting  of  thir^five  large  hoaaea,  were 
likewite  burnt  The  greater  part  of  the  Indian  hooaee  were  larger 
than  common,  and  were  built  of  square  and  round  logs  and  frame 
work.  From  the  great  quantity  of  com  in  the  ground,  and  the 
number  of  new  houses  built  and  building,  it  i^peara  thai'  the 
Seneoa  and  Munsey  nations  intended  to  ooUeot  at  this  settlement,, 
which  extends  about  eight  miles  on  the  Allegheny  riveif,  between 
one  hundred  and  seventy  and  two  hundred  milee  from  Pittsbuigh; 
the  river  at  the  upper  town  is  littie  if  any  larger  than  Kisldminetas 
creek.  It  is  remarkable  that  neither  man  nor  beast  has  fikllen  into 
the  enemy's  hands  on  this  expedition/' 

On  Brodhead's  return  to  Pittsburgh,  he  found  there  the  ohiefr  of 
the  Delawares,  Shawanese,  andHurons,  who  had  come  to  treat  for 
peace.  On  the  17th  of  September,  a  conference  waa  held  with 
them,  and  a  treaty  of  peace  and  of  aUiancc'  with  the  Americans  was 
made. 

Farther  west,  daring  this  summer  and  autumn,  the  Indians  were 
more  sucoessftiL  Ju  July,  the  stations  being  still  troubled,  GoL 
Bowman  undertook  an  expedition  into  the  country  of  the  Shawa* 
nese,  acting  upon  the  principle,  that  the  best  diode  of  defense 
against  Indians  is  to  assail  them.  He  marched*  undiscovered 
into  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  towns  upon  the  littie  Miami>! 
and  10  divided  and  arranged  his  forces,  as  to  insure  apparent  suo- 
cess,  one  portion  of  the  trOops  being  comm^uaded  by^  himself^ 
another  by  Colonel  Beigamin  Logan;  but  from  some  unexpected 
cause,  his  division  of  the  whites  did  not  oo>operate  fully  with  that 
led  by  Logan,  and  the  whole  body  was  forced  to  retreat,  after 
having  taken  some  booty,  including  one  hundred  and  sixty  horses, 
and  leaving  the  town  of  the  savages  in  cinder^  but  also  leaving  tiie 
fierce  warriors  themselves  in  no  degree  daunted  or  crippled. 

^or  was  it  long  before  they  showed  themselves  south  of  the  Ohio 
i^in,  and  unexpectedly  won  a  victory  over  the  Americans  of  no 
slight  importance.    The  facts,  so  far  as  they  are  ascertained^  are 


An  expedition  which  had  been  made  into  the  neighborhood  of 


OVw 


RBHARKABLR  INOIMNT  OV  OAnAIN  BENHAM. 


17T9. 


Lexington,  vtiiere  the  first  permanent  improvements  were  made  in 
April  of  this  year,  upon  its  return  came  to  the  Ohio  near  the  Licking, 
at  the  very  time  that  Colonel  Rogers  and  Captain  Benham  reach&d 
the  same  point  on  their  way  up  the  river  in  boats.'  A  few  of  the 
Lidians  were  seen  by  the  commander  of  the  little  American  squads 
ron,  near  die  month  of  the  Licking,  and  supposing  himself  to  be 
fiftr  superior  in  numbers,  he  caused  seventy  of  his  men  to  landy 
intending  to  surround  the  savages;  in  a  few  moments,  however,  he 
fbund  he  was  himself  surrounded,  and  after  a  hard  fought  battle, 
only  twenty  or  twenty-five,  or  perhaps  even  fewer  of  the  party,  were 
left  alive.  It  was  in  connection  with  this  skirmish  that  an  incident 
occurred  which  seema  to  belong  rather  to  a  fanciful  story  than  to 
sober  history,  and  which  yet  appears  to  be  well  authenticated. 

In  the  party  of  whites  was  Captain  Robert  Benham.  He  waft 
one  of  those  that  fell,  being  shot  through  both  hips,  so  as  to  be 
powerless  in  his  lower  limbs ;  he  dragged  himself,  how«ver,  to  a 
tree-top,  and  there  lay  concealed  from  the  savages  after  the  contest 
was  over.  On  the  evening  of  the  second  day,  seeing  a  raccoon,  be 
shot  it,  but  no  sooner  was  the  crack  of  his  rifle  heard  than  he  dis- 
tinguished a  human  voice  not  far  distant;  supposing  it  to  be  some 
Indian,  he  reloaded  his  gun  and  prepared  for  defense;  but  a  few 
moments  undeceived  him,  and  he  discovered  that  the  person  whose 
voice  he  had  heard  was  a  fellow  sufierer,  with  this  difference^  how- 
ever, that  both  his  arms  were  broken !  Here,  then,  were  the  only 
two  survivors  of  the  combat,  (except  those  who  had  entirely  escaped,) 
with  one  pair  of  legs  and  ona  pair  of  arms  between  them.  It  will 
be  easily  believed  that  they  formed  a  co-partnership  for  mutual  aid 
and  defense.  Benham  shot  the  game  which  his  friend  drove  toward 
him,  and  the  man  with  sound  legs  then  kicked  it  to  the  spot  where 
he  with  sound  arms  sat  ready  to  cook  it  To  procure  water,  the 
one  with  legs  took  a  hat  by  the  brim  in  hia  teeth,  and  walked  into 
the  Licking  up  to  his  neck,  while  the  man  with  arms  was  to  make 
eignals  if  any  boat  appeared  in  sight.  In  this  way  they  spent 
about  six  weeks,  when^  upon  the  27th  of  [November,  they  were: 
rescued.  Benham  afterward  bought  and  lived  upon  the  land 
where  the  battle  took  place ;  his  companion,  Mr.  Butler  tells  us, 
was  a  few  years  since  still  living  at  Brownsville,  Pennsylvania. 

But  the  military  operations  of  1779  were  not  those  which  were 
of  the  most  vital  importance  to  the  West.  The  passage  of  the. 
Land  Laws  by  Virginia  was  of  more  consequence  than  the  losing 
or  gaining  of  many  battles  to  the  hardy  pioneers  of  Kentucky  and 
to  their  descendants.    Of  these  laws  bat  a  vague  outline  can  be 


1779. 


CLAIMS  TO  WBSTBRir  LANDS. 


8Gr 


gfhreA;  but  it  may  be  enough  td  render  the  subject  in  some 
degree  intelligible. 

In  1779  there  existed  elaims^  of  various  kinds  to  the  western 
lands: 

Those  of  the  Ohio,  Walpole  and  other  eompaniesy  who  had  a 
title  more  or  \em  peifeot,  from  the  British  Government;  none  of 
these  had  been  perfected  by  patents,  however. 

Claims  founded  on  the  militaiy  bounty  warrants  of  1763;  some- 
Qff  these  were  patented. 

Henderson's  claim  by  purchase  from  the  Indians. 

Those  based  on  mere  selection  and  occupancy. 

Others  resting  on  selection  and  survey,  without  occupancy. 

Claims  of  persons  who  had  imported  settlers;  for  each  such 
settler,  under  an  old  law,  fifty  acres  were  to  be  allowed. 

Claims  of  persons  who  had  ^aid  money  into  the  old  colonial 
tlfeasQiy  for  land. 

The  claims  of  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Revolution,  to  whom 
Virginia  was  indebted. 

These  various  claims  were,  in  the  first  place,  to  be  provided  for, 
and  then  the  residue  of  the  rich  valleys  beyond'  the  mountaint 
might  be  sold  to  pay  the  debts  of  the  parent  State.  In  May,  the 
chief  laws  relative  to  this  most  important  and  complicated  subject 
Were  passed,  and  commissioners  were  appointed  to  examine  the 
various  claims  which  might  be  presented,  and  give  judgment 
according  to  the  evidence  brought  forward;  their  proceedings, 
however,  to  remfdn  open  to  revision  until  December  1, 1780.  And 
as  the  subject  was  a  perplexed  one,  the  following  principles  were 
laid  down  for  their  guidance: 

All  surveys  (without  patents,)  made  b^re  January  1, 1778,  by^ 
afiy  county  surveyor  commissioned  by  William  and  Mary  Collegei, 
amd  founded  upon  charter;  upon  importation  rights  duly  proved ; 
upon  treasury  rights,  (money  paid  into  the  colonial  treasury ; )  upon 
entries  not  exceeding  four  hundred  acres,  made  before  October  26, 
1763;  upon  acts  of  the  Virginia  Assembly  resulting  from  orders  in 
council,  &c. ;  upon  any  warrant  from  a  colonial  governor,  for  mili- 
tary services,  &c.  were  to  be  good;  all  otiier  surveys  null  and  void» 

Those  who  had  not  made  aurveySy  if  claiming  under  importation 
rights ;  under  treasury  rights;  under  warrants  for  military  services, 
were  to  be  admitted  to  survey  and  entry. 

Those  who  had  actually  settled,  or  caused  at  their  cost  others  to 
settle,  on  unappropriated  land,  before  January  1, 1^78,  were  to  have 
four  hundred  acres,  or  less,  as  they  pleased,  for  eveiy  fiimily  so 
settled;  paying  92.25  for  each  hundred  acres. 


808 


VIRaiNIA  LAND  LAWS. 


1779. 


Those  who  had  settled  in  villages  htfwe  January  1, 1778,  were 
to  receive  for  each  family  four  hundred  acres,  adjacent  to  the  vil- 
lage, at  92.26  per  hundred  acres;  and  the  village  property  was  to 
remain  unsdrveyed  until  the  General  Assembly  could  examine  the; 
titles  to  it,  and  do  foil  justice. 

To  all  having  settlement  rights,  as  above  described,  was  given 
also  a  right  of  pre-emption  to  one  thousand  acres  adjoining  the 
settlement,  at  State  prices — ^forty  cents  an  acre. 

To  those  who  had  settled  since  Jarmary  1,  1778,  was  given  a 
pre-emption  right  to  four  hundred  acres,  adjoining  and  including 
the  settlement  made  by  them. 

AH  the  re^on  between  Green  river,  the  Cumberland  mountains, 
Tennessee,  the  river  Tennessee,  and  the  Ohio,  was  reserved,  to  be 
used  for  military  claims. 

The  two  hundred  thousand  acres  granted  Henderson  and  his 
associates,  October,  1778,  along  the  Ohio,  below  the  mouth  of 
Green  river,  remained  still  appropriated  to  them. 

Having  thus  provided  for  th,e  various  classes  of  claimants,  the 
Legislature  offered  the  remainder  of  the  public  lands  at  forty  cents 
an  acre;  the  money  was  to  be  paid  into  the  Treasury,  and  a  war- 
rant for  the  quantity  wished  taken  by  the  purchaser ;  this  warrant 
he  was  to  take  to  the  surveyor  of  the  county  in  which  he  wished  to 
locate,  and  an  entry  was  to  be  made  of  every  location,  so  special 
and  distinct  that  the  adjoining  lands  might  be  knpwn  with 
certainty.  To  persons  unable  to  pay  cash,  four  hundred  acres  were 
to  be  sold  on  credit,  and  an  order  of  the  county  court  was  to  be 
substituted  for  the  warrant  of  the  Treasuiy. 

To  carry  these  laws  into  effect,  four  Virginians  were  sent  west- 
ward to  attend  to  claims;  these  gentlemen  opened  their  court  on 
the  13th  of  October,  at  St.  Asaph's,  and  continued  their  sessions  at 
various  points,  until  April  26, 1780,  when  they  acyoumed  to  meet 
no  more,  after  having  given  judgment  in  &vor  of  about  three  thou- 
sand clain».  The  labors  of  the  commissioners  being  ended,  those 
of  the  surveyor  commenced;  and  Mr.  George  May,  who  had  been 
appointed  to  that  office,  assumed  its  duties  upon  the  10th  day  of 
that  month,  the  name  of  which  he  bore. 

"At  this  time,"  says  Imlay,  "what  was  called  continental 
currency,  was  reduced  to  as  low  a  rate  as  five  hundred  to  one;  nay, 
I  believe  one  thousand  to  one  was  a  more  common  exchange. 

"This  circumstance,  though  it  had  its  good  effects  so  far  as  it 
tended  to  accelerate  the  settlement  of  the  country,  still  was  pro- 
ductive of  no  small  degree  of  evil  and  injustice.    For,  in  conse- 


1779. 


VXEttlNIA  LAin)  LAWS. 


809 


idnental 
^e;  nay, 
;e. 

XT  as  it 

I'as  pro- 

conse- 


qaence  of  the  great  quantity  of  this  money  which  lay  dead  in  the 
hands  of  individuals,  it  was  no  sooner  known  in  the  different 
States  that  Virginia  held  out  an  opportunity  to  them  of  obtaining 
a  consideration  for  this  depreciated  currency,  than  it  was  sent  to 
the  treasury  in  such  quantities  and  given  for  land  warrants,  that  in 
a  short  time,  more  of  them  were  issued  than  would  hove  covered 
half  the  territory  within  its  limits. 

"  Previous  to  this  era,  a  great  part  of  the  valuable  land  in  the  dis- 
trict of  Kentucky  had  either  been  taken  up  on  old  military  grants 
and  pre-emption  rights,  or  located  by  those  who  had  been  first  in 
obtaining  their  warrants,  for  it  required  some  time  for  the  business 
to  extend  itself  and  become  generally  known  and  understood.  In 
consequence,  a  large  proportion  of  the  holders  of  treasury  warrants 
were  disappointed  when  they  determined  if  they  could  not  obtain 
prime  lands,  they  would  lay  their  warrants  upon  such  as  were 
vacant,  however  sterile,  which  doubtless  was  proper,  for  though 
the  warrants  had  cost  them  only  a  nominal  value,  nor  was  the 
State  of  Virginia  sensible  of  the  dangerous  avenue  they  were  open- 
ing to  fraudulent  practices,  yet  it  was  possible  in  an  extensive  tract 
of  mountainous  countiy,  there  might  be  in  the  valleys  or  between 
the  hills,  some  bottom  land,  which  in  the  progress  of  settlements 
would  be  of  value. 

*'But  they  did  not  stop  here,  for  finding  a  general  spirit  of  migra- 
tion was  taking  place  from  eveiy  part  of  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Western  country,  and  that  the  reputation  of  the  fine  lands  upon 
the  Ohio,  particularly  those  of  Kentucky,  were  every  day  advancing 
in  estimation,  they  determined  to  have  their  surveys  made  out  in 
the  most  artful  manner,  by  having  for  comer  trees  such  kinds  as 
are  never  known  to  grow  but  in  the  most  fertile  sbilj  and  which 
may  always  be  found  in  the  narrow  strips  of  bottom  land,  and  the 
plots  embellished  with  the  greatest  elegance,  displaying  fine  water 
courses,  mill  seats,  where  perhaps  there  will  not  be  a  gndn  of  com 
for  half  a  century  to  come,  plains,  groves,  and  meadows.  Hence 
proceeded  so  generally  the  buuness  of  land  jobbing ;  hence  it  is  that 
there  is  to  be  seen  in  the  mercuries  throughout  Europe,  such 
immense  tracts  of  land  in  America  offered  for  sale ;  and  hence  it  is 
that  so  many  persons  have  cause  to  complain  of  having  been 
deceived  in  the  accounts  which  have  been  given  of  land  they  have 
purchased." 

The  Govemor  of  Virginia  appointed  four  commissioners  for 
Eentuc^ ;  but  it  was  not  until  some  time  in  October,  1779,  they 
arrived  in  the  country  and  opened  court    The  law  itself  was 


810 


VIROIMIA  LAND  LAWS. 


1779. 


vague,  and  tho  proceedings  of  the  court,  and  the  certificates 
granted  to  claimants  under  the  law,  were  more  indefinite  and  un- 
certain. The  description  of  tracts  were  general,  the  boundaries  net 
well  defined,  and  consequently  the  claims,  when  located,  interfered 
with  each  other.  Every  family  that  settled  on  waste  or  uuappro* 
priated  lands  belonging  to  Virginia,  upon  the  western  waters,  wgs 
entitled  to  a  pre-emption  right  to  any  quantity  of  land  not  exceed- 
ing four  hundred  acres;  and,  upon  the  payment  of  two  dollars  and 
twenty-five  cents  on  each  one  hundred  acres,  a  certificate  was 
^granted,  and  a  title  in  fee-simple  confirmed. 

Each  settler  could  select  and  survey  for  pre-emption  any  quantity 
of  waste  or  unappropriated  lands,  not  exceeding  one  Uiousand 
acres  to  each  claimant,  for  which  forty  dollars  for  each  hundred 
acres  were  required.  Payments  could  be  made  in  tho  paper  c^^ 
rency  of  Virginia,  which  had  depreciated  greatly.*** 

The  following  specimens  from  the  record  of  the  Commissioneis' 
Court  are  given  to  illustrate  the  vague  manner  in  which  tracts  of 
.land  were  described  in  the  entry : 

"  Michael  Stoner  this  day  appeared,  and  claimed  a  right  of  settle- 
ment and  pre-emption  to  a  tract  of  land  lying  on  Stoner's  Fork,  a 
branch  of  the  south  fork  of  the  Linking,  about  twelve  miles  above 
Licking  Station,  by  making  corn  in  the  country  in  the  year  1775, 
and  improving  said  land  in  1776.  Satisfactory  proof  being  made 
to  the  court,  they  are  of  opinion  that  said  Stoner  has  a  right  to  a 
, settlement  of  four  hundred  acres  of  land>  including  the  above 
mentioned  improvement,  and  a  pre-emption  of  one  thousand  acres 
adjoining  the  same,  and  that  a  certificate  issue  accordingly." 

"  Joseph  Combs,  this  day  claimed  a  right  to  a  pre-emptior  of 
one  thousand  acres  of  land  lying  on  Combs',  since  called  Howard's 
creek,  about  eight  miles  above  iioonesborough,  on  both  sides  of  the 
oreok,  and  about  three  or  four  miles  from  the  mouth  of  it,  by 
improving  the  said  land,  by  building  a  cabin  on  the  premiseu,  in 
the  month  of  May,  1775.  Satisfactory  proof  being  made  to  the 
court,  they  are  of  opinion  that  the  aaid  Combs  has  a  right  to  a  pre- 
-emption of  one  thousand  acres,  including  the  said  improvement, 
rand  that  a  certificate  issue  accordingly." 

The  sessions  of  this  court  were  held  at  different  places  in  Ken- 
tucky, to  accommodate  the  claimants,  for  the  period  of  one  year, 
during  which  about  three  thousand  certificates  were  granted.   The 


*^  Lifa  of,  Bmm,  in:  6palu'  Owgr^Phr,  p.  06. 


■^ 


1788. 


SPAiriia  SOLDIBRS  FIRST  AT  ST.  LOUIS. 


811 


forogoing  extracts  illustrate  the  vague  and  undefined  descriptions  of 
localities.  Many  of  the  claims  were  rendered  null  from  more 
•pecitic  uiid  definite  surveys  covering  the  same  land;  and  many  of 
the  old  pioneers,  amongst  whom  was  Daniel  Boone,  lost  the  lands 
they  had  entered  and  surveyed,  hy  suhsequent  law  suits. 

The  winter  of  1779-80,  was  uncommonly  severe  throughout  the 
United  States,  and  has  been  distinguished  as  "  the  hard  vamier.'* 
The  eifoct  on  the  new  settlements  in  the  West  was  great  distress 
and  sufiering.  In  Kentucky,  the  rivers,  creeks,  and  branches  were 
frozen  to  an  uncommon  thickness  where  the  water  was  deep,  and 
became  exhausted  in  shallow  places.  Horses  and  cattle  died  ttota. 
thirst  and  starvation.  The  snow,  from  continuous  storms,  became 
of  unusual  depth  and  continued  a  long  time.  Men  could  not  hunt. 
Families  were  overtaken  in  the  wilderness  on  their  journey,  and 
their  progress  arrested,  and  there  was  great  suffering.  The 
supplies  of  the  settlements  were  exhausted,  and  com  became 
extremely  scarce. 

When  the  snow  melted,  and  the  ice  broke  up  in  the  rivers,  the 
low  grounds  and  river  bottoms  were  submerged,  and  much  of  the 
stock  that  had  survived  the  severity  of  the  winter,  perished  in  the 
waters.  The  game  of  the  forest  furnished  meat,  which  was  the 
only  solid  food  to  be  obtained  until  the  com  was  grown.  The 
summer  brought  large  accessions  to  the  population  by  emigra- 
tion. 

On  the  11th  of  August,  1768,  during  the  period  of  the  revolt  of 
1780.]  Lower  Louisiana,  M.  Rious,  with  a  detachment  of  Spanish 
troops,  arrived  at  St.  Louis,  and  took  formal  possession  of  Upper 
Louisiana,  in  the  name  of  the  king  of  Spain.*  The  occupation  of 
Rious  was  military,  and  St.  Ange  was  allowed  still  to  exercise  the 
functions  of  the  civil  government.  On  the  17th  of  July,  1769,  he 
evacuated  St.  Louis,  and  returned  to  New  Orleans,  to  aid  O'ReiUy 
in  the  redaction  of  the  lower  province. 

Atler  the  submission  of  the  people  to  the  government  of  Spain, 
O'Keilly  deputed  Don  Pedro  Piernas  to  be  lieutenant'goveroor,  and 
civil  and  military  commandant  of  Upper  Louisuuia.  On  the  29th 
of  November,  Piernas  arrived  at  St  Louis,  received  the.govem- 
mcat  from  St.  Ange,  and  in  February,  1771,  entered  upon  the 
exercise  of  his  ofiSoial  functions.    No  opposition  was  made  to  Ihe 


'*0*y*rre'B  BpaaHb  domiiutton  la  fcoataikn*. 


812 


VniST  SPANISH  VZOBROT  AT  8V.  LOUIS. 


1770. 


new  government,  the  administration  of  Piemas  was  mild  and  pa- 
ternal, and  the  people  soon  became  reconciled  to,  and  in  time  be- 
came  strongly  attached  to  the  Spanish  government. 

Unzaga  was  left  in  charge  of  the  government  of  Lower  Louisi- 
ana on  the  departure  of  O'Reilly,  on  the  29th  of  October,  1770,  and 
was  confirmed  as  governor  of  Louisiana  by  a  royal  decree,  on  the 
17th  of  August,  1772.  The  administration  of  O'Reilly  had  com- 
pletely crushed  out  the  spirit  of  resistance  to  the  Spanish  domina- 
tion, and  the  administration  of  Unzaga,  and  his  deputy  Piemas, 
occupied  with  no  wars  or  rebellions,  afford  few  events  worthy  of 
record.  On  the  24th  of  March,  1770,  the  Spanish  government,  by 
a  royal  decree,  confirmed  the  acts  of  O'Reilly,  in  substituting  the 
laws  and  usages  of  Spain  instead  of  those  of  France,  which  wore 
in  force  in  the  colony.  All  controversies  were  tried  under  the 
Spanish  law,  by  a  tribunal  of  which  the  governor  was  the  supreme 
judge  in  Lower  Louisiana,  and  by  a  tribunal  of  which  the  deputy 
governor  was  the  supreme  judge  in  Upper  Louisiana,  ^o  titles  to 
land  in  Upper  Louisiana  were  given  under  the  French  domination. 
The  grants  to  Laclede,  and  l^e  various  grants  made  by  St.  Ange, 
during  the  period  of  his  provisional  government,  were  held  to  be 
invalid,  because  made  without  the  authority  of  Spain,  after  the 
treaty  of  cession.  All  these  titles  were,  however,  examined,  sur- 
veyed, and  on  the  28d  of  May,  1772,  confirmed  by  Piemas.  No 
land  titles  west  of  the  Mississippi,  in  Upper  Louisiana,  date 
beyond  that  period.  A  liberal  policy  in  the  bestowment  of  grants 
was  pursued,  the  government  was  mild,  and  more  in  accordance 
with  the  usages  of  the  French  than  the  government  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, and  accordingly  a  large  emigration  set  in  from  Canada,  and 
the  Illinois,  to  the  western  side  of  the  Mississippi.  Immigrants,  too, 
were  attracted  by  the  climate,  soil,  and  trade  of  the  province  of 
Lower  Louisiana,  and  under  these  circumstances  its  population  was 
largely  increased. 

On  the  1st  of  February,  1777,  Don  Bernando  de  Galvez  suc- 
ceeded Unzaga  in  the  government  of  Louisiana.  Piemas  had 
previously  resigned,  in  1775,  his  authority  to  Gruzat,  and  in  1778, 
Oruzat  was  superseded  by  Don  Francisco  de  Leyba.  The  war  of 
th'e  Revolution  had  begun,  and  Louisiana,  though  fiir  rer-o^ddfrom 
the  scene  of  conflict,  was  still  within  reach  of  its  iuuUdnce,  and 
shared  in  the  commotions  it  excited.  As  early  as  1777,  the  Span- 
ish court  had  sent  orders  to  the  governors  of  Louisiana,  to  afford 
secret  ud  to  the  Americans,  and  arms  and  ammunition  had  been 
procured  at  New  Orleans,  to  the  amount  of  seventy  thousand  dol- 


ntd. 


SPAIN 


ABBS  WAR  AOAIKST  XNGLAND. 


818 


Ian,  ftod  shipped  to  Fort  Pitt  for  their  uce.  In  Jannaiy,  1778^ 
Oaptain  Willing,  an  American  officer,  with  a  patty  of  fifty  men, 
descended  the  river,  and  ravaged  the  British  shore  of  the  Missis- 
sippi  from  the  hayou  Manchac  to  Natchez. 

On  the  8th  of  May,  1779,  Spun  declared  war  agunst  Great  Bri- 
tain,  and  on  the  8th  of  July,  the  people  of  Lonisiana  were  author^ 
ized  to  take  their  share  in  the  war  against  the  colonies  of  Great 
Britain.  Accordingly,  Galvez  collected  a  force  of  fourteen  hundred 
men,  and  on  the  7th  of  September,  attacked  and  took  Fort  Man- 
chac. Thence,  he  proceeded  to  Baton  Rouge,  and  after  a  short 
siege,  reduced  that  post  on  the  2l8t  of  September,  while  a  detach- 
ment of  his  force  took  possession  of  the  post  at  Katcliez.  Eight 
vessels  of  the  British  were  taken  by  the  Spanish  colonists  on  the 
lakes  and  in  the  Mississippi.  Galvez,  encouraged  by  his  success, 
collected  another  force  of  two  thousand  men,  in  the  next  year,  and 
laid  siege  to  Mobile,  which  in  a  short  time  was  surrendered.  Qtal- 
vez  then  returned  to  Havana,  obtained  a  reinforcement  of  troops, 
with  arms  and  ammunition,  for  the  siege  of  Pensacola,  then  the 
principal  post  of  the  British  in  West  Florida;  but,  on  his  return, 
his  transports  were  dispersed  and  lost  in  a  storm.  Galvez  returned 
to  Havana,  procured  another  reinforcement,  and  in  March,  1781, 
laid  siege  to  Pensacola.  The  siege  was  maintained  witii  great 
vigor  on  both  sides  for  a  month,  when  the  fortifications  were 
pierced,  by  the  explosion  of  a  magazine.  The  garrison  offered  a 
capitulation,  and  Pensacola,  and  with  it  all  west  Florida,  on  the  9th 
of  May,  was  surrendered  to  Spain. 

The  war  did  not  immediately  affect  the  people  of  Upper  Louisi- 
ana. The  conquest  of  Illinois  by  Clark,  in  1778,  removed  from 
their  neighborhood  all  the  British  posts  in  the  Illinois.  There  was 
no  British  force  nearer  than  Detroit,  and  the  garrison  there,  and 
their  Indian  allies,  were  so  fully  occupied  with  the  war  along  the 
American  border,  that  danger  was  not  to  be  apprehended  from  that 
quarter.  The  British  commandant  at  Mackinaw,  however,  was 
meditating  the  reduction  of  Upper  Louisiana,  and  after  the  reverses 
the  British  arms  had  sustained  in  Florida,  determined  to  lead  an 
expedition  on  his  own  responsibility  against  St.  Louis.  Accord^ 
ingly,  he  collected  a  force  of  one  hundred  and  forty  soldiers,  and 
fifteen  hundred  Indians,  and  with  these  he  set  out  early  in  the 
spring  of  1780,  with  a  view  of  surprising  that  place. 

Rumors  of  the  intention  of  the  British  to  attack  Louisiana  had 
been  current  among  the  Indians  of  Illinois.  This  intelligence  was 
21 


814 


•T.  u»n»  tm»MA.nmwm' 


%m. 


eMiT«gr«d  to  GeMnl  Clark  wliito  •!  g«akwtlri%  in  tli*  BfiAng  of 
1779b  OkrkimiiMdktoly  infermed  the  inbubitMite  of  0t  Lonii, 
and  ihroq{^  tham  the  goramor,  "Lajlmf  of  tiieir  danger,  and  pro^ 
fared  bia  aid  in  case  of  an  aUaok.  Hia  oObr  waa  reacted,  for  tha 
reaaon  tiial  no  iaamadiala  danger  waa  to  ba  aj^wehendad. 

The  ten^orj  on  wUch  St  Lonb  atood,  aa  likawisa  that  on  whiob 
aafrand  o4h«r  tovnu  had  bean  looaited,  and  the  sorroan^Dg  oonntiyy 
ware  olainMd  hj  tiie  Dlimna  Indiana,  bnt  tbaj  had  acquieecad  in 
the  Satmnon  of  the  whitaa^  and  ikad  never  moleHted  tilem.  But 
wben  the  mmor  of  an  attack  upon  the  town  began  to  q^read  abroad 
the  people  became  alarmed  fw  their  eafetj. 

The  town  waa  almoat  deatitnte  of  worka  of  delenae,  but  the  ui> 
habitants^  aniMinting  to  a  fittle  mora  than  a  hundred  men,*  imme> 
diately  proceeded  to  inoloae  it  with  a  spectea  of  wall,  formed  of  the 
tronks  of  arnaU  tnea  planted  in  the  ground,  tha  interstiees  being 
filled  np  with  earth.  The  wall  waa  some  fite  or  aix  feet  high.  It 
started  from  the  Half  Moon,  a  kind  of  fort  in  that  form,  cituated 
on  the  river,  the  preaent  Floating  Dock,  and  ran  fi^om  thence  a 
little  above  the  brow  of  the  hOl,  in  a  aemioircle^  imtil  it  reached 
the  Miaeifloppi,  aomewhat  above  the  bridge^  now  on  Second  atreet. 
Three  gates  were  formed  in  it;  one  near  tiie  bridge,  and  two  otheit 
on  tiie  hill,  at  the  points  where  the  roads  horn  the  n<Hrth-westerB 
and  Bouthowestem  parts  of  the  common  fields  came  in.  At  each 
of  these  gates  was  ^aced  a  heavy  piece  of  ordnance,  kept  cob> 
tinnaUy  charged,  and  in  good  order.  Having  oraapleted  thia  work, 
and  bearing  no  more  of  the  Indians,  it  was  snppoaed  that  the  attack 
had  been  abandoned.  Winter  passed  away,  and  spring  came ;  still 
nothing  wis  heard  of  the  Indians.  The  inhabitants  weie  led  to 
believe  that  their  ^>prebensions  were  groundless,  from  the  repM> 
sentations  of  the  commandant,  Leyba,  who  did  eveiy  thing  in  his 
power  to  dissipate  their  anxiety,  assuring  them  that  Aere  was  do 
danger,  and  that  the  rumor  of  the  proposed  attack  was  folse.  The 
month  of  May  oame^  the  laboro  of  planting  were  over,  and  tli^ 
peaoefal  taoA  happy  villagers  gave  themselves  np  to  such  pursniti 
and  pleasures  as  suited  Iheir  taste. 

A  few  days  before  die  attack,  an  old  man  named  Qnanelle,  being 
oa  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  saw  another  Frencbman,  by  ^ 
name  of  Ducharmcy  who  had  formerly  absconded  firom  St.  Loaia» 
who  told  lum  of  the  projected  «ttack.  The  governor  oaUed  him 
*'an  old  dotard,"  end  ordered  hia  to  prison. 


*  The  irhol*  popolattoa  wm  probably  nine  handrcd,  or  one  thoamnd. 


17M. 


8V.  Mint  ATTA«xn. 


8I« 


In  th«  MMiitiA*,  mm^riMiB  binds  9i  the  In4i«nB  Hving  9a  the 
IflkM  and  th«  Mii8iMipi»^'-th«  OjibwM^  Menomonlea,  Winnelm^ 
goM,  Sioux,  Bum,  ko^  togather  with  a  Inrge  nnmber  of  OnnadUmt, 
amonnting  in  all  to  upwwd  of  Ibarteen  hundred,  had  a«Mmbled 
on  the  eaatem  shore  of  the  MiawMippi,  a  lUtle  above  St  Lonie, 
awaiting  the  26l]i  of  May,  the  day  fixed  for  the  attack.  The  26th 
of  Mi^  waa  the  featt  <rf  CWptts  GviaHy  a  day  highly  Yenenited  by 
the  inhabitants,  who  were  all  Oatholios.  Had  the  assault  taken 
place  then,  it  would  have  been  firtal  to  them;  for,  after  divini  ser- 
Tioe,  aU,  men,  women,  and  children,  had  flocked  to  the  praiiie  to 
gather  strawbenies,  which  were  tlmt  season  very  abundant  and 
fine.  The  town,  being  left  perfectly  unguarded,  could  haye  been 
taken  with  ease,  and  the  unsuspecting  inhabitants,  who  w^^  roam- 
ing about  in  sear<$h  of  fruit,  could  have  been  massacred  without 
resistance.  Fortunately,  however,  a  few  only  -of  the  enemy  had 
crossed  Ibe  river,  and  ambushed  thentaelves  in  the  prairie.  The 
viUsgers  frequently  came  so  near  them,  in  the  coiuse  of  the  day, 
that  the  Indians,  from  their  places  of  oonoealment,  ciMild  have 
reached  tfiem  with  their  hands.  But  they  knew  not  how  many  of 
the  whites  were  still  remaining  in  the  town,  and  in  the  absence  of 
their  coadjutors  feared  to  attack,  lest  their  preconcerted  plan  might 
be  defeated.   '        . 

On  the  261th,  the  body  of  the  Indians  crossed,  and  marched 
directly  toward  the  fields,  expecting  to  find  the  greater  part  of  the 
villagers  th«re;  but  in  this  they  were  disappointed,  a  few  ott\y 
having  gone  out  to  view  their  crops.  These  perceived  the  approach 
of  the  savage  foe,  and  immediately  commenced  a  retreat  toward 
the  town,  the  most  of  them  taking  the  road  that  led  to  the  upper 
gate,  nearly  tiburough  the  mass  of  Indians,  and  followed  by  a  shower 
of  ballets.  The  firing  alarmed  those  who  were  in  town,  and  the 
ciy,  ''To  arms!  to  arms!"  was  heard  in  every  direction.  They 
raahed  towud  the  works,  and  threw  open  the  gates  to  their  brethren. 
The  Indians  advanced  slowly,  but  steadiiy,  toward  the  town,  and 
the  inhabitants,  though  almost  deprived  of  hope,  by  the  vast  supe- 
riority in  numbers  of  the  assailants,  detemuiiied  to  de^Bjad  them- 
sdves  to  the  last 

In  expectation  of  an  attack,  Silirio  Fraaoisco  Cavtaboua,  a  goT- 
emmental  ^o^,  had  gone  to  Ste.  G«Mvievo  for  a  company  of 
militia,  to  aid  in  defimding  the  town,  in  ^m  of  neceauiy,  and  had, 
aitho  beginning  flff  the  mon^  netoinifld  with  ««ty  meu,  who  waie 
Vuusteied  on  the  eiticeiiii.  M  $09»  as  the  Mt»ck  oammeneed* 
heweve^  umlikat  Qiirtiih«Hi»  nor  hia  men  eouM  b«  aeeUf   DithfP 


816 


YMUoiimT  or  loni. 


17801 


throngh  feait  or  trekoheiy,  tlM  gr«»ter  part  eoneealed  tliMBMlyea  in 
ft  garret,  and  there  remidned  until  the  Indians  had  retired.  The 
awailed,  heing  deprived  of  a  oonetderable  foroe  hj  thb  ehamefbl 
defection,  weie  still  resolute  and  determined.  About  fifteen  men 
were  posted  at  each  gate;  the  rest  were  scattered  along  the  line  of 
defense,  in  the  most  advantageooa  manner. 

Wlien  within  proper  distance,  the  Indians  began  an  irregular 
fire,  which  was  answered  with  showers  of  grape-shot  from  the  artil- 
leiy.  The  firing  for  a  while  was  warm,  but  the  Indians,  perceiving 
that  ail  their  efforts  would  be  ineflfoctual,  on  account  of  the 
intrenchments,  and  deterred  by  the  cannon,  to  which  they  were 
unaccustomed,  Arom  making  a  nearer  approach,  suffered  their  zeal 
to  abate,  and  deliberately  retired.  At  this  stage  of  affiurs  the  lien- 
tenant-governor  made  his  appearance.  The  first  intimation  that  he 
received  of  what  was  going  on,  was  by  the  dischaige  of  rffiilleiy, 
on  the  part  of  the  inhabitants.  He  immediately  ordeivi  several 
pieces  of  cannon,  which  were  posted  in  front  of  the  government- 
bouse,  to  be  spiked  and  filled  with  sand,  and  went,  or  rather  was 
roUed  m  a  whedbarrow^  to  the  scene  of  action.  In  a  very  peremp- 
tory tone,  he  commanded  the  inhabitants  to  cease  firing,  and  return 
to  their  houses.  Those  posted  at  the  lower  gate  did  not  hear  the 
order,  and  consequently  kept  their  stations.  The  commwadant 
perceived  this,  and  ordered  a  cannon  to  be  I'irod  at  them.  They 
had  barely  time  to  throw  themselves  on  the  ground,  when  the 
volley  passed  over  them,  and  struck  ^e  wall,  tearing  a  great  part 
of  it  down.  These  proceedings,  as  well  as  the  whole  team  of  his 
conduct,  after  the  first  rumor  of  an  attack,  gave  rise  to  snspioions 
veiy  unfovorable  to  the  lieutenant-governor. 

It  was  freely  said,  that  he  was  the  cause  of  the  attack,  that  he 
was  connected  with  tbe  British,  and  that  he  had  been  bribed  into  a 
dereliction  of  duty,  which,  had  not  Providence  averted,  would  have 
doomed  them  to  destruction.  Under  the  pretext  of  proving  to 
them  that  there  was  no  danger  of  an  attack,  he  had,  a  few  days 
before  it  occurred,  sold  to  the  traders  all  the  ammunition  belonging 
to  the  government;  and  they  would  have  been  left  perfectly  desti- 
tute and  defenseless,  had  they  not  found,  in  a  private  house,  eight 
barrels  of  powder,  belonging  to  a  trader,  which  they  seized  in  the 
name  of  the  king,  upon  tiie  first  alarm.  These  drcumstanoes  gave 
birth  to  a  strong  aversion  to  the  commandant,  which  evinces  itseli^ 
eten  at  this  day,  in  execrations  of  his  character,  whenever  his  name 
is  mentioned  to  those  who  have  known  him.  Representations  <^ 
his  conduct,  together  with  a  detailed  aoconnt  of  tiie  attack,  were 


1780. 


BINlACn  Of  UTIA. 


817 


Mnt  to  STew  OrloAiii  by  a  q>eoi«l  moMenger,  And  the  retnlt  was, 
that  the  goreraor^neral  re-appointed  Franoiuo  Onuat  to  the 
office  of  lieutenant-governor. 

Am  soon  as  it  was  asoertaiped  that  the  Indians  bad  retired  from 
the  neighborhood,  the  inhabitants  proceeded  to  gather  and  bury 
the  dead  that  lay  scattered  in  all  parts  of  the  prairie.  Seven  were 
at  first  found  and  buried  in  one  grave.  Ten  or  twelve  others,  in 
the  course  of  a  fortnight,  were  discovered  in  the  Lag  grass  that 
bordered  the  marshes.  The  acts  of  the  Indians  were  acoooqwinied 
by  their  oharaoteristic  ferocity.  Some  of  their  victims  were  horribly 
mangled.  With  the  exception  of  one  individual,  the  whites  who 
accompanied  the  Indians  did  not  take  part  in  the  butcheries  that 
were  committed.  A  young  man  named  Oalve  was  found  dead,  his 
skull  split  open,  and  a  tomahawk,  on  the  blade  of  which  was  writ- 
ten the  word  "  Oalvey"  sticking  in  his  brain.  He  was  supposed  to 
have  fallen  by  the  hand  of  his  uncle.  Had  those  who  discovered 
the  Indians  in  the  prairie  fled  to  the  lower  gate,  they  would  have 
escaped,  but  the  greater  part  of  them  took  the  road  tiiat  led  to  the 
upper  gate,  through  the  very  ranks  of  the  enemy,  and  were  thus 
exposed  to  the  whole  of  their  fire.  About  twenty  persons,  it  is 
computed,  met  their  death  in  endeavoring  to  get  within  the 
entrenchments.  None  of  those  within  them  were  iiyured,  and 
none  of  the  Indians  were  killed ;  at  least,  none  of  them  were  found. 
Their  object  was  not  to  plunder,  for  they  did  not  attempt,  in  their 
retreat,  to  take  with  them  any  of  the  cattle  or  horses  that  were  in 
the  prairie,  and  whicb  they  might  have  taken ;  nor  did  they  attack 
any  of  the  neighboring  towns,  where  the  danger  would  have  been 
less,  and  the  prospect  of  success  greater.  The  only  object  they  bad 
in  view,  was  the  destruction  of  St.  Louis;  and  this  would  seem  to 
&vor  the  idea  that  they  were  instigated  by  the  English,  and  gives 
good  ground,  when  connected  with  other  circumstances,  to  believe 
that  Leyba  v^as  their  aider  and  abettor. 

Thus  ended  an  attack,  which,  properly  conducted,  might  have 
been  destructive  to  the  in&nt  town,  and  which,  from  the  number 
of  the  enemy,  and  the  danger  incurred,  was  calculated  to  impress 
itself  deeply  on  the  minds  of  those  who  witnessed  it.  It  forms  an 
era  in  the  history  of  the  place;  and  the  year  in  which  it  occurred 
has  ever  since  been  designated  by  the  inhabitants  as  the  year  qf 
the  hUrw—^^L'aimee  du  Qoup." 

Leyba,  aware  that  representations  of  his  course  had  been  specially 
forwarded  to  the  governor-general  at  New  Orleans,  and  fearful  of 
the  consequences,  and  unable  to  bear,  up  under  the  load  of  scorn 


S18 


OKUSAV  M^-^rMunm  mmuavAn. 


1T80. 


and  oontnnpC  wbkh  tiM  InhftbitMita  h«tp*4  vpMi  bim,  4M  « thoii 
tioM  irfUr  the  atlMk,  tnqiMtod  bgr  auny  «f  Utliig  hattMMd  hb 
•nd  by  poiion. 

.  Upott  bii  dMtb,  Oartebonft  jMifnrmcd  tb«  ftmotloM  of  goreni* 
OMnt  UBtll  tbt  following  j««ff,  wbon  Oraiat  rotornod  to  0t  Lonit, 
tad  Mtiimed  tho  eommMid  m  Uontonnit-govonior  »  Mocnd  time. 

Altw  tbo  ovontt  nanmted  abore,  Ibo  faihiUtaiite  of  St  Louis,  find- 
ing that  tttoir  gnrriion  won  vawortfay  of  tntt,  wlt^at  ■mnrani- 
tioa,  md  withoat  ommm  of  defento  agnlnit^A  Mgalariy  ofgAnisad 
«ttMl^  depvted  Mr.  A.  ObontoM  to  piooeed  to  Notr  OrlMini  for 
MtiBtonoo.  A  woodon  fort  wm  bnUt  on  tho  DMWt  elernted  ipot 
witbin  tiie  <Aiy,  npon  wl^b  wore  moonted  eoTeml  beenrf  pieoei  of 
otdnnnoe^  ^d  still  later  tbere  were  added  four  stone  ttmeto,  trma 
wbiob  oross-fires  ooold  be  kept  up.  This  might  bave  answeiod  for 
the  proteetion  of  the  oity,  bat  only  i^nst  the  Indians.  No  traces 
of  this  fortifioalion  are  now  to  be  seen— the  torjr  site  of  wb&ob  has 
yielded  to  the  in&^rorements  of  the  eitjr. 

The  fortifioations  oonsisted  of  a  square  building  oaHed  the  tesMoa, 
dtuated  at  the  aortliem  ejEtreoiity  ot  the  bill,  nearly  opposite  the 
Half  Moon;  of  a  droalar  fort,  directly  south  of  1^  bastion,  and 
situated  on  what  is  now  ealled  Oiire  street;  of  another  eiroular 
building,  which  served  both  for  a  fort  and  prison,  south  of  that 
last  mentioned,  and  situated  <m  Walnut  street;  of  a  circular  fort, 
in  a  line  with,  and  eo«th  of  the  others,  situated  at  the  extfvmitjr  of 
tfie  hill,  near  what  is  called  Mill  creek;  and  finally,  of  another 
drcular  fori>  east  of  tho  latter^  and  somewbat  abore  the  bridge,  near 
the  river.  All  of  ^Moe  ft»tifteatioa8  were  provided  with  ammud- 
tion  and  artillery,  and  soldiers  were  kept  constantiy  <hi  guard  in 
them.  The  forts,  besides,  were  connected  together  by  a  stroi^ 
wall,  made  of  cedar  poets,  planted  upright  in  tiie  ground,  fitted 
closely  together,  and  with  loop4ioles  for  nnaU  arms  between  eveiy 
two.  These  precautionary  defenses  had  been  dictated  by  the 
danger  which  had  boon  incurred,  and  which  was  fresh  in  the  recol- 
lection of  all,  and  probably  had  tiie  effect  oi  preventing  any  further 
assaults  upon  the  place.  The  inhabitants  m&n  never  afterward 
molested.* 

In  the  autumn  of  1760,  La  Balme,  a  native  of  France,  made  an 
attempt  to  carry  an  expedition  from  !E^kaskia  against  Detroit  "With 
twenty  or  thirty  men,  he  marched  from  Kaskaekia  to  Post  Yincen- 


*  WMteni  Jotmui'. 


ITBQ. 


wnmtun  clmob  ot  ■rinr. 


811 


BM,  wWrt  IM  WM  Jointd  bj  »  nnaN  rrtBfore«BMnt  H*  tiMtt 
moved  vp  tlM  WabMh,  and  reMh«d  the  Biitbh  tndiog  poil  Ke-kU 
oDg^  At  Ae  iMid  of  the  IfMuaeew  After  pkindeiliif  the  tndera, 
end  eome  effhe  Indiane,  he  aiMehed  Ihon  the  poil»«id  encemped 
neMT  the  ri?er  AhoHe.  ApsrtgrofthelCkMnllidtaMiMMkedthe 
encempiMit  im  (he  night  I*  B«faM  end  eeeenl  of  hii  lolkMren 
were  Mm,  eod  the  e^edMott  wie  dillMled.* 

With  the  yeAr  1780,  eommeneee  th«  hletoiy  of  thoee  tmnhlee 
relatife  to  the  Mvigftllon  of  the  MLmtaApflkf  whieh,  ftw  io  long  e 
time,  prodnced  the  deepest  dleeontent  in  tlie  Weet  fl^n  had 
teken  the  Americea  part  lo  flur  as  to  go  to  war  with  Britain,  h«t 
no  traaly  had  yet  heen  ooneloded  between  Oongnss  and  (he  powm 
at  Madrid.  Ifr.  Jay,  however,  had  been  appointed  Ministar  tnm 
the  United  States,  at  the  Spanish  eonrt,  where  he  arrived  In  iktb 
spring  of  this  yoar,  and  where  he  soon  learned  tlie  graa|dng  plans 
of  the  Soathem  Bonribons.  These  plans,  indeed,  were  in  no  degree 
ooneealed,  the  Freneh  Minister  being  instmcted  to  Infonn  Ooa^ 

g»wsr- 
"That  lus  most  CSiristian  Mi)|esty  (of  Franoe,) being  infersMd 

of  the  appointment  of  a  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  treat  of  an 
alliance  between  the  United  States  and  hu  Oatholie  Mi^esty,  (of 
Spain,)  has  signified  to  hie  Minister  Plenipotentiaiy  to  (he  United 
States,  that  he  wishes  most  eameetty  for  si^  an  allianee;  and  in 
order  to  make  the  tray  more  etM/,  has  oommanded  him  to  eomiaani- 
flate  to  the  Oongvess,  otrMn  arUdetf  whioh  his  Oathdie  Miilealy 
deems  of  great  impMtanoe  to  die  interests  of  his  erown,  and  on 
which  it  is  kighig  neeenary  that  the  United  Statee  explain  them- 
selves with  pteeuion,  and  with  sni^  modermHan  as  may  consist  with 
tiieir  essential  rights. 

"That  the  articles  are: 

"A  precise  and  invariable  western  boundary  to  the  United 
States; 

"  The  exelasive  navigation  of  tiie  river  Mississippi ; 

"The  possession  of  the  Floridas;  and, 

"The  land  on  tiae  left  or  eastern  side  (^the  river  Misrisripiu. 

"  That  on  the  firat  article,  it  is  the  idea  of  the  Cabinet  of  Madrid, 
that  the  United  States  extend  to  the  westward  no  fiuiher  than 
settlements  were  permitted  by  the  Royal  Proclamation,  bearing 


•  l^UUm's  ImbMW. 


880 


JAT  UTTBBLT  OPPOSES  SPARISH  POLICT. 


1780. 


date  the  7th  day  of  October,  1768,  (that  is  to  say,  not  west  of  the 
AUeghenies.) 

"On  the  second,  that  the  United  States  do  not  consider  them^ 
selves  as  having  any  right  to  navigate  the  river  Mississippi,  no 
territory  belonging  to  them  being  situated  thereon. 

"On  the  third,  that  it  is  probable  the  king  of  Spun  will  ccmquer 
the  Floridas,  during  the  course  of  the  present  war;  and  in  such  an 
event,  every  cause  of  dispute  relative  thereto,  between  Spain  and 
these  United  States,  ought  to  be  removed. 

.  "On  the  fourth,  that  the  lands  lying  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Mississippi,  whereon  the  settlements  were  prohibited  by  the  afore- 
said  proclamation,  are  possessions  of  the  crown  of  Great  Britain, 
and  proper  objects  against  which  the  arms  of  Spain  may  be  employed, 
for  the  purpose  of  making  a  permanent  conquest  for  the  Spanish 
crown.  That  such  conquest  may  probably  be  made  during  the 
present  war.  That,  therefore,  it  would  be  advisable  to  restrain  the 
southern  States  from  making  any  settlements  or  conquests  in  these 
territories.  That  the  Council  of  Madrid  consider  the  United 
States  as  having  no  claim  to  those  territories,  either  as  not  having 
had  possession  of  them  before  the  present  war,  or  not  having  any 
foundation  for  a  claim  in  the  right  of  the  sovereignly  of  Great 
Britain,  whose  dominion  they  have  abjured."* 

These  extraordinary  claims  of  his  Catholic  M^esty  were  in  no 
respect  admitted  during  this  year,  either  by  Mr.  Jay  or  Congress, 
and  in  October  a  full  statement  of  the  views  of  the  United 
States,  as  to  their  territorial  rights,  was  drawn  up,  probably  by  Mr. 
Madison,  and  sent  to  the  Ambassador  at  Madrid.t  Meantime,  as 
Virginia  considered  the  use  of  the  Great  Western  river  very  neces* 
sary  to  her  children.  Governor  Jefferson  bad  ordered  a  fort  to  be 
constructed  upon  the  Mississippi,  below  the  month  of  the  Ohio. 
This  was  done  in  the  spring  of  the  year  1780,  by  General  G.  R. 
Clark,  who  was  stationed  at  the  Falls;  and  was  named  by  bim 
after  the  writer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  This  fort, 
for  some  purposes,  may  have  been  well  placed,  but  it  was  a  great 
mistake  to  erect  it,  without  notice,  in  the  country  of  the  Chicka- 
saws,  who  bad  thus  far  been  true  friends  to  the  American  cause. 
Thev  regarded  this  unauthorized  intrusion  upon  their  lands  as  the 
first  step  in  a  career  of  conquest,  and  as  such  resented  it;  while 


*  See  Pitkin's  History  of  the  United  SUtes,  ii.  p.  92. 
t  Pitliin,  U.  &12,  91.    Uh  of  John  Jsy,  i.  108,  &o. 


1780. 


BDUOATION  PROVIDED  VOR  IN  KBNTUOKT. 


821 


B  in  no 
•ngresB, 
United 
by  Mr. 
ime,  as 
r  necea- 
t  to  be 
)  Obio. 
I  G.R. 
ty  bim 
lis  fort, 
|a  great 
Ibicka- 
cause. 
astbe 
wbile 


tbe  settlera  of  Keutuolqr  looked  upon  the  measure  with  but  little 
favor,  «'« it  tended  to  diminish  the  available  force  in  their  stations, 
which  were  still  exposed  to  the  ceaseless  hostility  of  the  Shawanese 
and  Wyandots. 

Tbe  inhabitants  of  these  stations,  meanwhile,  were  increasing 
with  wonderful  rapidity  under  the  inducements  presented  by  the 
land  laws.  Emigrants  crowded  over  the  mountains  as  soon  as 
spring  opened.  Three  hundred  large  family  boats  arrived  early  in 
the  year  at  the  Falls;  and  on  Beargrass  creek  was  a  population 
containing  six  hundred  serviceable  men.*  Nor  did  the  swarming 
stop  with  the  old  settlements ;  in  the  southwest  part  of  the  State  the 
huiiter  Maulding,  and  his  four  sons,  built  their  outpost  upon  the 
Bed  river,  which  empties  into  the  Cumberland ;  wbile,  sometime 
in  the  spring  of  this  same  year,  Dr.  Walker,  and  Colonel  Hender- 
son, the  first  visitor  and  first  colonist  of  Kentucky,  tried  to  run  the 
line  which  should  divide  Virginia  from  Carolina,  (or,  as  things  are 
now  named,  Kentucky  from  Tennessee,)  westwiurd  as  far  as  the 
Mississippi;  an  attempt  in  which  they  failed.f  Nor  was  it  to 
western  lands  and  territorial  boundaries  alone  that  Virginia  direc- 
ted her  attention  at  this  time;  in  May  her  Legislature  resolved, 
that, 

"Whereas,  It  is  represented  to  this  General  Assembly  that  there 
are  certain  lands  within  the  county  of  Kentucky,  formerly  belong- 
ing to  British  subjects,  not  yet  sold  under  the  law  of  escheats  and 
forfeitures,  which  might  at  a  future  day  be  a  valuable  fund  for  the 
maintenance  and  education  of  youth,  and  U  being  the  interest  of  this 
Commonwealth  always  to  promote  and  encourage  every  design  which  may 
tend  to  the  improvement  of  the  mind^  and  the  diffusion  of  m^vA  knowledge 
even  among  Us  remote  cUizens,  whose  situation,  in  a  barbarous  neighbor- 
hood and  a  savage  intercourse,  might  otherwise  render  unfriendly  to 
science:  be  it  therefore  enacted,  that  eight  thousand  acres  of  laud, 
within  the  said  county  of  Kentucky,  late  the  property  of  those  Bri- 
tish subjects,  (Robert  M'Kenzie,  Henry  Collins,  and  Alexander 
M'Kee,)  should  be  vested  in  trustees,  *as  a  free  donation  from  this 
commonwealth,  for  the  purpose  of  a  public  school,  or  seminary  of 
learning,  to  be  erected  within  the  said  county,  as  soon  as  its  cir- 
cumstances and  the  state  of  its  funds  will  permit.' " 

Thus  was  early  laid  the  foundation  of  the  first  western  seminary 
of  literature,  just  five  years  after  the  forts  of  Boonesborough  and 


« Sutler,  second  edition,  00. 

fManbM,  i.  118.    Holme's  Annkli,  U.  804,  note  8d. 


BTBD  INVADKS  KENTUOKT. 


1780. 


BiuTodabarg  rose  amidst  the  woods.    Thus  was  the  fonndation  laid 
for  the  establishment  of  the  Transylvania  TJniyersity  at  Lexington. 

In  the  summer  of  1780,  a  force  of  six  hundred  Canadians  and 
Indians,  with  six  pieces  of  cannon,  under  the  command  of  Oolonel 
B^rd,  of  the  British  army,  invaded  Kentucky,  by  the  way  of  the 
Miami  and  the  Licking.  Their  first  point  of  attack  was  Ruddel's 
station,  on  the  sooth  fork  of  tiie  Liddng,  below  the  mouth  of 
Hinkston  fork.  Singularly  enough,  their  approach  was  not  dis< 
covered  before  they  appeared  before  the  station,  although  they  had 
been  twelve  days  occupied  in  cutting  a  road  through  ^e  country, 
from  the  Ohio.  Col.  Byrd  immediately  demanded  the  surrender 
of  the  station.  Resistance  was  useless,  and  Rttddel  consented  to 
yield  the  post  on  condition  that  ^he  prisoners  should  be  protected 
by  the  British  from  the  Indians.  Byrd  promised  his  protection, 
and  the  gates  were  thrown  open.  Immediately  the  Indians  rushed 
in,  seized  the  inhabitants,  and  divided  them  among  themselves. 
Riiddel  remonstrated,  but  Byrd  confessed  that  he  could  do  noth* 
ing,  that  he  had  no  control  over  the  savages,  but  that  he  himself 
was  at  their  mercy.  The  Indians  next  proposed  to  attack  Martin's 
station,  five  miles  further,  but  Byrd  refused  to  assist  them  unless 
the  chiefs  would  pledge  themselves  that  all  the  prisoners  taken 
should  be  surrendered  to  him.  Tb  <  y  consented ;  the  army  marched 
to  Martin's  station ;  it  was  surrendered  without  a  contest ;  the  pri- 
soners were  relinquished,  and  the  Indians  divided  the  spoils  among 
themselves. 

The  Indians  next  insisted  on  attacking  Lexington  and  Bryant's 
station.  Byrd  refused  to  march  further,  and  insisted  that  it  would 
be  impracticable  to  procure  provisions,  or  to  transport  the  cannon 
by  land,  and  thus  with  difficulty  dissuaded  them  from  the  ente^ 
prise.  His  conduct,  however,  shows  that  motives  of  humanity 
influenced  him  more  than  a  doubt  of  success ;  rince  with  the  force  at 
his  command  it  would  have  been  easy  to  have  reduced  all  the 
Btoickades,  and  to  have  broken  up  all  the  settlements  of  Kentucky. 

As  soon  as  it  was  decided  to  abandon  the  expedition,  the  army 
retreated  to  the  forks  of  the  Licking.  There  the  Indians  separated, 
and  set  out  for  their  villages,  taking  with  them  the  prisoners  they 
had  taken  at  RMdel's  station,  together  with  a  great  amount  of 
fltock  and  other  booty  they  had  secured.  The  British  passed  down 
the  Licking,  and  up  the  Miami,  as  fiir  as  they  could  proceed  in 
their  boats,  where  they  concealed  their  artillery,  and  returned  to 
Detroit 


1780. 


torn  JBFFEBSOir  OR  HI8SIS8IP»I  BUILT. 


828 


Qenei^l  Clark  was  at  this  juncture  absent  from  th«  &II0,  engaged 
in  the  building  of  Fort  Jefferson.  The  State  of  Virginia  vras 
anxious  to  extend  her  jurisdiction  to  the  Mississippi,  and  Clark 
was  directed  to  take  military  possession  of  the  western  limit  of  that 
territory  of  Kentucky.  Accordingly,  he  descended  the  Ohio,  and 
built  a  fort  a  short  distance  below  its  month,  which  he  named  Fort 
Jefferson.  After  its  completion  it  was  placed  under  the  command 
of  Captain  George,  with  a  garrison  of  one  hundred  men.  It  was 
located  within  the  territory  of  the  Chickasaws,  and  they  immedi- 
ately remonstrated,  through  a  Scotch  half-breed  chief,  Colbert, 
agaiubi  its  erection.  Their  remonstrance  was  disregarded,  and 
they  prepared  to  drive  the  whites  from  Hieir  lands.  Accordingly, 
they  attacked  the  fort  in  the  &11  of  the  same  year,  when  the  garrison 
was  reduced  to  thirty  men.  The  siege  was  pressed  with  great 
vigor  for  six  days,  when  Clark  arrived  wi^  a  reinforcement,  and 
compelled  the  Indians  to  retire.  The  fort  was  dismantled,  and 
abandoned  in  the  next  year,  in  accordance  with  the  instructions  of 
the  governor  of  Virginia,  and  the  hostilities  of  the  Chickasaws 
ceased. 

When  Clark  returned  from  the  building  of  Fort  Jefferson,  he 
received  at  the  falls  a  letter  from  the  governor  of  Virginia,  recom- 
mending an  invasion  of  the  Indian  country,  and  the  destruction  of 
the  trading  post  at  Lc^^amie's  store.  The  invasion  of  Byrd  fur* 
nished  an  additional  motive  for  an  expedition  to  chastise  the 
Indians,  in  accordance  with  the  usual  practice  of  the  pioneers  of 
the  time,  to  allow  no  inroad  of  the  Indians  to  pass  without  retalia- 
tion. Clark  immediately  proceeded  to  Harrodsburg,  to  enlist 
volunteers  to  invade  the  Indian  country,  but  the  people  were  so 
engaged  with  the  land  entries,  then  recently  opened,  that  it  was 
impossible  to  interest  them  in  the  expedition.  In  accordance  with 
Clark's  request.  May,  the  surveyor,  closed  the  land-office ;  and,  in 
consequence,  a  regiment  of  troops  was  immediately  raised.  "WitJi 
these,  and  with  a  mounted  re^ment  from  the  falls,  Clark  proceeded 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Licking,  crossed  the  Ohio,  and  marched 
ap  the  Miami  valley  to  Piqua,  on  Mad  river.  The  town  was  taken 
by  surprise,  but  the  Indians  made  a  desperate  defense.  They 
were,  however,  routed,  and  compelled  to  fly ;  their  town  and  their 
growing  corn  were  destroyed.  Seventeen  of  the  whites  and  seven- 
teen of  the  Indians,  it  is  said,  were  killed.  The  town  was  never 
rebuilt;  the  Indians  passed  over  and  built  another  town  on  tiM 
Great  Miami,  to  which  they  also  gave  the  name  of  Piqua. 

Detachments  of  the  army  were  sent  out,  who  destroyed  the  00m 


824 


OLABK'S  first  BXPKDITION  to  MIAMI. 


1780. 


and  burned  all  the  other  villages  around  the  head  waters  of  the 
Miami. 

Thomas  Yickroy,  who  afterward,  in  conjunction  with  George 
Woods,  surveyed  the  site  of  Pittsburgh,  was  in  Clark's  army  oa 
this  expedition.  His  account  of  it  is  interesting,  as  it  fixes  the 
date  of  the  first  occupation  of  the  site  of  Cincinnati: 

"  In  April,  1780, 1  went  to  Kentucky,  in  company  with  eleven 
flat  boats  with  movers.  We  landed,  on  the  4th  of  May,  at  the 
mouth  of  Beargrass  creek,  above  the  falls  of  Ohio.  I  took  my 
compass  and  chain  along,  to  make  a  fortune  by  surveying,  bat 
when  we  got  there,  the  Indians  would  not  let  us  survey.  In  the 
same  summer.  Col.  Byrd  came  from  Detroit,  with  a  few  British 
soldiers,  and  some  light  artillery,  with  Simon  Girty,  and  a  great 
many  Indians,  and  took  the  two  forte  on  Licking.  Immediately 
afterward.  General  Clark  raised  an  army  of  about  a  thousand  men, 
and  marched  with  one  party  of  them  against  the  Indian  towns. 
When  wo  came  to  the  mouth  of  the  Licking,  we  fell  in  with  Col. 
Todd  and  his  party.  On  the  first  day  of  August,  1780,  we  crossed 
the  Ohio  river,  and  bniH  the  two  block  houses  where  Cincinnati 
now  stands.  I  was  at  the  building  of  the  block  houses.  Then,  as 
Gen.  Clark  had  appointed  me  commissary  of  the  campaign,  he 
gave  the  military  stores  into  my  hands ;  and  gave  me  orders  to 
maintain  that  post  for  fourteen  days.  He  left  with  me  Captain 
Johnston,  and  about  twenty  or  thirty  men,  who  were  sick  and  lame. 
On  the  fourteenth  day  the  army  returned  with  sixteen  scalps,  hav- 
ing lost  fifteen  men  killed.  They  reported  the  death  of  Rogers, 
Clark's  cousin,  who  fought  that  day  with  the  Indians." 

The  expedition  of  Clark  so  efiectually  chastised  the  Indians  on 
the  Miami,  that  Kentucky  was  for  a  time  relieved  from  the  attack 
of  any  body  of  Indians  large  enough  to  excite  serious  alarm. 
During  that  period  of  comparative  quiet,  those  measures  which  led 
to  the  cession  of  the  western  lands  to  the  United  States  began  to 
assume  a  definite  form.  On  the  26th  of  June,  1778,  when  the 
articles  of  confederation  were  under  discussion  in  Congress,  the 
objections  of  New  Jersey  to  the  proposed  plan  of  union  were 
brought  forward,  and  among  them  was  this : 

"  It  was  ever  the  confident  expectation  of  this  State,  that  the 
benefits  derived  from  a  successful  contest  were  to  be  general  and 
proportionate;  and  that  the  property  of  the  common  enemy,  falling 
in  consequence  of  a  prosperous  issue  of  the  war,  would  belong  to 
the  United  States,  and  be  appropriated  to  their  use.    We  are  there- 


1780. 


00NTB0TKR8T  ABOUT  LANDS. 


825 


fore  greatly  disappointed  in  finding  no  provision  made  in  the  con- 
federation for  empoweriug  the  Congress  to  dispose  of  saoh  property, 
but  especially  the  vacant  and  impatented  lands,  commonly  called 
the  crown  lands,  for  defraying  the  expenses  of  the  war,  and  for 
such  other  public  and  general  purposes.  The  jurisdiction  ought  in 
every  instance  to  belong  to  the  respective  states,  \dthin  the  charter 
or  determined  limits  of  which  such  lands  may  be  seated ;  but  reason 
and  justice  must  decide,  that  the  property  which  existed  in  the 
Grown  of  Great  Britain,  previous  to  the  present  revolution,  ought 
now  to  belong  to  the  Congress,  in  trust  for  the  use  and  benefit  of 
the  United  States.  They  have  fought  and  bled  for  it  in  proportion 
to  their  respective  abilities;  and  therefore  the  reward  ought  not  to 
be  predilectionally  distributed.  Shall  such  States  as  are  shut  out 
by  situation  from  availing  themselves  of  the  least  advantage  from 
this  quarter,  be  left  to  sink  under  an  enormous  debt,  whilst  others 
are  enabled,  in  a  short  period,  to  replace  all  their  expenditures  from 
the  hard  earnings  of  the  whole  confederacy?"* 

ISoT  was  New  Jersey  alone  in  her  views.  In  January,  1779,  the 
Council  and  Assembly  of  Delaware,  while  they  autho***zed  their 
delegates  to  ratify  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  also  passed  cer- 
tain resolutions,  and  one  of  them  was: 

"  That  this  State  consider  themselves  justly  entitled  to  a  right,  in 
common  with  the  members  of  the  Union,  to  that  extensive  tract  of 
country  which  lies  to  the  westward  of  the  frontiers  of  the  United 
States,  the  property  of  which  was  not  vested  in,  or  granted  to, 
individuals  at  tiie  commencement  of  the  present  war.  That  the 
same  hath  been,  or  may  be,  gained  from  the  Idng  of  Great  Britain, 
or  the  native  Indians,  by  the  blood  and  treasure  of  all,  and  ought, 
therefore,  to  be  common  estate,  to  be  granted  out  on  terms  bene- 
ficial to  the  United  States."  f 

But  this  protest,  however  positive,  was  not  enough  for  Maryland, 
the  representatives  of  which,  in  Congress,  presented  upon  the  2l8t 
of  May,  1779,  their  instructions  relative  to  confirming  the  articles 
of  confederation.  From  those  instructions  are  selected  the  follow- 
ing passages: 

"Virginia,  by  selling  on  the  most  moderate  terms  a  small  por- 
tion of  the  lands  in  question,  would  draw  into  her  treasury  vast 
sums  of  money ;  and,  in  proportion  to  the  sums  arising  ftom  such 
sales,  would  be  enabled  to  lessen  her  taxes.    Lands  comparatively 


*  See  Secret  Jonmal,  i.  p.  877. 
f  See  Seeret  Jourul,  {.  p.  429. 


0051IBOVBMT  ABOUT  LANDS. 


1780. 


cheap,  and  taxes  comparatively  low,  with  the  lauds  and  taxes  of  tax 
a^acent  State,  would  quickly  dnun  the  State  thus  disadvantageously 
circumstanced  of  its  most  useful  inhahitants ;  its  wealth  and  its 
consequence  in  the  scale  of  the  confederated  States  would  sink  of 
course.  A  claim  so  injurious  to  more  than  one-half,  if  not  the 
whole  of  the  United  States,  ought  to  he  supported  by  the  clearest 
evidence  of  the  right  Tet  what  evidences  of  that  right  have  been 
produced?  What  arguments  alleged  in  support  either  of  the 
evidence  or  the  right?  None  that  we  have  heard  of  deserving  a 
serious  refutation. 

"We  are  convinced,  policy  and  justice  require,  that  a  country 
unsettled  at  the  commencement  of  this  war,  claimed  by  the  British 
crown,  and  ceded  to  it  by  the  treaty  of  Paris,  if  wrested  fK>m  the 
common  enemy  by  the  blood  and  treasure  of  the  thirteen  States, 
fihould  be  considered  as  a  common  property,  subject  to  be  parceled 
out  by  Congress,  into  free,  convenient  and  independent  govern- 
ments, in  >.ach  manner,  and  at  such  times  as  the  wisdom  of  that 
assembly  shall  hereafter  direct 

**Thu8  conidnced,  we  should  betray  the  trust  reposed  in  us  by 
our  constituents,  were  we  to  authorize  you  to  ratify  on  their  beha^ 
the  confederation,  unless  it  be  further  explained.  We  have  coo% 
and  dispassionately  considered  the  subject:  we  have  weighed 
probable  inconveniences  and  hardships  against  the  sacrifice  of  just 
and  essential  rights,  and  do  instruct  you  not  to  agree  to  the  con* 
federation,  unless  an  article  or  articles  be  added  thereto  in  c(m- 
fbirmity  with  our  declaratioQ.  Should  we  succeed  in  obtaining 
Budi  article  or  articles,  then  you  are  hereby  folly  empowered  to 
aooede  to  the  confederation."  * 

These  difficulties  toward  perfecting  the  Fnion  were  increased  by 
the  passage  of  the  laws  in  "Virginia,  in  May,  1779,  for  disposing  of 
the  public  lands.  Apprehensive  of  the  consequences.  Congress, 
i4>on  the  80th  of  October,  in  that  year,  resolved  that  Virginia  be 
recommended  to  reconsider  her  Act  opening  a  land  office,  and 
that  she  and  all  other  States  claiming  wild  lands,  be  requested 
to  grant  no  warrants  during  the  continuance  of  the  war.  The 
troubles  which  thus  threatened  to  arise  from  the  claims  of  Virginia, 
New  York,  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  to  the  lands  which 
other  colonies  r^;arded  as  common  property,  caused  New  York,  on 
the  19th  of  Febmaiy,  1780,  to  pass  an  act  which  gave  to  the  del«- 


*  8m  SMvet  JonnMO,  i.  p.  Mi. 


1780. 


OOKTROYSBBT  ABOUT  LAUDS. 


827 


gates  <tf  that  State  power  to  oede  the  weitern  lands  claimed  by  her 
for  the  benefit  of  the  United  States.  This  law  was  laid  before 
Congress  on  the  7th  of  Maroh,~1780,  but  no  step  eeenn  to  have 
been  taken  until  September  6th,  1780,  when  a  resolution  passed 
that  body  pressing  upon  the  States  duming  western  lands  the  wis- 
dom of  giving  up  their  claims  in  favor  of  the  whole  country ;  and 
to  aid  this  reoomm,endation,  upon  the  10th  of  October,  was  passed 
the  following  resolution — ^which  formed  the  basis  of  all  after  action, 
and  was  the  first  of  those  legislative  measures  which  have  thus  fiur 
resulted  in  the  creation  of  the  States  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  IHinois  and 
Michigan — 

"That  the  unappropriated  lands  that  maybe  ceded  or  relin* 
quished  to  the  United  States,  by  any  particular  State,  pursuant  to 
the  recommendation  of  Congress,  of  the  6tfa  day  of  September  last, 
shall  be  disposed  of  for  the  common  benefit  of  the  United  States, 
and  be  settled  and  formed  into  distinct  republican  States,  which 
shall  be  members  of  the  Foderal  Union,  and  have  the  same  rights 
of  sovereignty,  freedom,  and  independence,  as  the  other  States; 
that  each  State  which  shall  be  so  formed  shall  contain  a  suitable 
extent  of  territory,  not  less  than  one  hundred,  nor  more  than  one 
hundred  and  fifty  miles  squa  ,  or  as  near  thereto  as  circumstances 
will  admit:  thct  the  necessary  and  reasonable  expenses  which  any 
particular  State  shall  have  incurred  since  the  commencement  of  the 
present  war,  in  subduing  any  British  posts,  or  in  mMntaining  forts  or 
garrisons  within,  and  for  tibe  defense,  or  in  acquiring  any  part  of 
the  territoiythat  may  be  ceded  or  relinquished  to  the  Uuited 
States,  shall  be  reimbursed. 

"  That  the  said  lands  diall  be  granted  or  settled  at  such  times, 
and  under  su<^  regulations  as  shall  hereafter  be  agreed  on  by  the 
United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  or  in  any  nine  av  more  of 
them." 

The  lands  at  the  falls  of  the  Ohio  were  first  claimed  and  pa- 
tented by  Dr.  John  Connolly  fuid  John  CampbelL*  In  the  spring 
of  1778,  Oaptain  Thonuw  Bullitt  went  as  a  surveyor  from  Yirginia, 
to  locate  and  survey  lands  in  Eentuclqr.  On  his  way  he  visit^i 
CSiillicothe,  held  a  confturenee  with  the  chieft  of  the  Shawaneae, 
snd  obtuned  firom  them  permission  to  make  a  settlement  on  tb« 
Ohio.  Proceediug  down  the  river,  he  estaihUshed  his  camp  at  the 
mouth  of  Beargrass  creek.    From  that  point  be  surveyed  the 


.#^.. 


•  flirtiryoriiMiMito. 


828 


PLAN  or  OONQUBRIMQ  DBTROIT  RBKKWED. 


1780. 


country  on  the  south  side  of  the  Ohio,  twenty  miles,  to  a  river  he 
named  Salt  river,  from  the  circumstance  of  finding  on  it  a  salt  lick, 
that  still  bears  his  name,  and  made  pr^jparations  to  establish  a  col- 
ony at  the  &lls  of  the  Ohio.  His  death  ended  his  schemes  of  colo- 
nization, but  the  settlement  at  Beargrass  remained,  and  became  a 
prominent  point  for  emigration  during  the  period  of  the  Indian 
wars.  On  his  expedition  to  IHinois,  Clark  took  .possession  of,  and 
fortified  Oom  island,  above  the  mouth  of  Beargrass,  and  on  his 
return,  that  point  was  made  his  head-quarters.  The  security  thns 
afiS^rded  to  the  neighborhood  invited  emigration,  and  in  the  spring 
of  1780,  three  hundred  flat  boats,  with  emigrant  families,  arrived  at 
the  falls.  The  population  of  the  settlement  was  thus  increased  to 
six  hundred  inhabitants,  located  on  the  lands  claimed  by  Connolly, 
then  a  refugee  tory  in  Canada,  and  Campbell,  who  had  been  car- 
ried a  prisoner  thither  by  the  Indians. 

The  Beargrass  settlement  thus  became  an  important  point  in 
Kentuc^,  and  accordingly,  in  May  of  that  year,  the  legislature  of 
Virginia  passed  an  *'  act  for  eptablishing  the  town  of  Louisville, 
at  the  falls  of  Ohio."  By  that  act  the  property  of  John.  Con- 
nolly, consisting  of  one  thousand  acres  of  land,  was  confiscated  to 
the  commonwealth,  and  vested  in  a  board  of  trustees,  to  be  sold  for 
its  benefit,  in  lots  of  a  half  acre  each.  All  sales  of  lots  were  to  be 
made  at  public  auction,  in  fee,  on  the  condition  that  the  purchasers 
should  erect  on  each  of  them  a  dwelling  house,  within  two  years 
after  the  date  of  the  purchase.  If  that  condition  was  not  complied 
with,  they  might  be  sold  again  for  the  benefit  of  the  town.  The 
purchase  money,  to  the  amount  of  thirty  dollars  per  acre,  was  to  be 
paid  to  the  commonwealth  of  Virginia;  the  remainder  above  that 
amount  to  the  county  of  Jefferson.  And  the.  purchasers  of  these 
lots  were  thenceforth  to  be  entitled  to  all  the  rights,  privileges,  and 
immunities  of  the  unincorporated  towns  of  the  commonwealth  of 
Viiginia. 

In  December  of  that  year,  the  plan  of  conquering  Detroit  was 
renewed  again.  In  1779,  that  conquest  might  have  been  effected 
by  Clark,  had  he  been  supported  by  any  spirit;  in  January,  1780, 
the  project  was  discussed  between  Washington  and  Brodhead,  and 
given  up  or  deferred,  as  too  great  for  the  means  of  the  Continental 
establishment;  in  the  following  October,  so  weak  was  that  establish- 
ment, that  Fort  Pitt  itself  was  threatened  by  the  savages  aud  British, 
while  its  garrison,  destitute  of  bread,  although  there  was  an  abun- 
dance in  the  country,  were  half  disposed  to  mutiny.  Under  these 
circumstances.  Congress  being  poweriess  for  action,  Virginia  pro- 


BO. 

he 
ick, 
col- 
olo- 
le  a 
dian 
and 
1  bis 

tbQB 

pring 
red  at 
ed  to 
nolly, 
n  car- 

rtnt  in 

rare  of 

isville, 

a.  Con- 

ated  to 

sold  for 

re  to  be 

cbasers 

o  years 
unplied 
I.    Tbe 
as  to  be 
)ve  that 
)f  these 
;e8,  and 
lalth  of 

oit  was 
leffected 
/,  1T80, 
Lad,  and 
[tinental 
btabUsh- 
[Britiflh, 
In  abun- 
ler  these 
aia  pw- 


1781. 


VIBOIVIA  MAKIS  0B88IOM  Of  LAUD. 


posed  to  oany  out  the  orij^nal  plan  of  her  western  general,  and  ex- 
tend her  operations  to  the  lakes;  we  find,  in  conseqaence,  that  an 
application  was  made  by  Jefferson  to  the  commander-in  chief  for 
aid,  and  that  on  the  29th  of  December,  an  order  was  given  by  him 
on  Brodhead  for  artillery,  tools,  stores,  and  men.*  How  £ur  the 
preparations  for  this  enterprise  were  carried,  and  why  they  were 
abandoned,  we  have  not  been  able  to  discover,  but  upon  the  26tb 
of  April,  1781,  "Washington  wrote  to  General  Clark,  warning  him 
that  GonnoUy,'  who  had  just  been  exchanged,  was  expected  to 
go  from  Oanada  to  Venango,  (Franklin,  mouth  of  French  creek,) 
with  a  force  of  refi^gees,  and  thence  to  Fort  Pitt,  with  blank  com- 
missions for  some  hundreds  of  dissatisfied  men  believed  to  be  in 
that  vicinity.  1*  From  this  it  would  seem  probable  that  the  Detroit 
expedition  was  not  abandoned  at  that  time. 

Virginia,  in  accordance  with  the  recommendation  of  Oongress 
1781.]  already  noticed,  upon  the  2d  of  January  of  this  year,  agreed 
to  yield  her  western  lands  to  the  United  States,  upon  certain  condi- 
tions; among  which  were  these:  1st.  No  person  holding  ground 
under  a  purchase  from  the  natives  to  him  or  his  grantors,  individu" 
ally,  and  no  one  claiming  under  a  grant  or  charter  from  the  British 
crown,  inconsistent  with  the  charter  or  customs  of  Virginia,  was 
to  be  regarded  fts  having  a  valid  title;  and  2d.  The  United  States 
were  to  guarantee  to  Virginia  all  the  territory  southeast  of  the 
Ohio  to  the  Atlantic,  as  far  as  the  bounds  of  Carolina.  These 
conditions  Congress  would  not  accede  to,  and  the  Act  of  Cession 
on  the  part  of  the  Old  Dominion  failed,  nor  was  aaythii)g  further 
done  until  1783. 

Early  in  the  same  month  in  which  Virginia  made  her  first  Act 
of  Cession,  a  Spanish  captain,  with  sixty-five  men,  left  St.  Louis 
for  the  purpose  of  attacking  some  one  of  the  British  posts  of  the 
north-west.  Whether  this  attempt  originated  in  a  desire  to  revenge 
the  English  and  Indian  siege  of  St.  Louis,  in  the  previous  year,  or 
whether  it  was  a  mere  pretense  to  cover  the  claims  about  that  time 
set  up  by  Spain  to  the  western  country,  in  opposition  to  the  colo- 
nies, which  she  claimed  to  be  aiding,  it  is  perhaps  impossible  to 
say.  But  these  facts — ^that  the  point  aimed  at,  St.  Joseph's,  was 
fax  in  the  interior,  and  that  this  crusade  was  afterward  looked  to 
by  the  court  of  Spain  as  giving  a  ground  of  territorial  right — make 


*  Sparks'  Wftshington,  ri.  438 ;  Tii.  270,  843. 

t  Sparks'  Washington,  Tiii.  25.— This  letter  is  not  in  tho  Index  to  Mr.  Spftrka'  works. 
22 


880 


IXTBNSITB  IHDIAV  DIPRBDATIOITS. 


1781. 


1781 


it  probable  that  the  enterprise  was  rather  a  legal  one  against  the 
Americans,  than  a  roilitaiy  one  against  the  English;  and  this  con- 
olasion  is  made  stronger  by  the  fact,  that  the  Spaniards,  having 
taken  the  utterly  unimportant  post  of  St  Joseph's,  and  having 
claimed  the  country  as  belonging  to  the  King  of  Spain,  by  right  of 
conquest,  turned  back  to  the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi  again, 
and  left  the  Long  Knives  to  prosecute  the  capture  of  Detroit,  as 
they  best  could. 

That,  the  State  of  Virginia  was  preparing  to  do.  Orders  were 
given  to  the  militia  of  Frederick,  Berkely,  Harrison,  and  the  other 
western  counties,  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  join  General 
Clark  in  an  expedition  against  Detroit,  which  he  was  preparing  for 
the  summer  of  that  year. 

During  the  year  1781,  a  series  of  predatory  incursions  was  made 
over  the  Ohio,  along  the  whole  line  of  stations  from  Laurel  Hill  to 
Qreen  river,  marked  by  no  decisive  result,  but  characterized  by  the 
murderous  spirit  that  belongs  to  all  Lidian  wars.  One  of  these 
scouting  parties  appeared  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  station  at 
Shelbyville.  The  inhabitants,  unable  to  defend  it,  attempted  to 
remove  to  Beargrass,  but  were  attacked  by  the  Indians  near 
Floyd's  fork,  and  defeated.  Colonel  Floyd  immediately  started 
with  a  company  to  their  relief,  but  on  his  arrival  near  the  spot,  fell 
into  an  ambuscade  and  was  defeated  with  considerable  loss. 
Floyd  himself  would  have  been  taken  but  for  the  magnanimity  of 
Captain  Wells.  Wells  had  been  on  unfriendly  terms  with  Floyd, 
but  finding  hfhi  on  foot  and  nearly  exhausted  in  the  flight,  dis- 
mounted, gave  him  hia  horse,  and  ran  beside  him  until  they  were 
out  of  danger.'*' 

To  guard  against  these  incursions,  and  to  avenge  the  cmeltieB  of 
the  savages,  Colonel  Brodhead  arranged  an  expedition  against 
the  Indian  towns  on  the  Muskingum.  It  consisted  of  about  five 
hundred  men,  among  whom  were  the  most  experienced  borderers 
of  the  frontiers  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania.  The  place  of  ren- 
dezvous was  Wheeling;  from  thence  they  crossed  the  river  and 
marched  rapidly  towards  the  Indian  towns  with  a  view  of  surpri- 
sing them.  When  they  arrived  at  the  river  below  Salem,  Brodhead 
sent  a  message  to  Heckewelder,  then  a  missionary  at  that  place, 
asking  provisions  tor  his  men,  and  a  visit  to  his  camp.    His 


*Cutlor'a  Kentucky,  p.  110. 


1781. 


OOLONIL  BRODHIAD'8  MUSKHrOUM  BXPBDITIOK. 


881 


request  wm  complied  with,  and  Heokewelder  repaired  to  Brod> 
head's  quartern.  Brodhead  informed  him  that  he  was  on  an 
expedition  against  the  Indian  towns;  and  desired  to  know  whether 
any  of  the  Moravian  Indians  were  absent  in  that  direction.  He  was 
answered  in  the  negative,  and  then  declared  that  nothing  would 
give  him  greater  pain  than  to  hear  that  any  of  them  were  molested 
by  bis  troops,  since  these  Indians  had  conducted  themselves  during 
the  war  in  a  way  that  did  them  honor.  During  the  conference, 
however,  Brodhead  was  notified  that  a  portion  of  the  army  was 
preparing  to  destroy  the  Moravian  towns.  Brodhead  immediately 
took  measures  to  prevent  their  design. 

-  The  army  proceeded  to  within  a  few  miles  of  Ooshocton,  where 
they  took  an  Indian  prisoner,  and  wounded  two  others,  who  escaped 
and  alarmed  the  villages.  A  forced  march  was  made,  and  one  of 
the  villages  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  was  surprised,  and  its  in- 
habitants, some  ten  or  twelve,  were  taken.  Meanwhile,  the  river 
rose  80  much  as  to  be  impassable ;  and  thus  the  villages  across  the 
river  escaped  destruction.  Disappointed  in  their  purpose,  the  bor- 
derers -.hen  bound  sixteen  of  their  prisoners  to  stakes,  dispatched 
them  with  tomahawks,  and  scalped  them.  The  next  morning  an 
Indian  appeared  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  asked  for 
the  Big  Captain.  Brodhead  presented  himself,  and  asked  what  he 
wanted.  "  I  want  peace,"  said  he.  "  Bend  over  some  of  ^our 
chiefs,"  said  Brodhead.  "  May  be  you  kill  ?"  asked  the  Indian. 
He  was  answered,  "  They  shall  not  be  killed."  One  of  the  chieft 
then  ventured  over,  and  presented  himself  to  Brodhead ;  when  a 
borderer,  named  Wetzel,  came  up  behind  him,  with  his  tomahawk 
concealed,  and  struck  him  a  fatal  blow  on  the  back  of  his  head. 
The  army  then  began  its  retreat  The  prisoners  were  given  in 
charge  of  the  militia,  who  murdered  and  scalped  all  of  them, 
except  a  few  women  and  children,  who  were  taken  to  Fort  Pitt, 
where  they  were  afterward  exchanged  for  an  equal  number  of 
white  prisoners.* 

It  is  not  certain  that  Brodhead  was  responsible  for  the  cruelty 
and  treachery  practiced  upon  the  Indians  daring  this  campaign. 
It  is  stud,  indeed,  that  he  disapproved  of  and  legretted  them,  and 
if  so,  can  only  be  blamed  for  not  enforcing  a  stricter  discipline  in 
his  army.  But  the  border  wars  of  that  period  were  prosecuted  on 
both  sides  as  wars  of  extermination,  and  the  cruelties  of  Indian 


•  Doddrk^'i  Not«a,  p.  291. 


tss 


I.OOBB¥'t  ■ZPIDITIO*. 


1781. 


warikre  that  had  been  saffdred  by  the  white  aettlen  had  aronied 
•o  malignant  a  spirit  of  revenge  that  they  soon  became  a*  remone- 
leM,  and  often  more  brutal,  than  their  savage  enemies.  Their  ex* 
peditions  against  the  Indians  were  mere  marauding  parties,  held 
together  only  by  the  common  thirst  for  revenge ;  and  it  is  probable 
that  any  discipline  calculated  to  restrain  that  feeling  oonld  not  have 
been  enforced.  It  is  unfortunate  for  the  reputation  of  Brodhead, 
that  his  name  is  associated  with  the  massacre  of  prisoners,  and  the 
murder  of  ambassadors,  but  it  is  probable  that  he  could  not  pre- 
vent, and  therefore  did  not  share,  the  guilt  of  those  excesses. 

Early  in  the  summer  of  1781,  Gen.  Geo.  Rogers  Clark  wroto  to 
Col.  Archibald  Loohry,  the  county  lieutenant  of  Westmoreland 
county,  Pennsylvania,  desiring  him  to  raise  one  hundred  or  mors 
>  volunteers,  and  one  company  of  cavalry,  to  join  his  expedition. 

Colonel  Lochry  consulted  Captain  Orr  upon  the  propriety  of 
such  an  enterprise,  and  the  possibility  of  compliance  with  his  re- 
quest. **  I  believed,"  said  he,  "  it  was  possible  for  such  a  force  to 
be  raised,  and  immediately  volunteered  to  be  one  of  the  party." 
Holding  a  captain's  commission  of  militia,  Orr  had  no  power  to 
order  them  from  home,  but  by  his  own  exertions,  and  mostly  at  hit 
own  expense,'  raised  a  company  of  volunteer  riflemen.  Captains 
Stokely  and  Shannon  commanded  each  a  company  of  rangers,  and 
Captain  Campbell  a  company  of  horse.  The  party  amounted  to 
rbont  one  hundred  and  twenty  or  twenty-five  men.  Col.  Loobiy 
was  the  only  field  officer  in  command. 

The  force  was  rendezvoused  at  Camahan's  block  house,  eleven 
miles  west  of  Hannastown,  on  the  24th  of  July,  and  on  the  next 
d^y  set  out  for  Fort  Henry,  (Wheeling,)  by  way  of  Pittsbui^b, 
where  it  was  arranged  that  they  should  join  the  army  under  Claiic. 
Arriving  there,  Clark  had  gone  twelve  miles  down  the  river,  leav- 
ing for  them  some  provisions  and  a  traveling  boat,  with  directioaa 
to  follow  him  thither.  After  preparing  some  temporaiy  boots  for 
the  transportation  of  the  men  and  horses,  which  oocupied  ten  days, 
they  proceeded  to  join  Clark.  Arriving,  they  found  he  had  gone 
down  the  river  the  day  before,  leaving  a  M^jor  Craycroft,  with  a 
few  men  and  a  boat  for  the  transportation  of  the  horses,  but  with- 
out either  provisions  or  ammunition,  of  which  they  had  an  inade- 
quate supply.  Clark  had,  however,  promised  to  await  their  arrival 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Kanawha,  but  on  their  reaching  that  peiat 
they  found  that  he  had  been  obliged,  in  orde:  to  prevent  desertion 
among  his  men,  to  proceed  down  the  river,  leaving  only  a  letter 
affixed  to  a  pole,  directing  them  to  follow.    Their  provisions  and 


1781. 


LooBBt's  npiDinoir. 


ibn^  were  nenrlj  exhanited;  there  wm  no  lource  of  eappty  bat 
the  atone  conveyed  by  Olark;  the  river  wm  low,  they  were  nnfto- 
qnainted  with  the  ehannel,  and  could  not  therefore  hope  to  over* 
take  him.  Under  theie  emban^aseing  oironmatancee,  Ool.  Loohry 
diapatohed  Oaptain  Shannon  with  four  men,  in  a  amall  boat,  with 
the  hope  of  overtaking  th<t  main  army,  and  of  seovring  eappliea, 
leaving  hia  company  under  the  command  of  Lieut.  laaao  Ander* 
aon ;  but  before  they  had  proceeded  fkr  they  were  taken  luiaonert 
by  ^e  Indians,  and  with  them  was  taken  a  letter  to  Olark,  detail- 
ing  the  situation  of  Lochry's  party.  About  the  same  time  Lochry 
arrested  a  party  of  nineteen  deaerten  from  Olark's  army,  whom  he 
afterward  released,  and  they  immediately  joined  the  Indians. 

The  savages  had  been  indeed  apprised  of  the  expedition,  but 
had  previously  supposed  that  Olark  and  Loohiy  were  proceeding 
together,  and  through  fear  of  the  cannon  which  Clark  carried,  re> 
fhsed  to  make  an  attack.  Apprised  now  by  the  capture  of  Shan* 
non  and  his  men,  and  by  the  reports  of  the  deserters,  of  the  weak* 
ness  of  Lochry's  party,  they  collected  in  force  below  the  mouth  <A 
the  Great  Miami,  witii  the  determination  to  destroy  them. 

They  pla'^ed  their  prisoners  in  a  conspicuous  position  on  the 
north  shore  of  the  river,  near,  it  is  said,  the  head  of  Lochry's  island, 
and  promised  to  spare  their  lives  on  condition  they  would  hail 
their  companions  as  they  passed,  and  induce  them  to  surrender. 

They,  however,  wearied  with  their  slow  progress,  and  in  despair 
of  reaching  Clark's  army,  landed  on  the  25th  of  August,  about 
ten  o'clock,  at  a  very  attractive  spot  on  the  same  shore,  at  an  inlet 
which  has  since  borne  the  name  of  Lochry's  creek,*  a  short  dis- 
tance above  the  point  where  the  Indians  were  waiting  them.  Hero 
they  removed  their  horses  ashore,  and  turned  them  loose,  to  enable 
them  to  feed  sufficiently  to  keep  them  alive  until  they  could  be 
taken  to  the  falls,  some  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  distant. 
One  of  the  party  had  previously  killed  a  baffido,  and  all,  except  a 
few  set  to  guard  the  horses,  were  engaged  around  the  fires  which 
they  had  kindled,  in  preparing  a  meal  from  it  Suddenly  they 
were  assuled  by  a  volley  of  rifle  balls  from  an  overhanging  bluff, 
covered  with  large  trees,  on  which  the  Indians  immediately  ap- 
peared in  great  forao.  The  men  thus  surprised  seized  their  arms, 
and  defended  themselves  as  long  as  their  ammunition  lasted,  and 


*  Lochry's  ereek  empties  into  the  Ohio  between  nine  and  ten  miles  below  the  mouth 
of  the  Miami,  and  Lochry's  island,  near  the  head  of  which  the  prisoners  were  confined  to 
deo4»7  their  friends,  is  three  miles  below  the  ore^ 


884 


OAPTURB  AND  MASBAOBB  Of  LOOBRT'S  PABTT. 


1781. 


then  attempted  to  escape  by  means  of  their  boats.  But  they  were 
unwieldy,  tiie  water  was  low,  and  the  force  too  much  weakened 
to  make  them  available,  and  the  whole  party,  unable  to  escape  or 
defend  themselves,  were  compelled  to  surrender. 

Immediately  the  Indians  fell  upon  and  massacred  Ool.  Lochry 
and  several  other  prisoners,  but  were  restrained  by  the  arrival  of 
the  chief  who  commanded  them,  the  celebrated  Brant,*  who  after- 
ward apologized  for  the  massacre.  He  did  not  approve,  he  de- 
clared, of  such  conduct,  but  it  was  impossible  entirely  to  control 
his  Indians ;  that  the  murder  of  Lochry  and  his  men  was  perpetra- 
ted in  revenge  for  the  massacre  of  the  Indian  prboners  taken  by 
Brodhead's  army  on  the  Muskingum,  a  few  months  before.  At 
the  time  of  their  surrender,  Lochry's  party  consisted  of  only  one 
hundred  and  six  men.  Of  these,  forty-two  were  killed,  and  sixty- 
four  were  taken  prisoners.  The  Indians  engaged  numbered  three 
hundred  or  more,  and  consisted  of  various  tribes.  Among  these 
the  prisoners  and  plunder  were  divided,  in  proportion  to  the  num- 
ber of  warriors  of  each  engaged. 

The  next  day  they  set  out  on  their  return  to  the  I>elaware  towns. 
There  they  were  met  by  a  party  of  British  and  Indians,  com- 
manded by  Col.  Caldwell,  and  accompanied  by  the  two  Girtys  and 
M'Kee,  who  professed  to  be  on  their  way  to  the  falls  to  attack  Gen. 
Clarke.  They  remuned  there  two  days.  Brant,  with  the  greater 
part  of  the  Indians  who  had  captured  them,  returned  with  Cald- 
well toward  the  Ohio.  A  few  only  remained  to  take  charge  of 
the  prisoners  and  spoils.  These  they  separated,  and  took  to  the 
towns  to  which  they  had  been  assigned.  There  they  remained  in 
captivity  until  the  next  year,  which  brought  the  revolutionary 
struggle  to  a  close.  After  the  preliminary  articles  were  signed,  on 
the  80th  of  November,  1782,  they  were  ransomed  by  the  British 
officers  in  command  of  the  northern  posts,  to  be  exchanged  for 
British  prisoners,  and  sent  to  the  St.  Lawrence.  A  few  of  them 
had  previously  escaped,  a  few  deserted  from  Montreal,  and  the  re- 
mainder, in  the  spring  of  1783,  sailed  from  Quebec  to  New  York, 
and  returned  thence  home  by  way  of  Philadelphia,  having  been 
absent  twenty-two  months.  More  than  one-half  of  the  number 
who  left  Pennsylvania  under  Col.  Lochry  never  retumed.t 


*  It  may  be  nnoertain  whether  Brant  was  the  leader  of  the  Indiana  at  thia  plto*. 
There  is  no  other  evidence  that  he  was  in  the  west  at  that  time. 

f  This  statement  is  derired  from  a  MS.  of  Oen.  Orr,  of  Kittanning,  written  ttom  the 
reoolleotion  of  his  father,  Captain  Orr,  who  was  In  the  partj,  and  is  eorroborated  by  * 


1T8L 


OHASAOTBB  09  WI8TBBV  PIQNHBBS. 


805 


Kentucky  was,  previous  to  1781,  organized  as  a  county  of  Vir^ 
ginia.  In  that  year  it  was  divided  into  three  counties— Jefferson, 
Lincoln  and  Fayette.  Courts  were  organized  under  the  laws  of 
Virginia,  and  a  corps  of  civil  and  military  ojQIcers  elected.  Sur- 
veyors for  each  of  the  new  counties  were  fippointed,  whose  duty  it 
was  to  superintend  the  entry  and  location  of  land  under  the  pro- 
visions of  the  law.  One  only  of  these  was  opened,  and  the  incon- 
venience and  delay  thus  occasioned  to  the  emigrants,  who  were 
already  settling  the  new  lands,  to  which  they  were  attracted  by  their 
fertility  and  cheapness,  produced  discontent.  For  already,  in  spite 
of  the  difficulties  of  the  West,  and  the  hostility  of  the  Indians, 
population  was  beginning  to  pour  into  the  region  south  of  the  Ohio. 
Particularly  it  is  noticed,  that  there  was  in  that  year  a  large  emigra- 
tion of  young  unmarried  women  into  that  country,  and  the  conse- 
quent establishment  of  many  new  families,  and  the  growth  of  a 
better  and  more  settled  population.  The  pioneers  of  the  West 
who  then,  and  earlier,  established  themselves  in  all  the  region  west 
of  the  mountains,  were  obliged  to  undergo  many  hardships,  and  to 
encounter  much  danger,  and  to  endure  much  suffering. 

For  all  that  region  was  settled  with  tears  and  blood.  The  meas- 
ures the  colonial  governments  adopted  for  defense  of  the  settlers 
were  so  ill-concerted,  that  they  were  nearly  all  that  period  exposed  to 
the  incursions  of  the  savages ;  nor  was  their  condition  improved  by 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  for  the  continental  authorities  were 
so  fully  occupied  with  the  war  that  they  could  afford  them  no 
relief.  As  a  consequence,  they  grew  up  a  brave,  hardy  race,  with 
all  the  vices  and  virtues  of  a  border  life,  and  with  habits,  manners 
and  customs  necessary  to  their  peculiar  situation,  and  suited  to 
their  peculiar  taste.  Rev.  Joseph  Doddridge,  D.  D.,  whose  early 
life  was  spent  amidst  the  scenes  and  habits  of  the  West,  has  well 
described  the  manners  and  customs  of  its  early  inhabitants.  He 
says: 

"A  correct  and  detailed  view  of  the  origin  of  societies,  and  their 
progress  from  one  condition  or  point  of  wealth,  science  and  civili 
zation  to  another  is  interesting,  even  when  received  through  the 


MS.  of  Ensign  Hunter,  who  was  also  a  sharer  in  it  Captain  Orr  was  wounded,  by  haT- 
\an  his  arm  broken  in  the  engagement;  was  carried  off  prisoner  to  Sanduslcy,  where  ha 
remained  for  several  months.  At  length,  finding  they  ooutd  nut  cure  his  wound,  the 
Indians  took  him  to  the  hospital  at  Detroit,  whence  he  was  transferred  to  Montreal,  in 
the  winter,  and  exchanged  with  other  prisoners  at  the  end  of  the  war.  Afterward,  in 
1806,  he  was  appointed  a  Judge  of  Armstrong  county,  Pa.,  which  station  be  held  till  hia 
death,  in  1888,  in  his  89th  year. 


886 


HABiTi  or  tm  nr  tbb  wmt. 


1781. 


dusky  medium  of  hiatoiy,  oftentimes  but  poorly  and  partiany  writ- 
ten. Bat  when  tiiis  retrospect  of  things  past  and  gone  is  drawn 
from  the  recollections  of  experience,  the  impression  it  makes  upon 
the  heart  must  be  of  the  most  virid  and  lasting  kind. 

**The  following  bistoiy  of  the  state  of  society,  manners  and  cus- 
toms of  our  forefathers  has  been  drawn  from  the  hitter  source,  and 
is  ^ven  to  the  world  with  the  knowledge  that  many  of  my  contem- 
poraries are  still  living,  who,  as  well  as  myself,  hare  witnessed  all 
the  scenes  and  events  herein  described,  and  whose  memories  will 
speedily  detect  and  expose  any  errors  it  may  contain. 

**The  municipal  as  well  as  ecclesiastical  institutions  of  society, 
whether  good  or  bad,  in  consequence  of  their  continued  use,  give  a 
corresponding  cast  to  the  public  character  of  the  society  whose  con- 
duct they  direct,  the  more  so,  because  in  the  lapse  of  time  the 
observance  of  them  becomes  a  matter  of  conscience. 

^'This  observation  applies  with  full  force' to  that  influence  of  our 
early  land  laws  which  allowed  four  hundred  acres,  and  no  more, 
to  a  settlement  right.  Many  of  our  first  settlers  seemed  to  regard 
this  amor.nt  of  the  surface  of  the  earth  as  the  allotment  of  Divine 
Providence  for  one  family,  and  believed  that  any  attempt  to  get 
more,  would  be  sinful.  Most  of  them,  therefore,  contented  them- 
selves with  that  amount,  although  they  might  have  which  allowed 
but  one  settlement  right  to  any  one  individual,  by  taking  out  the 
title  papers  in  the  names  of  others,  to  be  afterward  transferred  to 
them  as  if  by  purchase.  Some  few,  indeed,  pursued  this  practice, 
but  it  was  held  in  detestation. 

"Owing  to  the  equal  distribution  of  real  property  directed  by 
our  land  laws,  and  the  sterling  integrity  of  our  forefathers  in  their 
observance  of  them,  we  have  no  districts  of  "sold  land,"  as  it  is 
called ;  that  is,  large  tracts  of  lands  in  the  hands  of  individuals  or 
companies  who  neither  sell  nor  improve  them,  as  is  the  case  in 
Lower  Canada  and  the  north-western  part  of  Pennsylvania.  These 
unsettled  tracts  make  huge  blanks  in  the  population  of  the  country 
where  they  exist. 

"The  division  lines  between  those  whose  lands  adjoined  were 
generally  made  in  an  amicable  manner,  before  any  survey  of 
them  was  made  by  the  parties  concerned.  In  doing  this,  they  were 
guided  mainly  by  the  tope  of  ridges  and  water-courses,  but  particu- 
larly the  former.  Hence,  the  greater  number  of  farms  in  south- 
western Penn^lvania  and  Virginia,  bear  a  striking  resemblance  to 
an  amphitheater.  The  buildings  occupy  a  low  situation,  and  the 
tops  of  the  surrounding  hills  are  the  boundaries  of  the  tract  to 
which  the  family  mansion  belongs. 


im: 


HABITS  or  Lifs  nr  tbb  wbbt. 


88T 


«  Onr  fbrefathen  were  fond  of  fiinns  of  this  description,  boeause 
as  they  said,  Hiey  are  attended  with  this  oonver  anoe,  'that  every" 
thing  comes  to  the  house  down  hill.'  In  tht;  hilly  parts  of  the 
State  of  Ohio,  the  land  having  been  laid  off  in  an  arbitrary  numner 
by  straight  parallel  lines,  without  regard  to  hill  or  dale,  the  forms 
present  a  different  appearance  from  those  on  the  soath  side  of  the 
river.  There  the  buildings  as  frequently  occupy  the  tops  of  the  hills 
as  any  other  situation. 

"Our  people  had  become  so  accustomed  to  the  mode  of  *  getting 
land  for  taking  it  up,'  that  for  a  long  time  it  was  generally  believed 
that  the  land  on  the  west  side  of  the  Ohio  would  lUtimately  be  dis- 
posed of  in  the  same  way.  Hence,  almost  the  whole  tract  of 
country  between  the  Ohio  and  the  Muskingum  was  parceled  out 
in  tomahawk  improvements,  but  these  were  not  satisfied  with  a 
single  four  hundred  acre  tract.  Many  of  them  owned  a  great  num- 
ber of  tracts  of  the  best  lands,  and  thus,  in  imagination,  were  as 
'wealthy  as  a  South  Sea  dream.'  Some  of  these  land  jobbers  did 
no^  ontent  themselves  with  marking  trees  at  the  usual  height  with 
( ■  I  '■  lis  of  their  names,  but  climbed  up  the  large  beech  trees  and 
cv  Lj  letters  in  their  bark,  from  twenty  to  forty  feet  from  the 
ground.  To  enable  them  to  identify  those  trees  at  a  future  period, 
they  made  marks  on  other  trees  around  as  references. 

"The  settlement  of  a  new  country  in  the  immediate  neighbor- 
hood of  an  old  one,  is  not  attended  with  much  di£Sculty,  because 
supplies  can  readily  be  obtained  from  the  latter;  but  the  settlement 
of  a  country  very  remote  from  any  cultivated  region,  is  quite  a 
different  thing;  because  at  the  out-set,  food,  raiment,  and  the 
implements  of  husbandry  are  only  obtained  in  small  supplies  and 
•with  great  difficulty.  The  task  of  making  new  establishments  in 
a  remote  wilderness  in  a  time  of  profound  peace,  is  sufficiently 
difficult ;  but  when  in  addition  to  all  the  unavoidable  hardships 
attendant  on  their  business,  those  resulting  from  an  extensive  and 
furious  warfare  with  savages,  are  superadded ;  toil,  privations,  and 
Bufferings,  are  then  carried  to  the  foil  extent  of  the  capacity  of  men 
to  endure  them. 

"Such  was  the  wretched  condition  of  our  fore&thers  in  making 
their  setUements  here.  To  all  their  difficulties  and  privations  the 
Indian  war  was  a  weighty  addition.  This  destructive  warfare  they 
were  compelled  to  sustain  almost  single  handed,  because  the  Bevo- 
lutionary  contest  gave  full  employment  for  the  military  strength 
and  resources  on  the  east  side  of  the  mountain. 


888 


HABnS  09  Ura  IV  THB  WS6T. 


1781. 


"The  hbtory  of  the  manners  and  oustoms  of  our  fore&then  will 
appear  like  a  collection  of  'tales  of  olden  times.'  It  is  a  homely 
narrative,  yet  valaable  on- account  of  its  being  real  history. 

"Then,  the  women  did  the  offices  of  tine  household;  milked  the 
cows,  cooked  the  mess,  prepared  the  flax,  spun,  wove,  and  made 
the  garments  of  linen  or  liusoy;  the  men  hunted,  and  brought  in 
the  meat;  they  planted,  ploughed,  and  gathered  in  the  corn; 
grinding  it  into  meal  at  the  hand-mill,  or  pounding  it  into  hominy  in 
the  mortar,  was  occasionally  the  work  of  either,  or  the  joint  labor 
of  both. 

^*The  men  exposed  themselves  alone  to  danger;  they  fought  the 
Indians,  they  cleared  the  land,  they  reared  the  hut,  or  built  the 
fort,  in  which  the  women  were  placed  for  safety.  Much  use  was 
made'^)f  the  skins  of  deer  for  dress;  while  the  buffiilo  and  bear 
skins  were  consigned  to  the  floor,  for  beds  and  covering.  There 
might  incidentally,  be  a  few  articles  brought  to  the  country  for 
sale,  in  a  private  way;  but  there  was  no  store  for  supply.  Wooden 
vessels,  either  turned  or  coopered^  were  in  common  use  as  table 
furniture. 

"A  tin  cup  was  an  article  of  delicate  luxury,  almost  as  rare  as  an 
iron  fork.  Every  hunter  carried  his  knife;  it  was  no  less  the 
implement  of  a  warrior;  not  unfrequently  the  rest  of  the  family 
was  left  with  but  one  or  two  for  the  use  of  all.  A  like  workman- 
ship composed  the  table  and  the  stool ;  a  slab,  hewed  with  the  axe, 
and  sticks  of  a  similar  manufacture,  set  in  for  legs,  supported. both. 
When  the  bed  was,  by  chance  or  refinement,  elevated  above  the 
floor,  and  given  a  fixed  place,  it  was  often  laid  on  slabs  placed 
across  poles,  supported  on  forks,  set  in  the  earthen  floor;  or  where 
the  floor  was  puncheons,  the  bedstead  was  hewed  pieces,  pinned 
on  upright  posts,  or  let  into  them  by  auger  holes.  Other  utensils 
and  furniture,  were  of  a  corresponding  description,  applicable  to 
the  time. 

"The  food  was  of  the  most  wholesome  and  nutritive  kind.  The 
richest  milk,  the  finest  butter,  and  best  meat,  that  ever  delighted 
man's  pulate,  were  here  eaten  with  a  relish  which  health  and  labor 
only  know.  Those  were  shared  by  friend  and  stranger  in  every 
cabin  with  profuse  hospitality. 

"Hats  were  made  of  the  native  fur;  and  the  buffalo  wool 
employed  in  the  composition  of  cloth,  as  was  also  the  bark  of  the 
wild  nettle. 

"There  was  some  paper  money  in  the  country,  which  had  not 


rrsii 


BABRS  OV  LIFI  IN  THB  WEST. 


889 


depreciated  one  half  nor  even  a  fourth  as  much  as  it  had  at  the  se^t 
of  government  If  there  was  any  gold  or  silver,  its  circalation  was 
suppressed.    The  price  of  a  beaver  hat,  was  five  hundred  dollars.* 

'*The  hunting  shirt  was  universally  worn.  This  was  a  kind  of 
loose  frock,  reaching  half  way  down  the  thighs,  with  large  sleeves, 
open  before,  and  so  wide  as  to  lap  over  a  foot  or  more  when  belted. 
The  cape  was  large,  and  sometimes  handsomely  fringed  with  a 
rave'  d  piece  of  cloth  of  a  different  color  from  that  of  the  hunting 
shirt  itself.  The  bosom  of  his  dress  served  as  a  wallet  to  hold  a 
chunk  of  bread,  cakes,  jerk,  tow  for  wiping  the  barrel  of  the  rifle, 
or  any  other  necessary  for  the  hunter  or  warrior.  The  belt  which 
was  always  tied  behind  answered  several  purposes,  besides  that  of 
holding  the  dress  together.  In  cold  weather  the  mittens,  and 
sometimes  the  bullet-bag,  occapied  the  front  part  of  it.  To  the 
right  side  was  saspeuded  the  tomahawk,  and  to  the  left  the  scalping 
knife  in  its  leathern  sheath. 

''  The  hunting  shirt  was  generally  made  of  linsey,  sometimes  of 
coarse  linen,  and  a  few  of  dressed  deer  skins.  These  last  were 
very  cold  and  uncomfortable  in  wet  weather.  The  shirt  and  jacket 
were  of  the  common  fashion.  A  pair  of  drawers  or  breeches  and 
leggins,  were  the  dress  of  the  thighs  and  legs;  a  pair  of  moccasins 
answered  for  the  feet  much  setter  than  shoes.  These  were  made 
of  dressed  deer  skin.  They  were  mostly  made  of  a  single  piece, 
with  a  gathering  seam  along  the  top  of  tJie  foot,  and  another  from 
the  bottom  of  the  heel,  without  gathers,  as  high  as  the  ankle  joint 
or  a  little  higher.  Flaps  were  left  on  each  side  to  reach  some 
distance  up  the  legs.  These  were  nicely  adapted  to  the  ankles  and 
lower  part  of  the  leg  by  thongs  of  deer  skin,  so  that  no  dust, 
gravel,  or  snow,  could  get  within  the  moccasin. 

''The  moccasins  in  ordinary  use  cost  but  a  few  hours  labor  to 
make  them.  This  was  done  by  an  instrument  denominated  a 
moccasin  awl,  which  was  made  of  the  back  spring  of  an  old  clasp 
knife.  This  awl,  with  its  buck-horn  handle,  was  an  appendage  of 
every  shot  pouch  strap,  together  with  a  roll  of  buckskiu  for 
mending  the  moccasins.  This  was  the  labor  of  almost  every 
evening.  They  were  sewed  together  and  patched  with  deer  skin 
thongs,  or  whangs  as  they  were  commonly  called. 

"In  cold  weather  the  moccasins  were  well  stuffed  with  deers' 
hair,  or  dry  leaves,  so  as  to  keep  the  feet  comfortably  warm ;  but 


*Sm  Manhall'i  History  of  Kentueky,  L,  p.  128. 


MO 


HABRS  or  LIFI  IN  THB  WIST. 


1781. 


in  wet  wcMither  it  was  vfually  aaid  that  wearing  them  waa  *  a  decent 
mty  of  going  barefooted;'  and  such  was  the  fact,  owing  to  the 
spongy  texture  of  the  leather  of  which  thej  were  made. 

"  Owing  to  this  defective  covering  of  the  feet,  more  than  to  any 
other  circumstance,  the  greater  number  of  our  hunters  and  war> 
riors  were  afflicted  with  the  rheumatism  in  their  limbs.  Of  this 
disease  they  were  all  apprehensive  in  cold  or  wet  weather,  and 
tiierefore  always  slept  wi^  their  feet  to  the  lire,  to  prevent  or  cure 
it  as  well  as  they  could.  This  practice  unquestionably  had  a  very 
salutaiy  effect,  and  prevented  many  of  them  from  becoming  con- 
firmed cripples  in  early  life. 

'^The  fort  consisted  of  cabins,  block  houses  and  stockades.  A 
range  of  cabins  commonly  formed  one  side  at  least  of  the  fort 
Divisions,  or  partitions  of  logs,  separated  the  cabins  fh>m  each 
other.  The  walls  on  the  outside  were  ten  or  twelve  feet  h%h,  the 
slope  of  the  roof  being  turned  wholly  inward.  A  very  few  of  these 
cabins  had  puncheon  floors,  the  greater  part  were  earthen. 

"  The  block  houses  were  built  at  the  angles  of  the  fort  They 
projected  about  two  feet  beyondi  the  outer  walls  of  the  cabins  and 
stockades.  Their  upper  stories  were  about  eighteen  inches  every 
way  larger  in  dimension  than  the  under  one,  leaving  an  opening  at 
the  commencement  of  the  second  story,  to  prevent  the  enemy  from 
making  a  lodgment  under  their  walls.  In  some  forts,  instead  of 
block  houses,  the  angles  of  the  fort  were  furnished  with  bastions. 
A  large  folding  gate,  made  of  thick  slabs,  nearest  the  spring,  closed 
the  fort.  The  stockades,  bastions,  cabins,  and  block  house  walls, 
were  furnished  with  port-holes  at  proper  heights  and  distances. 
The  whole  of  the  outside  was  made  completely  bullet  proof. 

"  It  may  be  truly  said  that  necessity  is  the  mother  of  invention ; 
for  the  whole  of  this  work  was  made  without  the  aid  of  a  single 
nail  or  spike  of  iron,  and  for  this  reason,  such  things  were  not  to 
be  had. 

'*  In  some  places,  less  exposed,  a  single  block  house,  with  a  cabin 
or  two,  constituted  the  whole  fort 

**  For  a  long  time  after  the  first  settlement  of  this  country,  the 
inhabitants  in  general  married  young.  There  was  no  distinction 
of  rank,  and  very  little  of  fortune.  On  these  accounts  the  first 
impression  of  love  resulted  in  marriage;  and  a  family  establishment 
eost  but  a  little  labor,  and  nothing  else. 

"  In  the  first  years  of  the  settlement  of  this  country,  a  wedding 
engaged  the  attention  of  a  whole  neighborhood,  and  the  frolic  was 
anticipated  by  old  and  young  with  eager  expectation.    This  is  not 


1781. 


HABITS  <Hr  Lira  nr  thjb  wm. 


841 


to  be  wondered  at,  when  it  is  told  that  a  wedding  was  almoet  the 
only  gathering  which  was  not  accompanied  with  the  labor  of  reap- 
ing, log  rolling,  bnilding  a  cabin,  or  plfuining  some  scout  or  cam* 
paign. 

"In  the  morning  of  the  wedding-day,  the  groom  and  his^ attend- 
ants  assembled  at  the  house  of  his  father,  for  the  purpose  of  reach- 
ing the  mansion  of  his  bride  by  nopn,  which  was  the  usual  time 
for  celebrating  the  nuptials;  which  for  certain  must  take  place  be- 
fore dinner. 

"  Let  the  reader  imagine  an  assemblage  of  people,  without  a 
store,  tailor,  or  mantuamaker  within  a  hundred  miles;  and  an 
assemblage  of  horses,  without  a  blacksmith  or  saddler  within  an 
equal  distance.  The  gentlemen  dressed  in  shoepacks,  moccasins, 
leather  breeches,  leggings,  linsey  hunting-shirts,  and  all  home- 
made. 

"  The  ladies  dressed  in  linsey  petticoats  and  linsey  or  linen  bed- 
gowns, coarse  shoes,  stockings,  handkerchief  and  buckskin  gloves, 
if  any.  If  there  were  any  buckles,  rings,  buttons,  or  rufflesi  they 
were  the  relics  of  old  times,  family  pieces  from  parents  or  grand- 


"  The  horses  were  caparisoned  with  old  saddles,  old  bridles,  or 
halters,  and  pack-saddles,  with  a  bag  or  blanket  thrown  over 
them:  a  rope  or  string  as  often  constituted  the  j^rth  as  a  piece  of 
leather. 

"  The  march,  in  double  file,  was  often  interrupted  by  the  narrow- 
ness and  obstiructious  of  our  horse-paths,  as  they  wore  called,  for 
we  had  no  roads:  and  these  difficulties  were  often  increased,  some- 
times by  the  good,  and  sometimes  by  the  ill  will  of  neighbors,  by 
&lling  trees  and  tying  grape  vines  across  the  way.  Sometimes  an 
ambuscade  was  formed  by  the  way-side,  and  an  unexpected  dis- 
cbarge of  several  guns  took  place,  so  as  to  cover  the  wedding  com- 
pany with  smoke. 

"  Let  the  reader  imagine  the  scene  which  followed  this  discharge : 
the  sudden  spring  of  the  horses,  the  shrieks  of  the  girls,  and  the 
chivalrio  bustle  of  their  partners  to  save  them  from  falling.  Some- 
times, in  spite  of  all  that  could  be  done  to  prevent  it,  some  were 
thrown  to  the  ground.  If  a  wrist,  elbow,  or  ankle  happened  to  be 
sprained,  it  wafi  tied  with  a  handkerchief  and  litUe  more  was 
thought  or  said  about  it. 

"Another  ceremony  commonly  took  place  before  the  par^ 
reached  the  house  oi  the  bride,  after  the  practice  of  making  whislgr 
began,  which  was  at  an  early  period;  when  the  party  were  about  a 


842 


HABif s  ov  Lira  nr  thi  wist. 


1781. 


mile  from  tbe  place  of  their  destination,  two  young  men  would 
single  out  to  ran  for  the  bottle;  the  worse  the  path,  the  more  logs, 
brush,  and  deep  hollows,  the  better,  as  these  obstacles  afforded  an 
opportunity  for  the  greater  display  of  intrepidity  and  horse^ 
manship. 

**  The  English  fox  chase,  in  point  of  danger  to  the  riders  and 
their  horses,  is  nothing  to  this  race  for  the  bottle.  The  start  was 
announced  by  an  Indian  yell;  logs,  brush,  muddy  hollows,  hill 
and  glen,  were  speedily  passed  by  the  rival  ponies.  The  bottle  was 
always  filled  for  the  occasion,  so  that  there  was  no  use  forjudges; 
for  the  first  who  reached  the  door  was  presented  with  the  prize, 
with  which  he  returned  in  triumph  to  the  company. 

"  On  approaching  them  he  announced  his  victory  over  his  rival 
by  a  shrill  whoop.  At  the  head  of  the  troop,  he  gave  the  bottle 
first  to  the  groom  and  his  attendants,  and  then  to  each  pair  in 
succession  to  the  rear  of  the  line,  giving  each  a  dram;  and  then 
putting  the  bottle  in  the  bosom  of  his  hnnting-shirt,  took  his  sta- 
tion in  the  company. 

"  The  ceremony  uf  the  marriage  preceded  the  dinner,  which  was 
a  substantial  backwoods  feast  of  beef,  pork,  fowls,  and  sometimes 
venison  and  bear  meat,  roasted  and  boiled,  with  plenty  of  potatoes, 
cabbage,  and  other  vegetables.  During  the  dinner,  the  greatest 
hilarity  always  prevailed;  although  the  table  might  be  a  large  slab 
of  tim}>er,  hewed  out  with  a  broadaxe,  supported  by  four  sticks  set  in 
auger  holes,  and  the  furniture  some  old  pewter  dishes  and  plates,  the 
rest  wooden  bowls  and  trenchers;  a  few  pewter  spoons,  much  bat* 
tered  about  the  edges,  were  to  be  seen  at  some  tables.  The  rest 
were  made  of  horns.  If  knives  were  scarce,  the  deficiency  was 
made  up  by  the  scalping  knives  which  were  carried  in  sheaths  sus- 
pended to  the  belt  of  the  hunting  shirt 

"After  dinner  the  dancing  commenced,  and  generally  lasted  till 
the  next  morning.  The  figures  of  the  dances  were  three  and  four 
handed  reels,  or  square  sets,  and  jigs.  The  commencement  was 
always  a  square  four,  which  was  followed  by  what  is  called  jigging 
it  off;  that  is,  two  of  the  four  would  single  out  for  a  jig,  and  were 
followed  by  the  remaining  couple.  The  jigs  were  often  accompa- 
nied with  what  was  called  cutting  out;  that  is,  when  either  of  the 
parties  became  tired  of  the  dance,  on  intimation,  tfie  place  was  sup- 
plied by  some  one  of  the  company,  without  any  interruption  of  the 
dance. 

"In  this  way  a  dance  was  often  continued  till  the  musician  was 
heartily  tired  of  his  situation.    Toward  the  latter  part  of  the  night, 


1781. 


HABITS  OV  Liri  X3r  THB  WB8T. 


848 


if  any  of  the  company,  through  weariness,  attempted  to  conceal 
themselves,  for  the  purpose  of  sleeping,  they  were  banted  up,  pa- 
raded on  the  floor,  and  the  fiddler  ordered  to  play,  *  Hang  on  till 
to-morrow  morning.' 

"About  nine  or  ten  o'clock,  a  deputation  of  the  young  ladies 
stole  off  the  bride,  and  put  her  to  bed.  In  doing  this,  it  frequently 
happened  that  they  had  to  ascend  a  ladder  instead  of  a  pair  of 
stairs,  leading  from  the  dining  and  ball  room  to  the  lofk,  the  floor 
of  which  was  made  of  clapboards,  lying  loose  and  withont  nails. 
This  ascent,  one  might  think,  would  put  the  bride  and  her  attend* 
ants  to  the  blush,  but  as  the  foot  of  the  ladder  was  commonly  be* 
hind  the  door,  which  was  purposely  opened  for  the  occasion,  and 
its  rounds  at  the  inner  ends  were  well  hung  with  hunting  shirts, 
petticoats,  and  other  articles  of  clothing,  the  candles  being  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  house,  the  exit  of  the  bride  was  noticed  but  by 
few. 

"This  done,  a  deputation  of  young  men  in  like  manner  stole  off 
the  groom,  and  placed  him  snugly  by  the  side  of  his  bride.  The 
dance  still  continued;  and  if  seats  happened  to  be  scarce,  which 
was  often  the  case,  every  young  man,  when  not  engaged  in  the 
dance,  was  obliged  to  offer  his  lap  as  a  seat  for  one  of  the  girls ; 
and  the  offer  was  sure  to  be  accepted. 

"In  the  midst  of  this  hilarity  the  bride  and  groom  were  not  for- 
gotten. Pretty  late  in  the  night,  some  one  would  remind  th|p  com* 
pany  that  the  new  couple  must  stand  in  need  of  some  refreshment: 
.  black  Betty,  which  was  the  name^of  tho  bottle,  was  called  for,  and 
sent  up  the  ladder,  but  sometimes  black  Betty  did  not  go  alone.  I 
have  many  times  seen  as  much  bread,  beef,  pork,  and  cabbage  sent 
along  with  her,  as  would  afford  a  good  meal  for  half  a  dozen  hun- 
gry men.  The  young  couple  were  compelled  to  eat  and  drink, 
more  or  less,  of  whatever  was  offered  them. 

"It  often  happened  that  some  neighbors  or  relations,  not  being 
asked  to  the  weddings  took  offense;  and  the  mode  of  revenge 
adopted  by  them  on  such  occasions,  was  that  of  cutting  off  the 
manes,  foretops,  and  tails  of  the  horses  of  the  wedding  company. 

"I  will  proceed  to  state  the  usual  manner  of  settling  a  young 
couple  in  the  world. 

"A  spot  was  "Selected  on  a  piece  of  land  of  one  of  the  parents, 
for  their  habitation.  A  day  was  appointed,  shortly  after  their  mar^. 
riage,  for  commencing  the  work  of  building  their  cabin.  The 
fatigue  party  consisted  of  choppers,  whose  business  it  was  to  fell 
the  trees,  and  cat  them  off  at  proper  lengths ;  a  man  with  a  team 


MA 


HABITC  OV  Uf ■  nr  tBM  WMV. 


1781. 


for  btttUdi;  them  to  the  pkoe,  and  arranging  them,  properly  m. 
sorted,  6t  the  sidee  and  endt  of  the  building;  a  carpenter,  if  such 
he  might  be  called,  whoae  baeineia  it  was  to  search  the  woods  for 
a  proper  tree  for  making  clapboards  for  tho  roo£  The  tree  for 
this  purpose  must  be  straight  grained,  and  ftom  throe  to  four  feet 
in  diameter.  The  boards  were  split  four  feet  long,  with  a  large 
frow,  and  as  wide  as  the  timber  will  allow.  They  were  used  with* 
out  planing  or  shaving.  Another  division  were  employed  in  getting 
puncheons  for  the  floor  of  the  cabin ;  this  was  done  by  splitting 
trees,  about  eighteen  inches  in  diameter,  and  hewing  the  faces  of 
them  with  a  broadaxe.  They  were  hdf  the  length  of  the  floor 
they  were  intended  to  make. 

"The  materials  for  the  cabin  were  mostly  prepared  on  the  first 
day,  and  sometimes  the  foundation  laid  in  Uie  evening.  The  seo* 
ond  day  was  allotted  for  the  raising. 

"  In  the  morning  of  the  next  day  the  neighbors  collected  for  the 
nusing.  The  first  thing  to  be  done  was  the  election  of  four  comer 
men,  whose  business  it  was  to  notch  and  place  the  logs.  The  rest 
of  the  company  furnished  them  with  the  timbers.  In  the  mean- 
time the  boards  and  puncheons  were  collecting  for  the  floor  and 
roof,  so  that  by  the  time  the  cabin  was  a  few  rounds  high,  the  sleep- 
ers and  floor  began  to  be  laid.  The  door  was  made  by  sawing  or 
oottlng  the  logs  in  one  side,  so  as  to  make  an  opening  about  three 
feet  wide.  This  opening  was  secured  by  upright  pieces  of  timber, 
about  three  inches  thick,  through  which  holes  were  bored  into  the 
ends  of  the  logs,  for  the  purpose  of  pinning  them  &st.  A  similar 
opening,  but  wider,  was  made  at  the  end  for  the  chimney.  This 
was  built  of  logs,  and  made  large  to  admit  of  a  back  and  jambs  of 
stone.  At  the  square,  two  end  logs  projected  a  foot  or  eighteen 
inches  beyond  the  wall,  to  receive  the  bunting  poles,  as  they  were 
called,  against  which  the  ends  of  the  first  row  of  clapboads  was 
supported,  ri'he  .^x>of  was  formed  by  making  the  end  logs  shorter 
until  a  single  log  formed  the  comb  of  the  roof;  on  these  logs  the 
olapboards  were  placed,  the  ranges  of  them  lapping  some  distance 
over  those  next  below  them,  and  kept  in  their  places  by  logs,  placed 
at  proper  distances  upon  them. 

"The  roof,  and  sometimes  the  floor,  were  finished  on  the  same 
day  of  the  nusing.  A  third  day  was  commonly  spent  by  a  few 
oarpenters  in  leveling  off  the  fioor,  making  a  clapboard  door  and  a 
table.  Hus  last  was  made  of  a  aplit  sl^,  and  supported  by  four 
round  logs  set  in  wger  holes.  Some  three  legged  irtools  were  made 
ia  the  same  manner.    Some  pins  stuck  in  the  logs  at  the  back  o( 


1781. 


BABIT8  Of  LIfl  IN  TBI  WK8T. 


845 


the  house  lupported  some  clapboards  which  served  for  shelves  for 
the  table  fomiture. 

"  A  single  fork,  placed  with  its  lower  end  in  a  hole  in  the  floor, 
and  the  upper  end  fastened  to  a  joist,  served  for  a  bedstead,  by 
placing  a  pole  in  the  fork  with  one  end  through  a  crack  between 
the  logs  of  the  wall.  This  front  pole  was  crossed  by  a  shorter  one 
within  the  fork,  with  its  outer  end  through  another  crack.  From 
the  front  pole,  through  a  crack  between  the  logs  of  the  end  of  the 
house,  the  boards  were  put  on  which  formed  the  bottom  of  the 
bed.  Sometimes  otlier  poles  were  pinned  to  the  fork  a  little 
distance  above  these,  for  the  purpose  of  supporting  the  front  and 
foot  of  the  bed,  while  the  walls  were  the  sapports  of  its  back  and 
head.  A  few  pegs  around  the  walls  for  a  display  of  the  coats 
of  the  women,  and  hunting  shirts  of  the  men,  and  two  small 
forks  or  bucks'  horns  to  a  joist  for  the  rifle  and  shot  pouch, 
completed  the  carpenter  work. 

*'In  the  meantime  masons  were  at  work.  With  the  heart 
pieces  of  the  timber  of  which  the  clapboards  were  made,  they 
made  billets  for  chunking  up  the  cracks  between  the  logs  of  the 
cabin  and  chimney — a  large  bed  of  mortar  was  made  for  daubing 
up  those  cracks;  a  few  stones  formed  the  back  and  jambs  of  the 
chimney. 

"The  cabin  being  finished,  the  ceremony  of  house-warming  took 
place,  before  the  young  people  were  permitted  to  move  into  it. 

'^The  house-warming  was  a  daticie  of  a  whole  night's  continu- 
ance, made  up  of  the  Telations  of  the  bride  and  groom,  and  their 
neighbors.  On  the  day  following  the  young  couple  took  possession 
of  their  new  mansion. 

"At  house  raisings,  log  rollings,  and  harvest  parties,  every  one 
was  expected  to  do  his  duty  faithfully.  A  persor.  who  did  not 
perform  his  share  of  labor  on  these  occasions,  was  designated  by 
the  epithet  of  "Lawrence,"  or  some  other  title  still  more  opprobri- 
oas;  and  when  it  came  to  his  turn  to  require  the  like  aid  fh>m  his 
neighbors,  the  idler  soon  felt  his  punishment,  in  their  refusal  to 
attend  to  his  calls. 

"Although  there  was  no  legal  compulsion  to  the  performance  of 
military  duly,  yet  every  man  of  full  age  and  size  was  expected  to 
do  his  full  share  of  public  service.  If  he  did  not  do  so  he  was 
*  Hated  out  as  a  coward.'  Even  the  want  of  any  article  of  war 
6qaipt!!<)nts,  such  as  ammunition,  a  sharp  flint,  a  priming  wire,  a 
scalping  knife  or  tomahawk,  was  thought  highly  disgraceAil.  A 
man  who  without  a  reasonable  cause  failed  to  go  on  a  scout  or 
28 


846 


HABITB  Of  Lira  IN  THE  WIST. 


nei. 


campnign  when  it  oome  to  his  turn,  met  with  an  expression  of 
indignation  in  the  countenances  of  all  his  neighbors,  and  epithets  of 
dishonor  were  fastened  npon  him  without  meroj. 

"Debts,  which  make  Ruch  an  uproar  in  civilized  life,  were  bat 
little  known  among  oar  forefathers  at  the  early  settlement  of  this 
country.  After  the  depreciation  of  the  continental  paper  they  had 
no  money  of  any  kind ;  every  thing  purchased  was  paid  for  in 
produce  or  labor.  A  good  cow  and  calf  was  often  the  price  of  a 
bnflhel  of  alum  salt.  If  the  contract  was  not  punctually  fulfilled, 
the  credit  of  the  delinquent  was  at  an  end. 

"Any  potty  theft  was  punished  with  all  the  infamy  that  could 
be  heaped  on  the  offender.  A  man  on  a  campaign  stole  from  his 
commie  a  cake  out  of  the  ashes,  in  which  it  was  baking:  he  was 
immediately  named 'The  bread  rounds.'  This  epithet  of  reproach 
was  bandied  about  in  this  way :  when  he  came  in  sight  of  a  group 
of  men,  one  of  them  would  call  *  Who  comes  there  ?'  Another 
would  answer,  '  The  bread  rounds.'  If  any  one  meant  to  bo  more 
serious  about  the  matter,  he  would  call  out,  *  Who  stole  a  cake  out 
of  the  fi^shes?'  Another  replied,  by  giving  the  name  of  the  man 
in  full;  to  this  a  third  would  give  confirmation,  by  exclaiming, 
'That  is  true  and  no  lie.'  This  kind  of 'tongue-lashing' lio  was 
doomed  to  bear  for  the  rest  of  the  campaign,  as  well  as  for  years 
after  his  return  home. 

"If  a  theft  was  detected  in  any  of  the  frontier  settlements,  a 
summary  mode  of  punishment  was  always  resorted  to.  The  first 
setllera,  as  far  as  I  knew  of  them,  had  a  kind  of  innate  or  heredi- 
tary detestation  of  the  crime  of  theft,  in  any  shape  or  degree,  and 
their  maxim  was,  that  'a  thief  must  be  whipped.'  If  the  theft 
was  of  something  of  some  value,  a  kind  of  jury  of  the  neighbor- 
hood, after  hearing  the  testimony,  would  condemn  the  culprit  to 
Moses'  Law,  that  is  to  forty  stripes,  save  one.  If  the  theft  was  of 
some  small  article,  the  offender  was  doomed  to  carry  on  his  back 
the  flag  of  the  United  States,  which  then  consisted  of  thirteen 
stripes.  In  either  case,  some  able  hands  were  selected  to  execute 
the  sentence,  so  that  the  stripes  were  sure  to  be  well  laid  on. 

"This  punishment  was  followed  by  a  sentence  of  exile.  He 
then  was  informed  that  he  must  decamp  in  so  many  days,  and  be 
seen  there  no  more  on  penalty  of  having  the  number  of  his  stripes 
doubled. 

"  If  a  woman  was  given  to  tattling  and  slandering  her  neighbors, 
she  was  furnished,  by  common  consent,  with  a  kind  of  patent  right 
to  say  whatever  she  pleased,  without  being  believed.  Her  tongne 
was  then  said  to  be  harmless,  or  to  be  no  scandal. 


1781. 


RABiTfl  Of  Lira  nr  ths  wist. 


847 


"With  all  their  rndeneu,  these  people  were  given  to  hospitality, 
and  finely  divided  their  rough  fare  with  a  neighbor  or  stranger,  and 
woald  have  been  offended  at  the  offer  of  pay.  In  their  settlements 
and  forts,  they  lived,  they  worked,  they  fought  and  feasted,  or 
floffored  together  in  cordial  harmony.  They  were  warm  and  con- 
stant  in  their  friendships.  On  the  other  hand,  they  were  revenge- 
ful in  their  resentments;  and  the  point  of  honor  sometimes  led 
to  personal  combats. 

"  If  one  man  called  another  a  liar,  he  was  considered  as  having 
given  a  challenge  which  the  person  who  received  it  must  accept, 
or  be  deemed  a  coward,  and  the  charge  was  gei^erallv  answered  >n 
the  spot  with  i  ''low.  If  the  injured  person  vtii  decidedly  unable 
to  fight  the  aggressor,  he  might  get  a  friend  to  do  it  for  him.  The 
same  thing  took  place  on  a  charge  of  cowardice,  or  any  otiier  dis- 
honorable action,  a  battle  must  follow,  and  the  person  v  no  mad*' 
the  charge  must  fight,  either  the  person  against  whom  he  made  thv 
charge,  or  any  champion  who  choose  to  espouse  his  cause.  TL  lis 
circumstanced,  our  people  in  early  times  were  much  mot*.  ..nations 
of  speaking  evil  of  their  neighbors  than  they  are  at  prcs'^nt. 

"Sometimes  pitched  battles  occurred,  in  which  time,  place  and 
seconds  were  appointed  beforehand.  I  remember  having  seen  one 
of  those  pitched  battles  in  my  father's  fort,  when  a  boy.  One  of 
the  young  men  knew  very  well  beforehand  that  he  should  get  the 
worst  of  the  battle,  and  no  doubt  repented  the  engagement  to  fight; 
bat  there  was  no  getting  over  it.  The  point  of  honor  demanded 
the  risk  of  battle.  He  got  his  whipping;  they  then  shook  hands 
and  were  good  friends  afterward. 

"The  mode  of  single  combats  in  those  days  was  dangerous  in  the 
extreme;  although  no  weapons  were  used,  fist^.  teeth  and  feet  were 
employed  at  will;  but  above  all,  the  detestabV  |>>  vctice  of  gouging, 
by  which  eyes  were  sometimes  put  out,  rendered  this  mode  of 
fighting  frightfhl  indeed;  it  was  not,  however,  so  destructive  as 
the  stiletto  of  an  Italian,  the  knife  of  a  Spaniard,  the  small 
sword  of  the  Frenchman,  or  the  pistol  ot  the  American  or  English 
daelist. 

".The  ministry  of  the  gospel  has  contributed,  no  doubt,  immensely 
to  the  happy  change  which  has  been  effected  in  the  state  of  our 
western  society.  At  an  early  period  of  our  settlements,  three 
Presbyterian  clergymen  commenced  their  clerical  labors  in  our 
infant  settlements.  They  were  pious,  patient,  laborious  men,  who 
collected  their  people  into  regular  congregations,  and  did  all  for 
them  that  their  circumstances  would  allow.    It  was  no  disparage- 


848 


aOBPEL  LAB0B8  VX  THI  WUT. 


1781. 


ment  to  them,  that  their  first  churches  were  the  shady  groves,  and 
their  first  pulpits  a  kind  of  tent,  constructed  of  a  few  rough  slahs, 
and  covered  with  claphoards.  "He  who  dwelleth  not  exclusively 
in  temples  made  with  hands,"  was  propitious  to  their  devotions. 
From  the  outset,  they  prudently  resolved  to  create  a  ministry  in 
the  country,  and  accordingly  estahlished  little  grammar  schools  at 
their  own  houses,  or  in  their  immediate  neighborhoods.  The 
course  of  education  which  they  gave  their  pupils  was,  indeed,  not 
extensive;  hut  the  piety  of  those  who  entered  into  (he  ministry, 
more  than  made  up  the  deficiency. 

*'At  a  later  period,  the  Methodist  Society  began  their  labors  in  the 
western  parts  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania;  their  progress  at  first 
was  slow,  but  their  zeal  and  perseverance  at  length  overcame  every 
obstacle.  The  itinerant  plan  of  their  ministry  is  well  calculated  to 
convey  the  gospel  throughout  a  thinly  scattered  population. 
Accordingly,  their  ministry  has  kept  pace  with  the  extension  of 
our  settlements.  The  little  cabin  was  scarcely  built,  and  the  little 
field  fenced  in,  before  these  evangelical  teachers  made  their  appea^ 
ance  among  them,  collected  them  into  societies,  and  taught  them 
the  worship  of  God.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  labors  of  these  inde- 
fatigable men,  our  country,  as  to  a  great  extent  of  itb  settiements, 
would  have  been  at  this  day,  a  semi-barbaric  region. 

"With  the  Catholics,  I  have  but  little  acquaintance,  but  have  eveiy 
reason  to  believe,  that  in  proportion  to  the  extent  of  their  flocks, 
they  have  done  well.  Their  clergy,  with  apostolic  zeal,  but  in  an 
unostentatious  manner,  have  sought  out  and  ministered  to  their 
scattered  flocks  throughout  the  country,  and,  as  far  as  I  know,  ivith 
good  success.  The  Society  of  Friends  in  the  western  country  are 
numerous,  and  their  establishments  in  good  order.  Their  habits 
of  industry  and  attention  to  useful  arts  and  improvements,  are 
highly  honorable  to  themoelves,  and  worthy  of  imitation.  Th') 
Baptists  in  the  State  of  Kentucky  took  the  lead  in  the  ministiy, 
and  with  great  success.  The  German,  Lutheran  and  Reformed 
Churches  have  done  well. 

"  The  Episcopalian  Church,  which  ought  to  have  been  foremost  in 
gathering  in  their  scattered  flocks,  have  been  the  tast^  and  done 
the  least  of  any  Christian  community  in  the  evangelical  work. 
Taking  the  western  country  in  its  whole  extent,  at  least  one-half  of 
its  population,  was  originally  of  Episcopalian  parentage ;  but,  for 
want  of  a  ministry  of  their  own,  have  associated  with  other  commu- 
nities. They  had  no  alternative  but  that  of  changing  their  pro- 
fession, or  living  and  dying  without  the  ordinances  of  religion.   It 


1782.' 


IfOBAVIAN  UISSIONART  LABORS. 


849 


can  be  no  sobject  of  regret,  that  those  ordinances  were  placed 
within  their  reach  by  other  hands,  while  they  were  withheld  by 
those  by  whom,  as  a  matter  of  right  and  duty,  they  ought  to  have 
been  given.  One  single  chorepiscopus,  or  suffragan  bishop  of  a 
faithful  spirit,  who,  twenty  years  ago,  (1804)  should  have  'ordained 
them  elders  in  every  place '  where  they  were  needed,  would  have 
been  the  instrument  of  forming  Episcopal  congregations  over  a 
great  extent  of  country,  and  which,  by  this  time,  would  have 
become  large,  numerous  and  respectable ;  but  the  opportunity  was 
neglected,  and  the  consequent  loss  to  this  church  is  irreparable. 
So  total  a  neglect  of  the  spiritual  interests  of  so  many  valuable 
people,  for  so  great  a  length  of  time,  by  a  ministry  so  near  at  hand, 
is  a  singular  and  unprecedented  fact  in  ecclesiastical  history,  the 
like  of  which  never  occurred  before. 

"I  beg  that  it  may  be  understood,  that  with  the  distinguishing 
tenets  of  our  religious  societies  I  have  nothing  to  do,  nor  yet  with 
the  excellencies  or  defects  of  their  ecclesiastical  institutions.  They 
are  noticed  on  no  other  ground  than  that  of  their  respective  con- 
tributions to  the  science  and  civilization  of  the  country.  The  last, 
but  not  the  least  of  the  means  of  our  present  civilization,  are  out 
excellent  forms  of  government,  and  the  administration  of  the  laws." 

The  year  1782  was  stained  by  a  great  crime,  the  murder  of  the 
1782.]  Moravian  converts  on  the  Muskingum.'*'  The  Moravians, 
or  United  Brethren,  originated  as  a  distinctive  society,  in  a  revival 
of  religion  in  Fuinec,  in  Moravia,  about  1720 ;  and  were  collected 
into  a  community  at  Bethelsdorp,  in  Upper  Lusatia,  by  Count 
Zinzendorf,  in  1722.  The  visit  of  Zinzendorf  to  Oopenhagen,  at 
the  coronation  of  Christian  YI.,  in  1781,  made  him  acquainted 
with  the  condition  of  the  slaves  of  the  West  Indies ;  and  on  his 
return  to  Bethelsdorp,  the  congregation  determined  to  send  mis- 
sionaries to  the  Danish  West  Indies,  to  instruct  the  slaves.  In 
1782,  two  missionaries  went  out  to  St.  Thomas,  and  sold  them- 
selves into  slavery,  to  be  able  to  reach  the  slaves.  Such  was  the 
origin  of  the  Moravian  missions ;  they  were  thus  commenced  by  a 
community  who  had  been  driven  from  their  homes  by  persecution, 
and  who  then  numbered  only  six  hundred  members.  Nor  did  they 


*  The  prinoiptl  aathoritiea  in  relation  to  this  aul^eot,  are  LoBkiel's  Histoiy  of  the 
Moravian  llisaioiii  in  North  America,  and  Heckewelder'a  Narrative  of  the  Mission  of  the 
United  Brethren  to  the  Delawax«  and  Mohican  Indians. 


850 


MORAVIAN  MI88IONART  LABORS. 


1742. 


stop  with  one  efiB^rt  to  convert  the  heathen.  In  nine  yeara  after, 
they  had  missions  established  in  Greenland,  St.  Thomas,  St.  Croix, 
Surinam,  Bio  de  Berbice,  Lapland,  Tartary,  Algiers,  Guinea,  Cey- 
lon, at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  among  the  Indians  of  Korth 
America,  and  the  negroes  of  South  Carolina. 

Ten  of  the  Brethren  were  brought  into  Geoigia,  in  1735,  by 
Count  Zinzendorf,  to  preach  the  gospel  to  the  Creeks.  Five  years 
later,  they  were  expelled  from  the  colony  for  refusing,  in  accord- 
ance with  their  faith,  to  bear  arms  in  the  war  then  raging  between 
the  English  and  Spaniards,  and  retired  to  Pennsylvania.  On  their 
arrival,  they  were  offered  a  tract  of  land — a  beautiful  site  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  Lehigh,  at  the  mouth  of  Manockisy  creek,  a  few 
miles  above  its  junction  with  the  Delaware — ^which  they  purchased 
and  named  Bethlehem.  Three  years  later,  Whitfield  offered  to 
them  a  tract,  ten  miles  north  of  Bethlehem,  which  he  had  pur- 
chased, and  on  which  he  had  commenced  to  erect  buildings  for  a 
school  for  colored  children,  and  named  iN'azareth.  This  they  ac- 
cepted, finished,  and  settled. 

In  1740,  the  first  missionary,  Christian  Henry  Ranch,  was  sent 
to  the  Indians  of  Kew  York  and  Connecticut.  His  iustructious 
were,  the  exemplification  of  the  policy  of  the  Brethren,  and  indi- 
cate clearly  the  spirit  that  influenced  them.  They  were  "  not  in 
any  wise  to  interfere  with  the  labors  of  other  missionaries  or  minis- 
ters, or  cause  any  disturbance  among  them,  but  silently  to  observe 
whether  any  of  the  heathen  were,  by  the  grace  of  God,  prepared 
to  receive  and  believe  the  word  of  life ;  and  that,  if  even  only  one 
was  to  be  found  desirous  of  hearing,  to  him  should  the  gospel  be 
preached,  for  God  must  give  the  heathen  cars  to  hear  the  gospel, 
and  hearts  to  receive  it" 

The  mission  was  established  at  Shekomeko,  an  Indian  village 
on  the  borders  of  Connecticut,  near  the  Stissik  mountain.  The 
Indians  were  barbarous,  and  debauched  by  spirituous  liquors;  the 
whites  wee  hostile  to  the  mission;  yet  lUuch  persevered,  and,  in 
two  years,  twenty-nine  converts  were  added  to  the  Christian 
church.  Zinzendorf  visited  the  mission  in  1742,  and  supplied  it 
with  assistants ;  and,  in  consequence,  a  new  station  was  established 
at  Scatticok,  on  Kent  river,  in  Connecticut,  where  also  converts 
were  made,  and  a  congregation  was  organized. 

In  the  midst  of  this  success,  persecution  arose ;  the  whites,  who 
at  first  had  ridiculed  their  attempt  to  convert  barbarians,  were 
alarmed  at  their  success.  They  were  interfering  with  the  liquor 
traffic,  they  were  traitors  to  the  government,  they  were  concealed 


1744. 


MORAVIAN  MISSIONARIES  PK&SBCUTED. 


851 


papiBtfl,  they  \mi\  famishing  arms  to  the  Indians  to  join  the 
French.  On  tiLdse  pretexts,  they  were  arrested  and  examined  hy 
the  governor  of  Connecticut,  and,  on  proof  of  their  innocence, 
discharged.  Next,  their  meetings  were  forhidden,  and  they  were 
broaght  to  New  Toi-k,  lor  examination  before  the  governor  of  that 
province.  Again  they  were  discharged,  and  allowed  the  privilege 
of  living  according  to  their  religious  tenets. 

Their  persecution  did  not  stop  here ;  they  were,  from  motives  of 
conscience,  opposed  to  the  taking  of  oaths,  and  on  that  account 
were  accused  of  refusing  to  take,  according  to  law,  the  oaths  of 
allegiance  and  supremacy.  On  these  representations,  they  were 
required,  by  act  of  the  Assembly  of  New  York,  to  swear  the  pre- 
scribed oaths ;  positively  forbidden  to  instruct  the  Indians,  and,  in 
de&ult  of  obedience,  were  banished  from  that  province,  a.nd  retired 
to  the  more  tolerant  province  of  Pennsylvania,  in  1744.  Four 
years  later,  the  Indian  converts  at  Shekomeko,  in  the  fear  of  being 
murdered  by  the  whites,  were  compelled  to  abandon  their  village, 
and  follow  their  teachers  to  Pennsylvania,  upon  the  invitation  of 
the  governor  of  that  province.  Arrived  at  Bethlehem,  they  were 
received  with  great  cordiality  by  the  Brethren,  and  settled  them- 
selves at  Friedenshutten,  or  "  Tents  of  Peace,"  a  small  hamlet 
which  they  built  for  themselves,  near  Bethlehem.  And,  as  emi- 
gration continued,  they  made  another  settlement  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Mahoning,  which  they  called  Gnadenhutten,  or  "Tents  of 
Grace." 

The  labors  of  the  Brethren,  at  Bethlehem  and  Nazareth,  were 
principally  devoted  to  the  Delawares,  and  were  rewarded  with  an 
encouraging  degree  of  success.  At  Friedenshutten,  Gnadenhutten, 
and  other  hamlets  around  them,  grew  up  Christian  villages  of  the 
converts  of  the  Moravians,  who  had  laid  aside  the  ferocity  of  their 
native  character,  the  vices  of  their  savage  life,  and  the  warlike 
spirit  of  their  race,  and  who  had,  instead,  adopted  the  pure  and 
peaceful  virtues  of  the  Christian  character,  and  yielded  obedience 
to  the  requirements  of  the  Christian  morality.  And  amid  the  long 
suffering  they  were  called  to  endure  from  their  savage  neighbors, 
the  heathen  Indians,  and  their  scarcely  less  malignant  enemies 
among  the  whites,  they  gave  full  evidence  that  that  great  change 
effected  among  them,  by  the  self  denying  labors  of  the  Moravian 
Brethren,  was  a  change  of  heart;  and  that  the  profession  of  the 
Christian  faith  they  made  was  intelligent  and  sincere. 

For  a  time,  the  Brethren  were  allowed  peacably  to  pursue  their 
labor  of  love,  and  their  converts  were  permitted  in  peace  to  gather 


852 


MOBAYIAN  MISSIONARIES  THRIATBNBO. 


1764. 


around  them,  and  receive  tlieir  teachings;  and  so  saooessfol  were 
they,  that,  in  1749,  the  congregation  at  Gnadenhntten  alone  nam- 
bered  five  hundred  native  members.  Bnt  they  were  not  allowed 
long  to  eryoy  their  quiet.  When  the  war  of  1754  broke  oat,  the 
Brethren  and  their  converts  were  placed  in  a  very  embarrassing 
situation.  The  Indians  could  form  no  clear  idea  of  neutral  Indian 
villages,  in  a  war  with  the  whites,  and  had  no  conception  of  any 
motive  they  might  have  for  a  neutrality,  but  a  secret  sympathy 
with  the  English ;  and,  if  they  would  not  take  up  the  hatchet  with 
them,  they  were,  on  the  border,  in  the  way  of  their  incursions.  In 
the  first  instance,  they  sought  to  remove  them  to  the  wilderness, 
away  from  their  teachers,  and  failing  to  do  that,  or  to  understand 
their  true  position,  they  became  hostile.  Not  were  the  whites  bet- 
ter disposed.  The  old  suspicions  that  destroyed  the  missions  in 
New  York  were  revived.  They  were  concealed  papists,  in  secret 
sympathy  with  the  French,  and  furnished  intelligence  to  them,  and 
arms  to  the  Indians. 

Accordingly,  the  borderers  determined  on  their  destruction,  and 
a  mob,  raised  to  burn  their  villages  and  massacre  them,  assembled 
at  Bethlehem.  But  the  treatment  they  received,  and  the  spectacle 
of  Christian  resignation  they  beheld,  disarmed  them;  and  they 
abandoned  their  purpose,  and  returned  to  their  homes.  The  wilder 
spirits  of  the  border  were  not  satisfied  with  less  than  the  entire 
destruction  of  the  Indian  towns,  and  were  preparing  another  more 
determined  attack,  when  their  eyes  were  opened  by  a  horrible 
massacre  perpetrated  by  the  Indians.  There  was  a  hunlet  of 
Christian  Indians  on  the  Lehigh,  opposite  Gnadenhntten.  On  the 
24th  of  November,  1775,  it  was  suddenly  attacked,  by  night,  by 
the  Indians.  The  houses  and  other  buildings  were  fired,  the  unre- 
sisting people  were  burned  in  them,  or  tomahawked  and  scalped, 
as  they  fled  from  them.  Eleven  perished,  four  only  escaped.  All 
hostile  designs  against  them  were  now  laid  aside  by  the  English 
colonists,  they  were  gathered  in  from  their  settlements,  and  troops 
were  stationed  to  protect  them  and  their  property;  and,  through 
the  whole  progress  of  the  war,  the  Bx^'i  ucm  and  their  people 
enjoyed  the  confidence  of  the  whites,  acA  the  security  of  their 
protection. 


The  agency  of  Christian  Frederic  Post  in  oonciliating  the  Indi- 
ans to  the  English  interest,  has  been  noticed.  Post  emigrated  from 
Germany  with  some  Moravian  Brethren,  in  1742,  and  in  the  next 
year  was  appointed  to  join  the  mission  at  Shekomeko,  where  he 


1762. 


MORAVIAN  ItlSSIONABT  LABORS. 


married  a  baptized  Indian  woman.  The  mission  was  broken  op  in 
the  next  year,  but  Post  remained  and  preached  Hie  gospel  to  the 
Indians  in  Connecticut  watiX^rMQ.  "During  this  period  he  sup- 
ported hinnyself  by-hislaho'  «*«  a  joiner,  enduring  much  persecution 
and'abuse  from  the  colonists.  In  that  year  he  re-visited  Germany, 
but  soon  returned  to  America,  and  labored  as  a  missionary  among 
the  Indians  at  Wyoming,  until  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  of  1754, 
when  he  returned  to  Bethlehem. 

While  there  he  was  appointed,  on  account  of  his  courage  and 
spirit,  and  especially  his  acquaintance  with  the  Indian  character,  as 
an  ambassador  to  the  Delawares,  Shawanese,  and  Mingoes,  who 
were  in  alliance  with  the  French.  He  set  out  on  the  16th  of  July, 
1758,  in  company  with  two  Delaware  Indians,  and  after  encounter- 
ing many  difficulties  and  much  danger,  succeeded  in  detaching 
those  Indians  from  the  French  interest.  On  the  26th  of  October, 
of  the  same  year,  he  was  commissioned  to  bear  another  message 
from  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  to  the  Indians  on  the  Ohio,  in 
advance  of  the  march  of  the  army  of  Forbes  to  the  forks  of  Ohio ; 
and  succeeded,  by  his  address,  and  the  confidence  he  inspired,  in 
preventing,  at  that  critical  time,  a  union  of  the  Indians  and  French, 
and  thus  of  compelling  the  abandonment  of  Fort  Du  Quesne.  In 
1761,  he  crossed  the  mountains  again,  visited  the  Indians  further 
westward,  on  the  Muskingum,  to  preach  the  gospel  to  them;  ob« 
tained  from  tbem  the  privilege  to  establish  a  mission,  and  having 
built  a  house — ^the  first,  except  the  stations  of  the  traders  within  the 
state  of  Ohio— on  a  spot  designated  by  the  Indians,  be  returned 
to  seek  an  associate.  The  historian,  Heckewelder,  then  a  youth  of 
nineteen,  was  chosen  by  the  brethren  to  join  the  mission,  and  early 
in  March,  1762,  Post  and  Heckewelder  set  out  for  their  station  on 
the  Tuscarawas,  or  upper  Muskingum. 

There  they  immediately  commenced  to  clear  a  field,  in  order  to 
cultivate  food  for  their  subsistence.  The  Indians  became  alarmed, 
a  council  was  called,  and  Post  summoned  before  them.  "  Brother," 
said  they,  "it  appears  to  us  that  you  must  since  have  changed  your 
mind,  for  instead  of  instructing  us  or  our  children,  you  are  cutting 
down  trees  on  our  land ;  you  have  marked  out  a  large  spot  of  ground 
for  a  plantation,  as  the  white  people  do  everywhere ;  and  by  and 
by  another  and  another  may  come,  and  do  the  same,  and  the  next 
thing  will  be,  that  a  fort  will  be  built  for  the  protection  of  these 
intruders;  and  thus  our  country  will  be  claimed  by  the  white  peo- 
ple, and  we  driven  further  back,  as  has  been  the  case  ever  since  the 
white  people  came  into  this  country.    Say,  do  we  not  speak  the 


864 


MOBAVIAN  MI8SI0NABT  LABORS. 


1768. 


truth  ?  "  Post  replied  that  he  came  indeed  to  teach  them,  bat  a 
teacher  must  live.  He  did  not  wish  them  to  be  burdened  with  his 
oipport.  and  therefore  be  dMiigued  to  raise  his  own  food.  Bnt  he 
did  not  want  a  foot  of  their  land,  uud  his  cultivating  their  land 
would  give  him  no  claim  upon  it. 

The  council,  after  consultation,  replied,  "You  say  you  are  come, 
at  the  instigation  of  the  Great  Spirit,  to  teach  and  to  preach  to  us. 
So  also  say  the  priests  at  Detroit,  whom  our  father,  the  king  of  the 
French,  has  sent  among  his  Indian  children.  Well,  this  being  the 
case,  you  as  a  preacher  want  no  more  land  than  one  of  those  do, 
who  are  content  with  a  garden  lot  to  plant  vegetables  and  pretty 
flowers  in,  such  as  the  French  priests  also  have,  and  of  which  the 
white  people  are  all  fond.  As  you  are  in  the  Brtme  employment 
with  them,  and  as  we  never  saw  them  cut  down  trees  and  cultivate 
the  ground  to  get  a  living,  we  think  that,  since  they  look  well, 
they  look  to  another  source  than  labor  for  their  living.  And  we 
think  that  if,  as  you  say,  the  Great  Spirit  wants  you  to  preach  to 
the  Indians,  he  will  cause  the  same  to  be  done  to  you  as  he  causes 
to  be  done  for  those  priests  wo  have  seen  at  Detroit.  We  are 
agreed  to  give  you  a  garden  spot,  even  a  larger  spot  of  ground  than 
they  have  at  Detroit.  It  shall  measure  fifty  steps  each  way,  and  if 
it  suits,  you  are  at  liberty  to  plant  in  it  what  you  please." 

To  this  Post  agreed,  and,  with  Heckewelder,  cleared  and  planted 
the  little  epot  assigned  him ;  and  in  the  meanwhile,  they  subsisted 
on  the  game  they  could  take,  and  the  vegetables  they  could  gather. 
During  the  summer,  a  conference  was  to  be  held  with  the  Dela- 
wares,  at  Lancaster,  and  Post  had  been  deputed  by  the  governor  of 
Pennsylvania,  to  accompany  the  chiefs  thither.  It  had  been  the 
direction  of  the  Brethren,  that  Heckewelder  should  return  with 
him ;  but,  to  avoid  the  appearance  of  abandoning  the  post,  he  re- 
maned for  a  time.  The  series  of  encroachments  and  outrages 
that  led  to  the  war  of  1763,  had  already  stirred  the  resentment  of 
the  savages ;  and  during  the  summer,  they  became  so  suspicious 
and  unfriendly,  that,  at  the  advice  of  a  trader,  Heckewelder  aban- 
doned the  station,  and  returned  to  Fort  Pitt.  On  his  way,  he  met 
Post  returning  to  the  Muskingum.  The  position  of  affiurs  in  the 
Indian  country  was  threatening;  Post  was  especially  suspected  as 
an  emissary  of  the  whites,  and,  on  consultation,  the  mission  was 
finally  abandoned.  Heckewelder  returned  to  Bethlehem ;  Post,  in 
despair  of  success  among  the  Indians  of  the  north,  retired  to  the 
Bay  of  Honduras,  and  established  a  mission  among  the  Musquito 
Indians. 


1764.        HOBAVIAN  CONVXBTS  PROTEOTBD  AT  PHILADELPHIA. 


855 


The  Moravians  and  their  converts  enjoyed  a  little  respite,  onljr  to 
be  again  exposed  to  greater  persecutions.  The  wax  of  1768  was 
waged  along  the  frontier  with  unexampled  ferocity ;  and  tho  bor- 
der of  Pennsylvania  was  occupied  by  a  class  of  men,  to  whom  an 
indiscriminate  hatred  of  Indians  was  a  ruling  passion,  and  whom 
the  muny  border  wars  had  made  almost  as  cruel  as  the  Indians 
themselves.  A  band  of  peaceful  Indians  were  settled  at  Cones- 
toga.  It  was  suspected  that  they  were  connected,  in  some  way, 
with  the  hostile  Indians,  and  the  borderers  assembled  and  massacred 
all  they  could  find  of  them.  The  survivors  were  collected,  and 
placed  in  the  jail  of  Lancaster  for  protection.  There  they  were 
massacred  by  the  exasperated  mob. 

The  popular  rage  next  turned  upon  the  Moravian  converts. 
Several  of  them  were  murdered  by  a  party  of  drunken  rangers. 
They  in  turn  were  surprised  and  killed.  In  the  excitement  of  the 
hour,  the  Moravian  converts  were  suspected  of  the  act ;  and  a  mob 
approached  Wequetank,  with  the  design  of  exterminating  them. 
A  storm  defeated  their  plan  of  attack,  and  the  converts,  now  sensible 
of  their  danger,  immediately  removed  to  I^azareth.  To  protect 
them  and  to  «llay  tho  resentment  of  the  borderers,  they  with  their 
teachers  were  removed,  by  order  of  the  Assembly,  to  Philadelphia, 
and  confined  on  Province  Island.  The  borderers,  fired  with  impla- 
cable resentment,  followed,  an  attack  on  the  city  was  threatened, 
and  the  Momviaus  were  sent  to  New  York.  The  governor  of  that 
province  refused  to  receive  them  within  its  borders,  and  they  were 
taken  back  to  Philadelphia  and  imprisoned  for  a  year  in  the 
barracks.  On  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  they  were  released, 
returned  to  the  Susquehanna,  and  rebuilt  their  deserted  and  ruined 
villages. 

The  missionary  spirit  of  the  Moravians  was  not  checked  by  these 
difficulties,  and  no  sooner  had  thoy  established  themselves  again, 
than  they  sent  out  their  missionaries  to  teach  the  heathen  Indians 
on  the  north  and  west.  In  the  fall  of  17d7,  the  Rev.  David 
Zeisberger,  learning  that  some  Indians  on  the  Allegheny  were 
desirous  of  having  the  gospel  preached  to  them,  went  thither,  in 
company  with  the  assistant,  Anthony,  and  a  convert  named  Papun- 
hauk.  He  was  at  first  regarded  as  a  spy,  but  his  demeanor  disarmed 
suspicion,  and  he  was  received  with  especial  kindness  by  a  Seneca 
chief.  Goschgosking,  "the  place  of  hogs,"  a  Delaware  town  of 
three  villages,  situated  on  the  Allegheny,  some  twenty-five  or  thirty 
miles  above  the  mouth  of  French  creek,  was  the  place  Zeisberger 
had  chosen  as  the  station  he  designed  to  occupy.    The  chief  advi- 


856 


MOBAVIANS  OH  ALLBOSIMT  BITIB. 


1768. 


Md  him  not  to  settle  there  on  Account  of  the  great  wiokednesa  of 
the  people.  That,  to  Zeisberger,  was  however  an  additional  motive. 
Ho^  aocordiogly  proceeded  thither,  was  well  received,  and  allowed 
to  preach.  The  great  depravity  of  the  place  was  not  however 
over  stated  by  the  Seneca  chief.  The  missionary  was  shocked  at 
the  wickedness  of  the  people ;  an  Indian  orator  resisted  the  new 
doctrines  of  the  white  man,  and  it  was  with  difficulty  he  received 
an  invitation  to  come  and  settle  among  them. 

In  the  spring  of  1768,  Zeisbeiger,  with  the  assistant,  Senseman, 
and  three  families  from  Friedenshatten,  removed  to  Goscbgosking. 
There  they  located  themselves,  bailt  a  chapel,  planted  corn,  and 
commenced  immediately  the  work  of  evangelization.  In  that, 
they  were,  as  usnal,  successful.  A  great  number  of  Indiana 
resorted  to  their  hamlet,  and  ''the  Brethren  ceased  not  by  day  and 
by  night  to  teach  and  preach  Jesus."  The  old  chief,  AUemewi, 
believed  their  teachings,  was  baptized,  and  joined  himself  to  them. 
Others  followed  his  example,  and  soon  a  little  village  of  believing 
Indians  grew  up  around  them.  As  usual,  their  success  excited 
enmity.  It  was  affirmed,  if  the  missionaries  were  allowed  to 
remain,  the  whites  would  come,  build  a  fort,  and  take  possession 
of  the  countiy;  and  messages  were  sent  from  the  Six  Nations  to 
the  Delawares,  that  they  must,  in  order  to  be  safe,  either  kill  the 
missionaries,  or  drive  them  out  of  the  country.  The  old  women 
went  about  complaining  that  the  corn  was  devoured  by  worms, 
that  the  game  had  began  to  flee  the  country,  that  neither  chestnuts 
'  nor  bilberries  ripened  any  more ;  all  which  they  ascribed  to  the 
hct  that  the  Indians  were  changing  their  old  way  of  living  on 
account  of  what  these  white  men  hed  told  them.  The  power  of 
superstition  was  invoked.  An  Indian  prophet,  Wangomen,  de- 
claimed Cigainst  the  missionaries.  He  had  been,  he  pretended, 
favored  with  a  vision  of  the  spirit  land.  The  Indians  there,  wese 
in  the  enjoyment  of  plenty  and  happiness,  the  whites  were  in  want 
and  misery.  The  Indians,  in  their  natural  state,  were  the  most 
acceptable  to  the  Great  Spirit.  The  Great  Spirit  was  displeased 
with  the  presence  of  these  white  teachers,  and  it  was  necessary  to 
offer  sacrifices  to  him  to  appease  his  wrath. 

The  missionaries  felt  that  their  lives  were  in  danger,  and  accord- 
ingly they  removed  with  their  converts,  in  the  spring  of  1769,  to 
Lawnnakhannak,  "the  middle  stream,"  fifteen  miles  distant  from 
Goscbgosking. 

Here  they  built  huts  for  their  residence  and  a  chapel  for  their 
worship.    AUemewi  and  other  converts  settled  around  their  dwel- 


1T70. 


MORATIAIIS  BIMOYl  TO  BSAVnu 


lings,  more  cdnveits  were  added,  and  an  abundant  saccess  aeemed 
about  to  reward  dieir  labors.  Among  the  many  ▼isitors  to  Lawnn- 
akhannak,  was  a  distiognished  Indian  orator  from  the  Delaware 
village  of  Kushkushkee,  on  the  Big  Beaver,  named  GUkkikan. 
The  Indians  there  had  heard  of  the  new  doctrines  the  white 
teaohers  were  disseminating  among  the  Indians  on  the  AUegh'^ny; 
and  he  was  deputed  by  the  chief,  Fakanke,  to  go  and  refhte  thermit. 
When  he  arrived,  he  resolved  first  to  hear  the  missionary,  and 
then  reply  to  his  teachings.  Zeisberger  preached,  and  he  listened 
with  great  attention.  Anthony,  the  assistant,  invited  him  and  his 
company  to  dine  with  him,  and  ezpluned  to- him,  in  simple  but 
expressive  language,  the  religion  taught  by  the  Moravians.  GUk> 
kikan  was  convinced,  and  in  the  presence  of  his  Mends,  and  of  the 
chie&  of  Qoschgosking,  declared  his  belief  of  the  trutli  of  the  new 
religion-  On  his  return  to  Kushkushkee,  he  honestly  related  the 
result  of  his  mission,  and  bore  an  honorable  testimony  to  the  char- 
acter of  the  missionaries,  and  to  the  truth  of  their  doctrine.  The 
influence  of  the  example  of  GUkkikan  produced  an  effect  even 
on  the  Allegheny.  Many  of  the  people  followed  from  Goschgos- 
king  and  joined  the  congregation,  more  came  to  hear,  and  a  new 
chapel  was  built  for  their  accommodation.  In  the  midst  of  this 
success,  a  difficulty  arose  between  the  Six  Kationsi  and  the  Ohero- 
kees.  The  Six  Nations  had  broken  the  treaty  with  the  Oherokees, 
and  murdered  several  of  them.  In  revenge  the  Oherokees  took 
two  prisoners,  cut  off  their  fingers,  and  sent  them  back  with  an 
insulting  message.  A  war  between  the  two  nations  ensued;  the 
Christian  Indians  were  located  immediately  between  tiiem,  and 
the  thoroughfare  exposed  to  the  hostility  of  botb.  Under  these 
circumstances,  they  determined  to  accept  the  repeated  invitations 
of  Fakanke  and  Glikkikan,  to  settle  on  the  Beaver^  and  made 
pwparations  to  remove  thither. 

Accordingly,  on  the  17th  of  April,  1770,  the  congregation  at 
LawunaUiannak  broke  up,  and  set  ont  in  sixteen  eanoes,  passing, 
down  the  Allegheny  and  Ohio  to  tiie  mouth  of  the  Beaver,  which 
they  entered  and  proceeded  up  to  the  &lls.  There  they  were 
compelled  to  unload  their  cargoes  and  transport  their  eanoes  by 
land.  In  this  they  were  uded  by  Glikkikan,  who  had  come  from 
Kushkushkee,  with  horses  for  their  use.  On  the  Sd  of  May,  they 
reached  their  destination,  informed  Fakanke  of  their  arrivil,  and 
were  welcomed  to  their  new  homes,  according  to  the  Indian 
ceremony,  by  the  ehie&.    On  the  ute  designated  for  lliem,  the 


868 


MORAyiANS  09  BIAVBR  RIVIB. 


17T0. 


Ohriitian  Indians  imme^ately  set  to  work,  erected  oftbins,  and 
opened  fitrms.  In  a  short  time  a  settlement  was  formed,  to  which 
they  gave  the  name  of  Langantoatennenk,  or  Friedenstadt,  "the 
town  of  peace." 

Dr.  I  Pollock,  of  Newcastle,  Pa.,  says  in  a  letter  to  the  publisher: 
"The  sites  of  the  principal  establishments  of  the  Moravians,  on 
Beaver  river,  were  at  the  Enshkushkee  and  Moravian  towns, 
(Friedenstadt).  These  villages  were  both  situated  in  what  is  now 
Lawrence  connty,  Pennsylvania;  the  sites  of  them  were  well  chosen 
in  regard  both  to  their  comfort  and  health,  being  on  the  west  side 
of  the  principal  streams,  and  connected  with  allnvial  bottom  lands 
of  surpassing  fertility.  Eushkushkee  occupied  an  elevated  pla- 
teau of  rich  bottom  land  on  the  south-west  side  of  the  Mahoning 
river,  four  miles  above  its  junction,  with  the  Shenango,  where  they 
constitute  the  Big  Beaver  river.  It  was  four  miles  east  of  the  Ohio 
State  line,  four  miles  west  of  Now  Castle,  the  seat  of  justice  for 
Lawrence  county,  Pennsylvania,  and  six  miles  north-west  from  its 
sister  establishment  at  the  Moravian  town.  Several  war  paths 
converged  here  at  the  War  Phat,  on  the  west  side  of  the  village, 
and  'the  Enshkushkee  trace,'  long  known  and  traveled  by  the 
early  white  settlers,  passing  by  the  *  Scalp  Spring,'  near  the  'Forks 
of  the  Beaver,'  and  through  the  Moravian  town,  connected  it  with 
the  Ohio  river  at  the  mouth  of  Beaver,  and  up  along  the  Ohio  to 
Logstown,  and  what  is  now  Pittsburgh.  The  'Moravian  Town' 
was  situated  on  a  bluff  on  the  west  side  of  Beaver  river,  two  miles 
below  its  'forks,'  and  twenty  miles  up  from  its  mouth. 

"  The  societies  formed  at  these  two  Indian  towns  by  these  pious 
and  philanthropic  missionaries,  soon  abandoned  their  savage  habits 
and  superstitious  worship ;  and  under  the  direction  of  these  devoted 
men,  cleared  and  cultivated  several  hundred  acres  of  their  rich 
bottom  lands,  the  products  of  which,  added  to  the  abundant  supf% 
offish  afforded  by  their  rivers,  and  of  game  from  the  chase,  placed 
them  above  the  fear  of  want,  and  gave  them  leisure  for  intellectual 
and  moral  culture.  They  had  schools  in  which  their  children  were 
assiduously  taught ;  churches  where  they  often  convened  for  reli- 
gious worship,  and  workshops  in  which  the  most  necessary  of  the 
mechanical  arts  were  taught  and  practiced.  Among  the  first 
lessons  taught  them  by  their  Christian  teachers,  was  one  that  came 
directly  in  conflict  with  the  fixed  habits  and  immemorial  usages  of 
savage  life.  They  must  no  longer  learn  and  practice  the  'Art  of 
"War.'  They  must  be  men  of  peace,  no  longer  shed  the  blood  of 
their  brother  man.     They  must  no  longer  rest^nt  or  retaliate 


1771. 


MORATZANS  OH  BKAVEB  RIVBR. 


8fi0 


wrong! ;  all  retribation  muat  be  left  to  tbe  'Great  Spirit,'  thb  com- 
mon Father  of  all.  Theae  principles  and  practices,  so  uncongenial 
to  immemorial  modes  of  thinking  and  acting,  were  nevertheless 
embraced  and  adhered  to.  Their  schools  flourished;  the  teeming 
earth  yielded  to  moderate  cultivation  an  abundant  supply  of  the 
necessaries  of  life,  while  their  workshops  ftirnished  their  common 
clothing,  and  the  tools  and  utensils  necessary  for  a  peaceful  life. 
Here  was  a  young  paradise  blooming  and  fructifying  in  the 
wilderness. 

<«  But  mutation  and  instability  are  written  on  the  face  of  all  things 
earthly.  This  state  of  prosperity  and  felicity  was  destined  to  be  of 
short  duration.  We  have  said  that  these  associations  of  non- 
resistant  Indians  were  parts  of  the  Delaware  tribe,  who  were  fre- 
quently at  war  with  the  whites,  and  sometimes  with  the  neighboring 
tribes;  and  failing  to  enlist  these  bands  to  assist  in  their  wars,  and 
not  understanding  or  appreciating  their  motives,  naturally  enter- 
tained jealousies  and  unfriendly  feelings  toward  them.  Residing 
as  they  did,  on  the  great  war  path,  along  which  these  tribes  and 
other  northern  nations  marched  to  attack  the  frontier  settlements 
of  the  whites,  or  the  tribes  of  the  south ;  and  near  their  grand 
rendezvous  at  the  Scalp  Spring  and  War  Post,  they  were  often 
pressed  to  join  the  hostile  bands,  and  even  threatened  on  their 
refusal.  Finding  themselves  thus  environed  with  difficulties  and 
dangers,  and  that,  located  as  they  were,  between  their  enemies, 
they  could  not  maintain  their  neutrality  but  at  the  risk  of  exter- 
mination, they  abanfloned  all  their  improvements  and  betook 
themselves  to  the  wilderness,  locating  and  renewing  their  improve- 
ments, and  re-organizing  their  community  on  the  waters  of  the 
Muskingum." 

ffhe  history  of  the  mission  on  the  Beaver,  is  thus  given  by 
Loskiel: 

"April  17th,  1770,  the  congregation  of  Lawunakhannak  broke  up, 
and  sot  out  in  sixteen  canoes,  passing  down  the  river  Ohio  by  Pitte- 
bnrgb,  to  the  mouth  of  the  Beaver  creek;  which  they  entered,  and 
proceeded  up  to  the  falls,  where  they  had  to  unload  and  transport 
their  goods  and  canoes  by  land.  One  of  these  carrying  places  de- 
tained them  two  days.  The  frequent  repetition  of  this  troublesome 
work  caused  them  to  be  very  thankful  when  they  met  Glikldkan, 
with  some  horses  from  Easkaskunk  (Kushkushkee)  for  their  use. 

"Thus  after  a  tedious  journey,  during  which  they  had,  however, 
held  their  dnily  meetings  as  oft^i.  as  their  situation  would  permit, 


860 


MOMAVXAlfS  OV  IIATM  KITH. 


im. 


reflrething  fheir  ■oals  by  tht  eomibrteble  word  of  God,  ikny  «t 
longtb  arrived,  on  the  8d  of  Mi^,  Id  the  coantrj  where  they  in. 
tended  to  build  their  new  lettlement  The  epot  Appointed  for 
them  ooold  not  have  been  better  ohoeeo,  and  there  wae  good 
land  eaAoient  to  rapply  an  hundred  ikmiliei.  Thej  now  in< 
formed  Pakanke,  the  head  chief  in  Eaakaeknnk,  and  hit  coon- 
eil,  of  their  arrival.  During  the  formalities  nenal  on  each  oocaeions 
both  Brother  Zeiabeiger,  and  the  Indian  depntiee,  delivered 
several  copious  speeches,  to  give  the  inhabitants  of  Easkasknnk, 
ftom  the  very  beginning,  a  just  idea  of  their  new  neighbors, 
and  Pakanke  bid  them  welcome  in  the  same  number  of  speeches. 
Oaptain  Glikkikan  could  how  no  longer  bear  to  liveatEaskaskunk, 
but  desired  leave  to  dwell  with  the  Brethren.  The  latter  exhorted 
him  well  to  consider,  that  in  so  doing  he  would  exchange  an  hon- 
orable office,  power,  and  friends,  for  reproach,  contempt,  and  per< 
seoution.  But  his  declarations  were  so  firm  and  sincere,  that  it 
was  impossible  for  them  to  refuse  his  request 

"  The  Indians  were  now  diligently  at  work  in  their  plantations, 
and  dwelt  in  the  meantime  in  bark  huts.  They  also  built  a  large 
hot  for  the  meetings  of  the  congregation,  which  were  numerously 
attended  by  the  people  from  Kaskaskunk.  The  settlement  made 
by  the  Brethren  here  was  called  Lauguntontenuenk,  or  Friedenstadt, 
<  it»  town  of  peace.' 

M  Jane  12th,  the  first  baptism  was  administered  in  this  place,  to 
the  wife  of  the  blind  Chief  Solomon,  who  had  formerly  opposed 
her  husband  with  great  violence,  but  afterward  became  thought- 
ful, and  anxious  to  obtain  salvation.  •  Glikkikan  and  others,  who 
had  never  seen  this  transaction,  were  struck  with  wonder  and 
amazement,  and  the  whole  assembly  was  so  powerfully  pervaded 
by  the  sensation  of  the  presence  of  God,  that  the  Brethren  Zeisber- 
ger  and  Benseman  were  overcome  with  joy,  and  filled  with  renewed 
courage,  boldly  to  maintain  their  post,  even  under  the  most  grievoo* 
oppresnons,  and  gladly  to  venture  their  lives  in  endeavoring  to  lead 
souls  to  Ohrist. 

The  In^ans  in  tflie  neighboring  country  were  astonished,  or  la- 
tber  akirmed,  to  see  a  people  settle  atnong  them  so  much  difie^ 
ing  in  manners  and  ctistoms  ttom  the  heathen,  and  to  hear  a 
doctrine  preached,  of  which  they  never  before  had  any  idea.  In 
some,  this  astonii^ment  was  soon  changed  into  displeasure  aad 
asimoeity.  Glikkikan's  retiring  fix>m  Easkasknnk  to  Friedenstadt 
occasioned  universal  dissatisfisction.  His  friends  spared  no  pains 
to  prevent  it  by  Idnd  persuasions ;  but  finding  them  useless,  they 


m. 

y  it 

Uor 

good 

r  in* 

BOon> 

tfioni 

Tered 

kank, 

bbon, 

tobei.. 

ikank, 

horted 

libon- 

id  per* 

that  it 

tations, 

a  large 

leroasly 

it  made 

itadt, 

ilaoe,  to 


in«. 


MOlATUVi  OV 


TB»  Birra. 


9tt 


rievooi 
to  lead 

a,  or  ra- 
lb  difife^ 
bear  a 
ie&    In 
lure  aad 
enstadt 
10  pains 
,they 


railed  moat  bittatly  againil  bin,  oaUing  bim  •  aonerer,  bj  wblob 
they  even  endangared  bia  life.  The  old  chief,  Pakanke,  who  bad 
•Iwayi  employed  him  aa  bia  ipeaker,  and  looked  upon  him  aa  bia 
right  band,  altered  hie  friendly  behavior  toward  the  Brethren,  and 
denied  hii  having  invited  them  into  the  country,  charging  Olikld- 
kan  with  it  He  even  attacked  bim  publicly,  and  in  great  wmtb 
said,  *  And  even  yon  have  gone  over  At>m  this  council  to  them.  I 
Boppoee  you  intend  to  get  a  white  ekin  ?  But  I  tell  you,  not  even 
one  of  your  feet  will  turn  white,  much  leae  your  body.  Waa  yoo 
not  a  brave  and  honored  man,  iitting  next  to  me  in  council,  when 
we  spread  the  blanket,  and  conaidered  the  belta  of  wampum  lying 
before  us  ?  Now  you  pretend  to  despise  all  this,  and  think  to  hava 
fbund  something  better.  Some  time  or  other  you  will  find  your* 
self  deceived.'  Qlikkikan  replied  briefly  thus:  <It  is  very  true  I 
have  gone  over  to  them,  and  with  them  I  will  live  and  die.'  Though 
Colonel  Croghan,  an  English  officer,  exhorted  Pakanke  not  to  op- 
pose the  brethren,  but  to  sufi'er  all  those  Indians  who  wished  to 
hear  the  Gospel  to  go  to  them,  adding,  that  they  aimed  at  nothing 
bat  the  real  welfare  and  interest  of  the  Indians ;  and  though  Pa- 
kanke promised  fair,  yet  be  remained  an  enemy,  and  many  were 
deterred  from  coming  to  Friedenstadt. 

"About  this  time  a  very  bad  epidemical  disease  prevailed  among 
the  Delawares,  which  took  oiF  great  numbers,  and  was  ascribed  by 
the  heathen  to  the  power  of  magic.  Many  of  the  chiefs  and  conn* 
solors  at  Gekelemukpechuenk  and  other  places,  conceived  a  notion 
tliat  they  could  not  remedy  this  evil  in  any  other  way,  than  by 
unanimoasly  resolving  to  receive  and  believe  the  word  of  God.  Aa 
it  was  soon  known  that  Pakanke  was  averse  to  the  cause,  the  chief 
and  council  of  Gekelemukpechuenk  sent  him  a  black  belt  of  wam- 
pum of  a  fathom  in  length,  with  the  following  message :  *  There  ia 
a  contagion  among  us:  many  Indians  die,  and  this  evil  has  lasted 
some  years:  we  shall  all  soon  be  destroyed,  unless  some  help  be 
procured.  Oonvene  a  council  upon  this  belt  Whoever  does  not 
receive  this  belt,  shall  be  considered  as  an  enemy  and  murderer  of  bia 
people,  and  we  shall  know  bow  to  tr«at  bim  according  to  bis  de- 
serts.' This  message  being  of  mysterious  import,  Pakanke  was  left 
to  guess  its  meuiing.  But  he  pretended  nut  to  understand  that  it 
implied  that  they  should  receive  the  Gospel  as  the  only  remedy. 

"The  Brethren  found,  meanwhile,  that  it  would  be  highly  necea* 

•ary  for  the  cause  of  tlie  Gospel,  to  remove  a  misunderstanding 

which  prevailed  among  the  heathen  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Chria" 

Uan  Indians.    They  asserted,  that  aa  soon  aa  the  latter  changed 

24 


868 


MOBAVIANS  OH  BKAVBK  RIVBB. 


1770. 


their  mode  of  living,  and  refused  to  join  in  their  vices,  they  like^ 
wise  withdrew  their  contributions  toward  the  support  of  the  affairs 
of  the  nation,  and  wouid  no  more  assist  in  furnishing  the  usual 
quantity  of  wampum,  allowed  for  the  use  of  the  chiefs.  The  mis- 
rionaries  therefore  took  the  necessary  steps  to  procure  a  formal 
declaration  from  the  believing  Indians,  in  all  places,  to  this  effect: 
*That  though  they  never  intended  to  interfere,  either  with  the 
afiiurs  of  state,  or  with  the  wars  of  the  savages,  yet  they  were 
always  willing  to  bear  their  share  of  the  public  burden,  in  times  of 
peace,  and  to  contribute  toward  the  expenses  attending  all  mea- 
sures adopted  for  the  welfare  of  the  nation,  which  were  not  meant 
to  molest  either  the  white  people  or  the  Indian  nations;  but  upon 
this  positive  condition,  that  the  chie&,  counselors,  and  captains  of 
all  the  different  tribes,  should  never  claim  the  least  authority  over 
the  missionaries,  but  leave  them  at  full  liberty  to  go  where  they 
please,  and  in  case  of  their  return  to  Bethlehem,  to  send  other 
Brethren  in  their  room.'  This  declaration  gave  universal  satisfac* 
tiou,  was  answered  by  all  tl^e  chiefs  in  very  civil  terms,  and  by 
some  by  ibrmal  embassies,  and  prevented  much  enmity,  to  which 
the  believing  Indians  and  their  teachers  might  have  otherwise  been 
eixposed. 

"At  Goschgoschuenk,  Wangomen  was  appointed  deputy,  and 
sent  by  the  council  with  a  full  and  concise  answer,  couched  in  the 
most  courteous  terms,  to  Friedenstadt,  and  thence  to  Pakanke  at 
Easkaskunk,  to  inform  him  and  his  council  of  the  adoption  of  the 
Brethren  into  the  Monsy  tribe,  desiring  him  to  send  the  message 
forward  to  the  rest  of  the  Delaware  tribes,  and  with  their  consent 
to  the  Iroquois,  Delamattenoos,  and  Shuwancse,  and  to  appoint  and 
acknowledge  the  above-mentioned  umpire,  appointed  to  watch 
oyer  the  due  observance  of  the  covenant  thus  made  between  the 
Brethren  and  the  Indian  nations.  Wangomen  executed  all  these 
commissions  with  much  punctuality,  and  appeared  to  have  laid  all 
enmity  against  the  Brethren  aside ;  he  was  even  commissioned  bj 
old  Pakanke,  who  also  pretended  to  be  reconciled  to  them,  to  go 
in  person  to  Friedenshuetten,  and  invite  the  believing  Indians  to 
come  to  the  neighborhood  of  Euskaskunk  and  build  a  town  for 
themselves,  upon  any  spot  pf  ground  they  might  choose. 

*'  In  the  meantime  our  Indians  began,  on  the  23d  of  July,  to 
build  a  regular  settlement  on  the  west  side  of  the  Beaver  creek, 
erecting  block  houses,  and  working  with  such  perseverance  and 
diligence,  that  before  winter  they  and  their  teachers  were  safeljr 
and  conveniently  housed.    Then  the  statutes  of  the  congregation 


mo. 


MOBAYIANS  ON  BBAVEB  BIVBB. 


8«8 


wero  made  known  to  the  inhabitants,  and  every  thing  regulated  as 
in  Friedenshaetten. 

"  October  28th,  the  missionary,  John  George  Jnngman,  and  his 
wife,  arrived  from  Bethlehem,  to  have  the  care  of  this  congrega- 
tion,  and  brought  a  string  of  wampum  from  Colonel  Croghan  in 
Pittsburgh,  to  Pakanke,  desiring  him  to  receive  the  missionary  and 
his  wife  with  kindness,  as  they  came  merely  from  benevolent 
motives,  to  promote  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the  Indians. 
This  unsolicited  kind  interference  of  the  colonel  gave  much  pica- 
sure  to  our  Indians  and  their  teacherj,  and  made  a  good  impression 
upon  Pakanke.  Brother  Senseman  returned  to  Bethlehem,  in 
November,  having  been  a  faithful  and  useful  assistant  to  brother 
Zeisberger,  with  whom  he  willingly  shared  distress  and  danger. 

"Both  missionaries  rejoiced  greatly  at  the  gracious  visitation  of 
tins  country  by  the  Lord.  The  power  of  the  Holy  Ghost  was 
remarkably  evident  during  the  preaching  of  the  precious  Gospel  of 
Christ  Jesus,  and  the  heart  of  one  poor  sinner  after  the  other  was 
opened,  and  led  to  accept  of  the  gracious  invitation  which  he  gives 
to  all  that  labor  and  are  heavy  laden.  Glikkikan  was  so  much 
moved  by  a  discourse  delivered  in  the  daily  meeting,  that  he  after- 
ward wept  aloud  on  his  way  home.  The  heathen  were  astonished, 
that  such  a  noted  and  valiant  captain  should  weep  in  the  presence 
of  his  former  acquaintance;  but  the  Brethren  praised  God  for  such 
visible  proofs,  that  the  word  of  the  cross  of  Jesus  can  even  break 
and  melt  the  most  stubborn  and  proud  heart  of  a  wild  Indian.  One 
of  Pakanke's  sons,  having  listened  with  attention  to  a  sermon,  said, 
*  I  have  understood  all  I  have  now  heard,  and  your  words  have 
penetrated  into  my  heart:  now  I  believe  that  they  are  true.'  An 
unbaptized  Indian, said  to  a  visitor:  'Whoever  will  consider  but 
for  a  moment,  must  plainly  see  that  the  doctrine  of  the  Brethren 
is  true;  and  ever,  though  our  senses  cannot  rightly  comprehend  its 
meaning,  yet  our  hearts  feel  something  of  its  power,  as  often  as  we 
hear  it' 

"  Many  people  from  distant  places,  especially  from  8henenge, 
came  to  hear  the  comfortable  gospel,  which  encourages  sinners, 
with  all  their  misery,  to  turn  to  their  Redeemer. 

"As  to  Friedenstadt  itself,  the  peace  of  God,  brotherly  love,  and 
a  desire  to  cleave  to  and  love  God  our  Saviour,  prevailed  most 
powerfully  in  the  congregation.  The  baptized  improved  daily  in 
a  Christian  walk  and  conversation,  and  greatly  valued  their  high 
and  heavenly  calling.  One  of  them  said  to  a  strange  Indian :  '  I 
cannot  indeed  speak  much  to  you  at  present,  but  I  will  give  you  an 


S64 


M0RAVIAIT8  ON  BSATBR.  lUVBB. 


im. 


opportunity  to  hear  the  precious  words  of  onr  Saviour,  with  whiob 
the  most  delicious  food  in  the  world  is  not  to  be  compared  for 
sweetness;'  and  then  brought  him  to  the  chapel.  A  noted  sorcerer, 
who  came  to  see  Friedenstadt,  stood  listening  to  an  Indian  sister, 
who  was  boldly  declaring  the  gospel  to  some  female  visitors;  an4 
afterward  said  that  he  had  a  great  inclinaUon  to  tiy  his  legerdemain 
tricks  upon  her,  and  to  do  her  an  injujy.  When  she  heard  this, 
she  said:  'I  do  not  fear  his  threats;  fi»r  if  any  one  could  even  take 
away  my  life  by  sneh  practices,  I  should  then  go  home  to  my 
Saviour,  where  I  should  ei^oy  much  greater  happiness  than  in  this 
life.' 

*<  The  labor  of  the  Spirit  of  God  was  lil^wise  so  evident  in  the 
children,  and  the  Lord  perfocted  praise  even,  out  of  the  months  of 
babes  in  such  a  manner,  that  the  missionaries  were  filled  with 
astonishment.  Among  the  unbaptized  iwd  catechumens,  the 
awakening  was  solid  Mid  general,  and  their  longing  after  grace  and 
tlie  remission  of  sins  in  the  blood  of  Jesus  appeared  on  all  occa- 
sions. The  missionaries  were  more  particularly  rejoiced  to  see 
that  the  above-mentioned  Captain  Glikkikan,  and  a  chief  called 
Genaskund,  who  retired  with  them  from  Goschgosohuenk,  were 
the  most  humble  and  coittrite  among  all  the  unbaptized,  con- 
fessing with  great  openness  their  sinful  and  abominable  manner  of 
living  among  the  heathen,  praying  God  for  mercy  and  f(Nrgivene8s 
as  the  most  undeserving  prodigals,  and  earnestly  requesting  to  be 
baptized.  They  both  received  this  favor  on  the  24th  of  December, 
and  remained  living  and  distinguished  examples  of  that  divine 
truth,  that  no  sinner  is  so  proud  and  depraved  but  he  may  be 
thoroughly  humbled,  changed,  and  converted  to  God  by  the  power 
of  the  blood  of  Jesus. 

"  In  the  spring  of  1771,  Wangomen  came  to  Friedenshuetten,  to 
deliver  the  above-mentioned  message  from  the  principal  chie&  of 
the  Delaware  nations  to  the  Indian  congregation,  and  also  to  invite 
them  and  the  congregation  in  Tschechscbequanuink  to  the  Alle- 
gheny, that  is,  to  the  country  on  the  Ohio»  The  chiefs  declared 
that  they  would  receive  the  believing  Indians  intc  their  arms  as 
friends,  and  pennit  them  to  choose  a  tract  of  land,  where  they 
might  live  together,,  as  Christians,  in  peace  and  safety ;  and  that 
they  should  bring  their  white  teachers  with  them,  who  should  be 
considered  as  being  of  tlie  same  color  with  the  Indiana. 

**  At  the  particular  request  of  the  chiefs^  Brother  Zeisberger  gave 
%  letter  of  recommendation  to  the  deputies,  assuring  the  Indian 
oongregation,  that  this  invitation  concealed  no  bad  design,  but 


ini. 


MORAVIAKB  OV  BEAVBR  RIVBR. 


865 


rather  that  the  chiefs,  being  now  traly  desirons  that  they  and  their 
young  people  might  hear  the  gospel,  wished  on  that  account  alone 
that  Brethren  might  reside  among  them;  our  Indians,  however, 
mistrusted  the  contents  of  this  message,  and  therefore  gave  the 
following  short  answer  to  Wangomen  and  the  other  delegates: 
<  We  rejoice  that  Pakanke  and  the  other  chiefs  have  thought  on  us 
with  so  much  kindness.  But  we  are  as  yet  too  heavy  to  rise,  and 
when  we  have  lightened  ourselves,  we  will  send  word  to  the  chiefs.' 
Some  time  after,  Ohief  Netawatwoos,  in  Gekelemukpechuenk, 
repeated  this  invitation  in  a  pressing  manner,  which  occasioned 
our  Indians  to  consider  more  particularly  about  it,  especially  as  the 
Wyandots  had  likewise  invited  them  to  remove  to  their  land  on 
the  Ohio,  assuring  them  that  they  would  not  sell  the  ground  under 
their  feet,  as  the  Iroquois  had  done. 

"However,  no  resolution  was  taken  till  the  month  of  May,  when 
Friedenshuetten  was  visited  by  the  Brethren  Christian  Gregor  and 
John  Loretz,  who  some  time  ago  arrived  from  Europe,  to  hold  a 
visitation  in  all  the  Brethren's  settlements  in  North  America. 
Bishop  Nathaniel  Seidel  accompanied  them  from  Bethlehem,  a  man 
known  and  highly  respected  by  many  of  our  Indians,  who  expressed 
extraordinary  joy  at  their  visit.  The  joy  of  the  two  European 
Brethren  was  great  indeed.  They  saw  here  for  the  first  time,  a 
flock  of  Christian  Indians,  and  could  not  sufficiently  praise  and 
thank  Qod  our  Saviour,  for  the  gracious  work  begun  among  these 
nations,  supported  amidst  so  many  and  heavy  trials,  and  miracu- 
lously preserved,  although  exposed  to  so  many  threatening  and 
imminent  dangers. 

"They  devoted  their  whole  time  and  labor  to  the  service  of  the 
two  congregations  in  Friedenshuetten  and  Tscbechschequannink, 
conversed  with  every  individual,  and  delivered  several  powerful 
discourses,  especially  during  the  Whitsintide  holidays,  the  inter- 
preters translating  their  words  with  great  exactness.  They  bap- 
tized several  Indians,  visited  every  family,  and  both  their  conver- 
sation with  individuals,  their  public  ministry  and  their  benevolent 
behavior,  tended  to  the  edification  and  blessings  of  all  the  iuhabi- 
tants.  They  likewise  examined  into  every  particular  relating  to 
the  inward  and  outward  state  of  the  misbion,  and  in  this  view  held 
several  conferences  with  the  missionaries  and  the  Indian  assistants. 
The  above  mentioned  invitation  given  to  our  people  by  the  Dela- 
wares  was  also  maturely  considered,  and  the  conference,  with  the 
concurrence  of  the  Indian  congregation,  came  to  a  resolution,  that 
next  autumn  some  families  should  remove  from  hence  to  Frieden- 


MORAVIANS  OH   BBAVIB  BIVIK. 


1771. 


stadt^  that  some  regard  migbt  be  ehown  to  the  mesaage ;  but  as  to  the 
emigratiou  of  the  whole  congregation,  that  ehoald  be  considered  and 
finally  decided  in  Bethlehem.  On  the  retarn  of  these  visitors  and 
their  company  to  Bethlehem,  the  Indians  took  leave  of  them  with 
the  most  cordial  expression  of  love  and  gratitude,  recommending 
themselves  to  the  prayers  and  remembrance  of  all  their  brethren  in 
Earope. 

"David  Zeisberger  was  soon  after  called  from  Friedenstadt  to 
Bethlehem,  to  attend  a  conference,  in  which  the  whole  situation  of 
the  mission  among  the  Indians  was  maturely  weighed  and  consid- 
ered. The  Brethren  were  convinced  that  the  Indian  congregations 
at  Friedenshuetten  and  Tschechschequannink  would  not  be  able  to 
maintain  themselves  long  in  these  places,  partly  because  the  Iro- 
quois had  sold  the  land,  and  various  troublesome  demands  upon 
them  were  continually  renewed,  partly  on  account  of  a  contest 
between  the  I^ew  Englanders  and  the  Indians  of  Wtyomick,  by 
which  Friedensheutten  was  much  disturbed  by  occasion  of  its 
vicinity.  Besides  this,  the  Sennekas,  by  their  bad  behavior,  gave 
our  Indians  much  trouble,  the  white  people  being  too  apt  to  sus- 
pect the  latter  as  accomplices.  One  of  the  most  powerful  argu- 
ments in  favor  of  their  emigration  was  this,  that  the  number  of 
European  settlers  daily  increased,  both  above  and  below  Frieden- 
shuetten,  and  the  rum  trade  tended  to  seduce  the  young  people. 
A  final  resolution  was  therefore  taken,  to  advise  the  Indian  congre- 
gation to  accept  of  the  proposal  repeatedly  made  to  them,  to 
remove  to  the  Ohio,  and  to  consider  it  as  proceeding  from  a  gracious 
direction  of  the  providence  of  God. 

''Brother  Zeisbei^er,  upon  his  return,  mentioned  this  advice  to 
the  Indians  at  Friedenshuetten  and  Tschechschequannink,  and 
both  congregations  resolved  to  remove  in  the  following  spring,  and 
first  to  go  to  Friedenstadt.  Some  families  went  thither  immedi- 
ately, in  order  to  lay  out  plantations  of  Indian  corn,  both  for  them- 
selves and  the  congregations  that  were  to  acccmpany  them. 

"In  the  meantime,  many  people  followed  the  Brethren  from 
Goschgoschucnk,  on  the  Ohio,  to  the  Beaver  ctsek,  some  of  whom 
settled  in  Kaskaskunk ;  others,  who  showed  an  eKrnest  wish  to  be 
converted,  and  promised  to  live  in  conformity  to  the  rules  of  the 
congregation,  obtained  leave  to  live  at  Friedenstadt. 

"The  Brethren  were  at  this  time  incessantly  troubled  by  the 
most  daring  lies,  propagated  by  the  savages,  who  even  counterfeited 
letters  and  messages  from  the  chiefs  to  them.  In  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1771,  a  very  peremptory  message  of  this  kind  was  bit}ught  to 


mi. 


MORAVIAKS  ON  BBAVBB  BIVBB. 


88T 


Friedenstadt,  as  coming  from  the  chief  and  council  at  Gekelemuk- 
pechuenk ;  demanding  that  an  Indian  woman,  lately  converted  to 
the  trath,  and  baptized  by  the  Brethren,  should  be  sent  back  imme- 
diately, or  she  should  be  taken  away  by  force.  This  message 
appearing  dangerous  in  its  consequences.  Brother  Zeisberger  him- 
self set  cut  on  the  5th  of  March,  with  three  Indian  brethren,  fbr 
Gekelemukpechuenk. 

"On  the  road  they  experienced  great  hardships,  in  wading 
through  tracts  of  deep  snow  and  much  water,  and  did  not  arrive 
there  until  the  13th.  They  lodged  in  the  house  of  the  head  chief, 
Netawatwees,  where  they  met  with  a  kind  reception,  and  had  soon 
an  opportunity  of  preaching  Jesus  and  him  crucified  to  the  inhabi- 
tants!, who  assembled  in  great  numbers  to  hear  the  missionary. 
Brother  Zeisberger  then  requested  a  meeting  of  the  council,  and 
read  to  them  the  above-mentioned  letter.  It  was  then  discovered 
that  neither  the  chief  nor  the  council  knew  any  thing  of  it,  but 
that  one  of  the  counselors  present  had  written  it  on  his  own  author- 
ity, and  signed  it  with  two  fictitious  names.  Being  thus  detected, 
ho  was  publicly  confounded;  the  whole  council  expressed  great 
indignation  at  the  contents  of  the  letter,  and  agreed  perfectly  with 
the  declaration  of  the  missionary  and  the  Indian  brethren,  that  as 
they  could  and  would  not  detain  any  Indian  in  their  settlement 
against  his  will,  either  by  persuasion  or  force,  so  no  Indian  ought 
to  be  compelled  to  leave  them,  the  Indians  being  altogether 
a  free  people,  who  in  all  things  might  act  according  to  their  own 
minds. 

"After  this,  Brother  Zeisberger  staid  several  days  in  Gekele- 
mukpochuenk,  and  found  many  attentive  hearers,  but  likewise 
raa^' '  avowed  enemies,  who,  though  they  dared  not  publicly  to 
contradict  the  missionary  himself,  raged  with  immoderate  fuiy 
against  his  Indian  assistant',  flx\d  their  testimony.  One  said 
to  Isaac:  '"What  do  you  convahtrefoi  spreading  your  new  doc- 
trines among  our  people  ?  I  liavc  c  v;<'od  mind  to  kick  you  alto- 
gether out  of  doors.  And  ever,  it  all  i.\o  Indians  should  embrace 
your  doctrine,  I  certainly  would  not.'  J  '.is  opposition  arose  chiefly 
from  the  insinuations  of  *he  above-mention  ^d  Indian  preachers, 
wlio  had  so  strenuously  recommended  emetics,  as  a  sure  mode  of 
cleansing  from  ain,  that  in  this  town  the  practice  was  general.  The 
missionaiy  endeavored  to  convince  the  people,  that  though  an 
emetic  might  benefit  their  stomachs,  yet  it  could  never  cleanse 
their  hearts,  but  that  the  blood  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of  God,  ap- 
plied in  faith  to  our  sin-sick  souls,  was  alone  able  to  cleanse  and 


868 


MISSIONABIRS  THRBATINBD  SY  INDIANS. 


1771. 


change  them.  Having  recommended  these  people  in  fen^ent 
prayer  to  the  mercy  of  God  oor  Savionr,  he  returned  with  his  com- 
pany to  Friedenstadt 

*'He  had  scarcely  left  Qekelemnkpechnenk,  when  a  renowned 
heathen  preacher  arrived,  and  spread  great  confusion  among  the 
people,  by  decTaring  that  the  missionary  was  even  known  -among 
the  whites  as  a  noted  seducer  of  the  Indians,  who,  whenever  he  had 
drawn  a  large  party  aside,  sent  them  over  the  great  ocean,  and  sold 
them  for  slaves,  where  they  were  harnessed  to  the  pIou;^h,  and 
whipped  on  to  their  work.  By  these  lying  insinuations  he  gained 
•nch  an  ascendency  over  the  timid  minds  of  the  Indians,  that  he 
Boon  became  the  leader  of  a  large  party,  and  the  Brethren  were 
•oca  convinced,  that  to  plant  the  gospel  in  the  country,  to  which 
the  congregations  at  Friedenshuetten  and  Tschechschequannink 
were  now  invited,  would  be  attended  with  great  difficulties.  Brother 
Ziesberger  says  in  one  of  his  letters:  *Here  God  must  work  a 
miracle,  for  Satan  has  many  strongholds,  which  he  has  well 
fortified.' 

*'  In  Kaskaskunk,  the  enmity  against  the  Brethren  >>ecame  more 
general,  especially  as  the  lies  spread  in  Gekelmukpechuenk  soon 
found  their  way  thither,  and  though  it  afterward  happened,  that 
their  author,  and  Indian  preacher,  lost  his  senses,  and  ran  abont 
the  woods  raving  mad,  yet  the  enmity  against  the  Brethren,  and  all 
who  attende'^.  their  meetings,  did  not  subside  in  the  least. 

**To  this,  we  may  add  the  dreadful  rumors  of  war,  heard  aboat 
this  time ;  for  which  several  murders,  committed  by  the  white  peo- 
^e,  seemed  to  hold  out  sufficient  provocation.  Many  people  were 
on  these  accounts  led  to  forsake  their  dwellings,  and  to  remove  to 
'Knakaskunk  and  its  neighborhood.  Thus  Friedenstadt  was  soon 
surrounded  by  troops  of  savages,  from  whom  nothing  but  disturb- 
ance could  be  expected ;  which,  alas,  they  too  soon  experienced. 
Some,  who  staid  only  a  few  days  at  Friedenstadt,  proved  exceedingly 
troublesome,  br  their  drunken  and  riotous  behavior,  and  even 
threatened  to  murder  all  the  inhabitants,  and  destroy  the  set- 
tlement. 

"Brother  Zeisberger,  who  by  this  time  was  well  known  among 
various  Indian  tribes,  was  a  marked  object  of  their  hatred  and 
malice,  and  frequently  in  danger  of  being  shot.  Some  malicious 
people  came  one  evening  very  late  to  Friedenstadt,  and  would  pos- 
itively compel  the  inhabitants  to  get  drunk.  When  they  found  all 
their  efibrts  vain,  they  threatened  to  murder,  first  the  teachers,  and 
then  the  whole  congregation,  and  made  such  a  hideous  roar,  t'aat 


1772. 


MOaiVLAKB  IHYITID  TO  HtTSKINaUM. 


869 


the  Indian  sistera  fled  into  die  wooda,  and  the  Brethren  w«t« 
obliged  to  keep  a  strong  and  strict  watch  aroand  the  dwelling  of 
the  missionaries. 

"  Notwithstanding  all  these  troubles,  the  work  of  God  prevailed 
and  increased  in  Friedenstadt,  and  the  congregation  grew  in  grace 
and  number.  May  the  27th,  1771,  the  foundation-stone  of  the 
chapel  was  laid,  and  on  the  20th  of  June,  the  building  was  dediosr 
ted  unto  the  Lord,  with  praise,  thanksgiving,  and  prayer,  as  a  place 
where  the  Gospel  should  be  preached  to  the  poor.  The  number  of 
constant  hearers  daily  increased ;  among  these,  there  was  one  who 
had  lost  his  scalp  in  the  war,  and  one  of  the  same  party  which  d^ 
stroyed  the  Brethren's  house  on  the  Mahony,  in  the  year  1755. 
This  man  was  often  so  moved  in  hearing  the  Gospel,  that  he  shed 
floods  of  tears.  Another  visitor  expressed  a  great  desire  to  know 
which  was  the  true  way  to  happiness.  He  said :  '  The  Quakers 
maintain  that  their  doctrine  is  true,  the  English  church  asserts  the 
same  of  theirs,  and  the  Brethren  say  that  the  word  they  preach  is 
the  word  of  God.'  The  Indian  assistants  toM  him,  that  if  he  was 
truly  desirous  to  be  informed,  he  should  come  to  Jesus,  who, 
through  God  blessed  forever,  became  a  man,  and  had  been  wounded 
for  our  transgressions.  He  vvould  then  soon  learn  to  know  him, 
and  receive  a  certainty  in  his  heart,  concerning  the  way  to  salva- 
tion: but  that  afterward  it  was  required  to  be  obedient  to  his  com- 
mandments. 

"  After  much  opposition  and  hesitation,  Chief  Pakanke,  hitherto 
an  enemy  of  the  Gospel,  resolved  at  last  to  go  to  Friendenstadt. 
He  staid  there  several  days,  heard  the  Gospel  with  great  attention, 
changed  his  sentiments,  and  even  exhorted  his  children  to  go  to 
the  Brethren,  hearken  to  their  words,  and  believe  on  Jesus. 

"  October  21st,  Brother  John  Heckewelder,  who  was  appointed 
assistant  missionary,  and  November  27th,  the  four  families  expected 
from  Friedcnshuetten,  arrived  safe  at  Friedenstadt.  All  rejoiced 
at  the  resolution  of  the  two  congregations  to  follow  them  hither, 
and  willingly  offered  their  assistance  in  making  plantations,  and 
planting  Indian  corn  for  them. 

"As  the  enmity  of  the  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  Kas- 
kaskunk  and  other  savage  neighbors  rather  increased,  and  the  latter 
encroached  more  and  more  upon  the  borders  of  Friedenstadt,  the 
believing  Indians  petitioned  the  chief  and  council  at  Kaskaskuok 
for  protection,  but  were  told  that  their  request  could  not  be 
granted.  This  was  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1772.  At  the 
same  time  the  Brethren  received  a  kind  message  from  the  chief 


870 


ZBISBIROKR  yum  MUSKDrOUlf. 


1772. 


snd  coancil  at  Gekelemukpechuenk,  inviting  them  and  the  two 
congrogations  at  Friedenshuetten  and  Tschechschequanuink  tD 
come  and  settle  in  their  country,  near  tlie  river  Muskingum,  upon 
whatever  tracts  of  land  they  might  choose.  Upon  mature  consid- 
eration, it  was  found  most  expedient  that  Brother  Zeisberger  should 
first  take  a  journey  to  view  the  country  on  the  Muskingum,  and 
there  fix  upon  a  spot  suitable  for  a  settlement,  that  he  should  then 
consult  and  settle  every  thing  relating  to  this  afiair  with  the  chiefs 
at  Gekelemukpechuenk,  and  soon  after  remove  to  the  new  place 
with  a  few  &milies  from  Friedenstadt,  and  establish  a  regular  mission 
there ;  but  that  the  congregations  at  Friedenshutten  and  Tschech* 
schequannink  should  first  go  and  dwell  in  or  near  Friedenstadt, 
until  it  should  be  proper  for  them  to  move  to  the  Muskingum. 

"Brother  Zeisberger  set  out  on  this  expedition  on  the  11th  of 
March,  1772,  with  a  few  Indian  brethren,  and  on  the  16th  discov- 
ered a  large  tract  of  land  situated  hot  far  from  the  banks  of  the 
Muskingum,  about  thirty  miles  from  Gekelemukpechuenk,  with  a 
good  spring,  a  small  lake,  good  planting  grounds,  much  game,  and 
every  other  convenience  for  the  support  of  an  Indian  colony. 
This  place  was  about  seventy  miles  from  Lake  Erie,  and  seventy- 
five  miles  west  of  Friedenstadt.  It  appeared,  that  formerly  a  large 
fortified  Indian  town  stood  on  this  spot,  some  ramparts  and  the 
ruins  of  three  Indian  forts  being  still  visible.  After  this  discovery  he 
went  to  Gekelemukpechuenk,  and  informed  the  council  that  the 
converted  Indians  had  thankfully  accepted  of  their  invitation, 
desiring  that  the  tract  of  land  he  had  just  now  discovered  might  be 
given  to  them.  In  answer  to  this  request  he  heard  with  great 
pleasure,  that  this  was  the  very  spot  of  ground  destined  by  the 
chiefs  and  council  for  them.  They  also  determined,  in  a  solemn 
manner,  that  all  the  lands,  from  the  entrance  of  the  Gekelemuk- 
pechuenk creek  into  the  river  Muskingum  to  Tuscarawi  should 
belong  to  the  converted  Indians,  and  that  no  other  Indians  should 
be  permitted  to  settle  upon  them :  further,  that  all  Indians  dwel- 
ling on  the  borders  of  this  country  should  be  directed  to  behave 
peaceably  toward  them  and  their  teachers,  and  neither  disturb 
their  worship,  nor  prevent  people  from  going  to  them  to  hear  the 
word  of  God. 

"  Zeisberger  praised  the  Lord  for  his  gracious  help  in  the  execu- 
tion of  this  important  commission,  and  having  again  visited  the 
above-mentioned  country,  took  possession  of  it  in  the  name  of  the 
Christian  Indians,  wl  j  were  uncommonly  rejoiced  by  the  account 
of  his  success,  given  on  his  return  to  Friedenstadt 


1772. 


MISSIOHART  fAMILIBS  RBUOVB  TO  MUSKIirOUM. 


871 


<'Five  families,  consisting  in  all  of  twenty-eight  persona,  were 
now  appointed  to  begin  the  new  settlement,  and  were  vUling  to 
undertake  it.  Brother  Zeisberger  set  out  with  them  on  the  14th 
of  April,  1772,  and  after  a  safe  but  tedious  journey,  arrived  May 
8d  at  the  new  land  on  the  Muskingum.  The  day  following  they 
marked  out  their  plantations,  erected  field-huts,  and  were  all 
diligently  employed  in  clearing  land  and  planting." 

The  place  they  chose  for  the  new  settlement  on  the  Muskingum, 
was  about  seventy  miles  south-west  from  Friedenstadt,  and  about 
an  equal  distance  from  Lake  Erie.    It  appeared  that  formerly  a 
large  Indian  town  stood  on  the  spot,  some  ramparts  and  ruins  of 
three  Indian  forts  being  still  visible.    The  mission  of  the  Moravians 
to  the  Indians  in  North  America  had  existed  for  thirty  years,  and 
during  that  period  there  had  been  baptized  seven  hundred  and 
twenty  Indians.    The  first  settlement  they  made  on  the  Mus- 
kingum was  called  Schdnbrun,  "a  beautiful  clear  spring,"  and  was 
located  about  three  miles  south  of  New  Philadelphia,  in  Tus- 
carawas county,  Ohio.     Shortly  afterward  they  settled  also  at 
Gnadenhutten,  seven  miles  south  of  SchiSnbrun,  and  Salem,  a  fer/ 
miles  below  Gnadenhutten.     In  1776,  a  new  settlement  named 
Lichtenau  was  made,  thirty  miles  from  Schdnbrun ;  and  around 
these  grew  up  other  villages  and  hamlets  of  Christian  Indians,  who 
had  adopted  the  civilization  and  the  faith  of  the  Moravians.     The 
chiefs  of  the  tribe  were  favorably  disposed,  {he  people  manifes- 
ted a  great  interest,  the  Moravian   church   steadily  increased, 
and  the  knowledge  of  the  Moravian  teachings  spread  among  the 
children  of  the  wilderness. 

For  a  while  too,  they  were  beyond  the  border  and  away  from 
the  influence  and  hostility  of  the  white  men,  and  away  from  the 
embarrassment  of  the  border  wars. 

The  war  of  1774  in  no  way  affected  them,  other  than  it  excited 
the  fear  that  the  war  might  extend  to  their  country,  and  both  the 
missionaries  and  their  people  were  prepared  to  escape  to  the 
Cuyahoga  river,  if  the  whites  had  been  beaten  at  the  battle  of 
Point  Pleasant.  During  the  years  that  followed,  the  Brethren  were 
allowed  peaceably  to  pursue  their  labor,  in  the  confidence  of  the 
people  and  under  the  protection  of  the  council  of  the  Delaware 
tribe. 

But  their  peace  was  soon  broken.  They  were  between  two  parties 
in  the  war  of  Independence.  Detroit  was  the  head-quarters  of  the 
British,  and  Fort  Pitt  of  the  Americans.    The  Wyandots  and  pMt 


S72        UXS8I0HAKXBS  AND  0ONVSKT8  SBTTLBD  AT  HUBKIXQUH.    1778. 

of  the  DeUwares  wore  the  partiiana  of  the  British ;  the  Christian 
villagers  were  neutral,  in  accordance  with  their  principles.  While 
they  declined  the  alliance  of  either  party,  lUv.y  felt  obliged  by 
their  religion  to  extend  the  duties  of  hospitalitj  io  both.  It  thus 
became  exceedingly  difficult  to  preserve  any  neutrality  between 
tiio  contending  parties.  It  was  necessary,  in  order  to  avoid  their 
hostility,  to  furnish  provisions  to  the  Indian  war  parties  on  their 
way  to  attack  the  whites ;  it  was  an  act  of  Christian  benevolence  to 
extend  sympathy  to  their  prisoners,  and,  in  that  way,  they  were 
vuspected  of  partiality  to  the  British  interest.  It  was  contrarj  to 
their  religion  to  take  up  the  hatchet  so  persistently  oti'ered  them  by 
the  warlike  Indians,  and  their  motives  for  refusing  could  only  be  in- 
terpreted by  the  warriors  as  a  sympathy  with  the  Americans.  On  the 
one  hand,  therefore,  a  party  of  Americans  crossed  the  Ohio  in  the  fall 
«f  1777,  with  the  design  of  destroying  the  Moravian  towns,  but 
were  met  and  defeated  by  a  party  of  Wyandots.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  commandant  at  Detroit  sent  them  a  message  in  1778, 
declaring  that  he  would  compel  all  the  Indians,  Christian  or  not,  to 
fight  the  Americans,  and  if  they  did  not  obey  hb  orders,  all 
missions  among  them  should  be  at  an  end. 

They  were  fully  warned  of  the  dangerous  position  they  occupied, 
but  failed  to  realize  the  extent  of  their  danger.  A  chief  of  the 
WyandotJ  visited  them]  in  the  spring  of  1781,  to  advise  them  of 
ibeir  peril,  and  to  persuade  them  to  seek  a  place  of  greater  safety. 

"My  'jousins,"  said  ho,  "you  Christian  Indians  in  Qnadcnhutten, 
Schdnbrun  and  Salem,  I  am  concerned  on  your  account,  as  I  see 
you  live  in  a  dangerous  situation.  Two  mighty  and  angry  gods 
stand  opposite  to  each  other  with  their  mouths  open,  and  you  stand 
between  them  and  are  in  danger  of  being  crushed  by  the  one  or 
the  other  or  both  of  them,  and  crumbled  with  their  teeth." 

"Uncle,"  replied  they,  "and  you  Shawanese,  our  nephews,  we 
have  not  hitherto  seen  our  situation  so  dangerous  as  not  to  stay 
here.  We  live  in  peace  with  all  mankind  and  have  nothing  to  do 
with  the  war.  We  desire  and  request  no  more  than  that  we  may 
be  permitted  to  live  in  peace  and  quiet  We  will  preserve  year 
words  and  consider  them,  and  send  you,  uncle,  an  answer." 

McKee,  Girty  and  Elliot  were  especially  hostile  to  the  mission- 
«ries,  and  were  continually  seeking  to  excite  the  heathen  Indians 
to  murder  Zeisberger,  and  destroy  the  mission.  Girty,  indeed,  led 
«  party  at  one  time  from  Sandusky,  to  capture  and  murder  the 
venerable  missionary,  and  had  even  taken  him  prisoner,  but  he  was 
iwscued  by  a  band  of  friendly  Delawaree,  and  saved.    Girty  and 


1781. 


BIBTH  OV  MART  HBOKXWBLDIK. 


87» 


his  associates,  however,  continued  to  excite  the  Indians  to  rid  themr 
BolvoB  of  the  missionaries.  Under  their  influence,  the  Six  Nations 
sent  a  message  to  the  Chippewas  and  Ottuwas,  asking  them  to 
marder  the  Christian  Indians.  They  declined,  and  the  same  mes- 
sage was  sent  to  the  Wyandots.  Thoy  too  wore  unwilling  to  bear 
the  odium  of  the  act;  but  a  party  of  them,  after  great  persuasion, 
was  induced  by  Elliot  to  accompany  him  to  the  Christian  settle- 
ment. Arrived  there,  Elliot  professed  great  friendship  to  the 
missionaries,  to  conceal  his  purpose.  His  design  was  to  murder 
the  Christians;  but  his  Indians  could  not  be  trusted  to  perform  the 
work.  He  therefore  contented  himself  with  taking  the  missioup 
aries  prisoners  to  Sandusky,  and  wit^  >mpelling  the  Christian 
Indians  to  abandon  their  improveui  its  and  remove  thither. 
Accordingly  they  abandoned  their  villages,  and  the  corn  in  their 
fields,  taking  with  them  only  their  cattle  and  some  provisions,  and 
on  the  11th  of  September  set  out,  in  obedience  to  the  orders  of  the 
Indians,  to  proceed  to  Sandusky.  Mary  Heckewelder,  the  daughter 
of  the  missionary,  who  was  born  on  the  16th  of  April,  1781,  and  i» 
supposed  to  be  the  first  white  child  born  north  of  the  Ohio,  says : 

"Soon  after  my  birth,  times  becoming  very  troublesome,  the 
settlements  were  often  in  danger  from  war  parties ;  and  finally,  in 
the  beginning  of  September,  of  the  same  year,  we  were  all  made 
prisoners.  First,  four  of  the  missionaries  were  seized  by  a  party  of 
Huron  warriors,  and  declared  prisoners  of  war ;  they  were  then  led 
into  the  camp  of  the  Delawares,  where  the  death-song  was  sung 
over  them.  Soon  after  they  had  secured  them,  a  number  of  war- 
riors marched  off  for  Salem  and  SchSnbrun. 

"About  thirty  savages  arrived  at  the  former  place  in  the  dusk  of 
the  evening,  and  broke  open  the  mission  house.  Here  they  took 
my  mother  and  myself  prisoners,  and  having  led  her  into  the  street^ 
and  placed  guards  over  her,  they  plundered  the  house  of  everything 
thoy  could  take  with  them  and  destroyed  what  was  left.  Then, 
going  to  take  my  mother  along  with  tiiem,  the  savages  were  pre- 
vailed upon,  through  the  intercession  of  the  Indian  females,  to  let 
her  remain  at  Salem  till  the  next  morning — ^the  night  being  dark 
and  rainy  and  almost  impossible  for  her  to  travel  so  far — they,  at 
last,  consented  on  condition  that  she  should  be  brought  into  the 
oamp  the  next  morning,  which  was  accordingly  done,  and  she  was 
safely  conducted  by  our  Indians  to  Gnadenhutten. 

"After  experiencing  the  cruel  treatment  of  the  savages  for  some 
time,  they  were  set  at  liberty  again,  but  were  obliged  to  leave  their 
floarishing  settlementsi,  and  forced  to  march  through  a  dreary 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


1.1 


Ittlgl    125 

mm 

£  Ui   12.0 


22 


llm^^^^S     mil 


U   11.6 


^^ 


^^' 
.^^, 


^ 


V 


'/ 


FhotograiJiic 

ScMices 

QapoBtion 


^ 


\ 


\ 


33  WKT  MAIN  STUnT 

Wllfni,N.Y.  14StO 

(7U)t73-4S03 


4^ 


^ 


t74       MORAYiANS^  ro»qiii>  now  mvskihoum  to  sandvbkt.    1781. 
■■•  ■;  '^'^•r'.  ■.•"-'■"■■  :    ■ '  -.■    ■ 

wildenieM  to  Fp^r  iSftndaslgr.  We  w«tit'  %>  liii^  tbroagh 
Qoaeaobgaenk  to  the  Walhoiiding,  and  then  pftrtly  by  water  and 
partly  idottg  the  bankii  of  the  river,  to  Itondasky  creek. 

**■  All  the  way  I  wise  carried  by  an  Indian  woman,  oarefnlly  wrapt 
in  a  blanket,  on  her  back.  Our  journey  was  exceedingly  tedions 
and  dangeroos;  some  of  the  canoes  snnk,  and  those  that  were  in 
them  lost  all  their  proviinonB  and  everything  they  had  saved. 
Those  that  went  by  land  drove  the  cattle,  a  pretty  laige  herd.  The 
savages  now  drove  ns  along,  the  missionaries  with  4heir  families 
nsnally  in  their  midst,  surrounded  by  their  Indian  converts.  The 
roads  were  exceedingly  bad,  leading  through  a  continuation  of 
•wamps. 

"Having  arrived  at  Upper  Sandusly,  they  built  small  huts  of 
logs  and  bark  to  screen  them  from  the  cold,  having  neither  beds 
nor  blankets,  and  being  reduced  to  the  greatest  poverty  and  want; 
for  the  savages  had  by  degrees  stolen  almost  every  thing,  both  from 
^e  missionaries  and  Indians,  on  the  journey.  We  lived  here 
extremely  poor,  often-time^, very  little  or  notiiing  to  satisfy  ths 
cravings  of  hunger;  and  the  poorest  of  the  Indians  were  obliged  to 
Uve  upon  their  dead  cattle,  which  died  for  want  of  pasture." 

The  missionaries  were  carried  prisoners  to  Detroit^  and  exauuued 
before  the  commandant.  Nothing  appeared  to  implicate  them  in 
the  revolutionaiy  interest,  except  the  fact  of  translating  letters  to 
the  Indians  from  the  officers  at  Fort  Pitt,  and  after  strict  inquiiy, 
they  were  set  at  liberty,  treated  with  kindness,  and  permitted  to 
return  to  their  flock  at  Sandusky.  No  sooner  had  they  arrived 
tiiither,  than  Giriy  again  began  to  plot  their  destruction.  To  ftirther 
his  purpose,  be  forged  a  letter  in  the  name  of  the  half-king,  to  ths 
commandant  at  Detroit,  charging  the  missionaries  with  being  u 
correspondence  with  the  Americans  at  Pittsbuigh,  and  demanding 
their  removal  agun  to  Detroit  On  this  pretext,  an  order  was  sent 
to  Qiriy  to  bring  them  back.  They  were  immediately  sent  off 
under  the  charge  of  Lavallie,  a  I^renchman,  who  treated  them  on 
the  way  with  es^cial  kindness.  At  Lower  Sandusky,  they  wen 
transfeired  to  the  custody  of  Girty,  and  on  their  way  fh>m  there  to 
Detroit,  suffered  all  the  indignity  and  abuse  his  savage  nature  wia 
capable  of  inflicting. 

The  British  commandant  received  them  Idndly,  assured  them 
that  he  was  convinced  of  their  innocence,  and  that  he  had  sent  for 
them  only  to  protect  them.  They  remained  there  under  his  pro* 
tection  for  a  time ;  and,  convinced  that  they  could  not  safely  re- 
occupy  the  settiement  on  the  Muskingum,  they  chose  a  location 


1T82. 


amAXf  OOHVBKTfr  imUSir  XO  OATHXIt  OOBH. 


m 


ibr  a  new  tettlement  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hanm  river,  abtMii 
thirty  milm  ahove  Detroit  Thither  they  removed,  gathered  their 
Ibidian  oonverte  aroand  them,  and  hoilt  a  village,  to  which  thegr 
gave  the  name  of  Kew  Onadenhntten. 

Meanwhile,  the  Ghriatian  Indians,  who  had  beien  canied  in  tlie 
fill!  to  Bandasky,  were  exposed  to  great  snaring,  for  want  of  so^- 
cient  food  and  of  protection  fit>m  the  inclemency  of  the  winter. 
In  order  to  relieve  the  distress  of  the  congregation,  about  ouo 
hundred  and  fifty  of  them,  including  men,  women,  and  children^ 
returned,  in  February,  1782,  to  the  Muskingum,  to  gather  the  com 
that  had  been  left  in  the  fields,  and  cany  it  to  Sandusky  for  their 
support.  Intelligence  of  their  return  soon  reached  the  white  set- 
tlMnents;  and  a  party  of  eighty  or  ninety  men  rendezvoused  on 
the  Mingo  bottom,  under  the  command  of  Col.  David  Williamson, 
and  marched  immediately  to  the  Muskingum,  for  the  purpose  df 
destroying  the  settlements,  and  of  massacring  the  Ohristiati 
Indians. 

As  soon  as  Colonel  Gibson  heard  of  their  dedgn,  he  dispatched 
messengers  to  the  IndilCns,  to  warn  them  of  their  danger,  but  titey 
arrived  too  late.  They  were,  however,  advised  by  a  white  man, 
who  had  escaped  from  tiio  savages,  to  save  themselves  by  an  imme- 
diate flight.  But  the  warning  was  disregarded,  and  they  deter> 
mined  to  trust  to  what  they  supposed  was  the  friendly  feeling  of 
the  Americans. 

The  historian  Loskiel  details  at  length  the  story  of  their  mas- 
sacre, the  most  infamous  act  in  the  border  war  of  that  period,  and 
the  most  disgraceful  event  in  tiie  history  of  the  countiy : 

"Meanwhile  the  murderers  marched  first  to  Gnadenhutteh.; 
where  they  arrived  on  the  6th  of  March.  About  a  mile  from  the 
Mttlement,  they  met  young  Shebosch,  the  son  of  Brother  Sheboseh^ 
in  the  woods,  fired  at  him,  and  wounded  him  so  much  that  ha 
could  not  escape.  He  then,  according  to  the  account  of  the  mui^ 
derers  themselves,  begged  for  his  life;  representing  that  he  was 
Shebosch,  the  son  of  a  white  Christian  man.  But  they  paid  no 
attention  to  his  entreaties,  and  cut  him  to  pieces  with  their  hatohi> 
ets.  They  then  approached  the  Indians,  most  of  whom  were  in 
their  plantations,  and  surrounded  them  almost  imp«roeptibly;  bat 
feigning  a  friendly  behavior,  told  them  to  gb  home,  promimng  io 
do  them  no  ii\jury.  They  even  pretended  to  pity  them  on  account 
of  the  mischief  done  to  them  by  the  English  and  the  saVag^; 
tsiarii^  them  of  th*)  protection  and  friendship  of  the  Americans. 


IK 


OFDXAV  OONTnn  MUBDIUD. 


1782. 


^e  poor,  believiag  Indian^  knonri^g  notiiinif  of  ^  death  of 
jonog  Shebo9ch,  believed  every  word  thej  said,  went  borne  with 
tbem,  and  treated  fliem  in  tiie  moat  boapitable.  inan««r.  They: 
likewise  spoke  freely  concening  their  sentiments,  at  Christian 
Indians  who  had  never  taken  the  least  share  in  the  war.  They 
were  now  informed  that  they  dimild  not  retnm  to  Sandosky,  but 
go  to  Pittsburgh;  where  they  would  be:  out  of  the  way  of  any 
assault  made  by  the  English  or  the  savages.  This  they  hoard  with 
fe^nation;  concluding  that  God  would  perbapst  choose  this 
m«tiiod  to  put  an  end  to  their  present  sufferings.  Prepoesessed 
^tk  this  idea,  liiey  cheeiftilly  delivered  their  guns,  hatohet^  and 
other  weapons^  to  the  murderers;  who  promised  to  take  care  of 
them,  and  in  Pittsburgh  to  return  every  article^  its  rightful 
owner.  Our  Indians  even  showed  them  all  those  things  which 
they  had  secreted  in  the  woods,  assisted  in  peeking  them  up,  and 
emptied  all  their  beehives  for  Uieee  pretended  friends. 

**Inthe  meantime  the  asustant,  John  Martin,  went  to  Balem, 
and  brought  the  news  of  the  arrival  of  the  white  people  to  the 
Mieviug  Indians;  assuring'  them  that  they  need  not  be  afraid  to 
go  with  them,  for  they  were  come  to  carry  them  to  a  p)ace  of  safety, 
aad  to  affi>rd  them  protection  and  support  The  Salem  Indians  did 
not  hesitate  to  accept  of  this  proposal ;  believing  that  Qod  had  sent 
tito  AmericMis  to  release  them  from  their  disagreeably  situation  i^ 
Sandusky,  and  imagining  that,  when  they  had  arrived  at  Pitts- 
burgh, they  might  soon  find  a  safe  place  to  build  a  settlement,  aud 
easily  procure  advice  and  assistance  from  Bethlehem.  Thus  John 
Martin,  with  two  Salem  Bretiiren,  returned  to  Chiadenhutten,  to 
acquaint  both  their  Indian  brethren  and  the  whito  people  with 
tlMir  resolution.  The  latter  expressed  a  desire  to  see  Salem,  and 
a.  party  of  them  was  conducted  thither,  and  received  with  much 
fiiendBhip.  Here  they  pretended  the  same  good  will  and  affectioli 
toward  the  Indians  as  at  Qnadenhutten ;  and  easily  persuaded  them 
tft  return  with  them.  By  the  my  they  entered  into  much  spiritual 
tMiversation  with  our  Indians;  some  of  whom  spoke  English  well, 
giving  these  people,  who  feigned  great  piety,  proper  md  spirituid 
answers  to  many  questions  ooncemiag  religious  aubjectSi  The 
assistants,  Isaac  Gliokfaioan,.a.ooBV!erted  Indian  chie^  and  Israel, 
«Mire  no  lesa  unowe  and  oareaervedin  their  answers  to  some  politii* 
eal  quostions  started  by  the  white  people;  and  thus  the  murderers 
oirtained  a  fiill  and  satiilfiictory  account  of  the  present  situation  and 
ttatimonta  of  the  Indian  coagre^tion. 

**jMi  tk»  meantime^  the  dc&aaalMfr  Xnttans  at  Qnadeohntteo 


1781 


niviAv  ooinriBM  itVRDteiB. 


9tt 


were  taddenlj  attacked  and  driven  together  by  the  white  people; 
and  without  rerietaboe  seiced  and  bound.  The  Salekn  tndiane  now 
taet  the  same  fkte.  Before  Ihey  entered  Gnadenhntton,  th^y  were 
at  once  surprised  by  their  conductors,  robbed  of  their  guns,  and 
even  of  their  pocket  knives,  and  brought  boudd  into  the  settle- 
ment Soon  after  thill,  the  murdereirs  held  a  council,  and  resolv^ 
by  a  migoritj  of  votes,  to  murder  them  all  the  very  next  day. 
Those  who  were  of  a  different  opinion  wrung  their  haiids,  calling 
God  to  witness  that  they  were  innocent  of  the  blood  of  these  harm- 
leas  Christian  Indians.  But  the  minority  remained  unmoved,  and 
only  differed  concerning  the  mode  of  execution.  Some  were  for 
burning  them  alive,  others  for  ti^ng  their  scalps ;  and  the  latter 
was  at  last  agreed  upon;  upon  which  one  of  the  murderers  was 
sent  to  the  prisoners,  to  tell  them  that,  as  they  were  Ohristian 
Indians,  they  might  prepare  themselves  in  a  Christian  mimner,  foi 
they  must  all  die  to-morrow. 

"  It  may  easily  be  conceived  how  great  their  terror  was,  at  hear- 
ing a  sentence  so  unexpected.  However,  they  soon  recollected 
themselves;  and  patiently  suffered  the  murderers  to  lead  them  into 
two  houses,  in  one  of  which  the  Brethren,  and  in  the  other  the 
Sisters  and  children,  were  confined  like  sheep  ready  for  slaughter. 
They  declared  to  the  murderers,  that  though  they  could  call  Godf  ^ 
tomtness  that  they  were  perfectly  innocent,  yet  they  were  pre- 
pared and  willing  to  suffer  death.  But  as  they  had,  at  their  con- 
version and  baptism,  made  a  solemn  promise  to  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  that  they  would  live  unto  him,  and  endeavor  to  please  hint 
alone  in  this  world,  they  knew  that  they  had  been  deficient  in 
many  respects,  and  therefore  vnshed  to  have  some  time  granted,  to 
poor  out  their  hearts  before  him  in  prayer,  and  to  crave  his  men^ 
and  pardon.  This  request  being  complied  with,  they  spent  their 
last  night  here  below  in  prayer,  and  in  exhorting  each  other  to 
remun  Mthful  unto  the  end. 

"  One  brother,  named  Abraham,  who,  for  some  time  past,  had 
been  in  a  lukewarm  state  of  heart,  seeing  his  end  approaching,  * 
made  the  following  public  confession  before  his  brethren :  *  Dear 
Brethren  1  It  seems  as  if  we  should  all  soon  depart  unto  our 
Saviour,  for  our  sentence  b  fixed.  Yon  know  that  I  have  been  an 
untoward  child;  and  have  grieved  the  Lord  and  my  brethren  by, 
my  disobedience,  not  walking  as  I  ought  to  have  done.  But  stil^ 
I  will  now  cleave  to  my  Saviour  with  my  last  breath,  and  hdld  him 
fint,  thoQgh  I  am  so  great  a  sinner.  I  know  assuredly,  that  he  will 
forgive  me  all  my  sins,  and  not  cast  me  out'  The  Brethren  assured 
25 


av» 


nsEf*  wamaun  uvm 


1T83. 


him  of  thfiir  low  and  fti«pivMi«t»;  Mid  Wlb  thaj  aod  tiM  fliataw 
■p«iit  tholattw  pwtof  the  aigbt  ia  Magiog  pnitM  t»  Qod  tb^ 
Swrioui^  in  tU  j^fcibope  tha*  tkey  iMwlA  Mon  W'  aU*  to  yraiio- 
bim  wiUtODt  tin. 

**  Wban  tb»  di^  of  tbafar  taMontion  anivac^  oamely,  the  8tb  of 
Marcby  two  boMea  wora  fizod.  «po%  on*  tar  tba*  Bvatbaen,  and 
anotfaar  ft>r  iba  Bistaia  and  cbildaan;  to  wUieb  tbe  wantoa^  muk 
darara  ga?a  tba  nama  of  akuif^Utih-htmtM^  Soma  of  them  wmt  to 
tba  In^an  Brathrany  and  ■bowad.gvaafe  inpatieBaa  that,  tba  azaoi^ 
tloB  bad  not  yat  bagpaa;  to>  whiab  the  Brathvan  nqrliid  that  thsf 
wara  allraadgr  to  dia,  hairing!  oommandad  thaiv  immoftaltoala  to 
Qod;  who  bad  givan  tham  that  divina  aaannuuaiia  thmr  baart^i 
that  thay  aboald  eoma  to  him  and  ba  with  him  fbn«ar. 

"  Inunadiataly  after  tbia<  deobuation„  the  oanuga.  oonunenoed. 
The  po(»  innoaant  people^  man>,womaB»  and  ehildran,.  were  led* 
bound  two  and  two  together  with  ropeS),  into  the*  aboya«mantutted 
slaagibter-bonMi,  Mad  there,  eealpedr  and  nmrdered. 

(« Acoording  to  tha<  testimottf  of  Uta^  murderera  themiabras,  thej 
behaved  with  uncommon  patienoe^  aad  wait  to  meet  theiv  death* 
with  obeerfbl  reaignation.  The  abovnrmantioned  Abraham,  waa 
the  firat  yictim."  "One  of  the  partj;  took  up  a.oaoper'a  malleti 
which  Uqr  in  the  boose,  safingi  *  how  esMOtlf  this  will  anawer  foi 
the  businesa!'  Ha  then  began  with,  Abraham»  and  oontinoei 
knocking  down  one  after  the' other  imtil  he  bad  ooontedi  fourteen, 
whom  he  had  killed  with  hie  own.  bands.  He  now  handed  tba 
instrument  to  one  of  his  fellow^-mnrderera,, sayings '  m;  aam*  fiuls^ 
me;  go  on  in  the  same  way ;  I  think  I  bavo  doneipretlgf  well;' " 

"  A  Sister,  called  Christina,  who  bad  fovmcffly  lived,  with  tbs. 
Sisters  at  Bfl^ehem,  and  q>oke,  Snglisb  and  (ihuman  weU»  Ml  on. 
her  hneea  before  the  captain  of  tba  gang^  andbeggfd  for  her  lifoi 
but  was  told  that  ba  could  not  help  bar, 

**Thu8  ninety-six  persons  magnified  the  name  of  th0  lK»d,by 
patently  meeting  a  cmd  death.  Sixtrjj^-two  were  giowa  perrons, 
4imoi^  whom  were  five-of  the  most.valuabla  assiatanta^  and.thirtg^* 
four  were  childvan. 

"  Only  two  youths,, each  between  fifteen,  andsizteein  yeaiaiol^ 
eaeaped  almost.miraculoualyrfirom  the  handa<of  the  mnrdaiars.  One 
o|,  tbem,  seaing  that  tbi^  were  in  earnesty  w«a  so  foitnnata  as  to 
disangsge  himself  from  hia. bonds;  than  slipping  unobsarvad  from 
^  croiwd,  be  crept  throagb  a»  narrow  window  into,  the  cellar  <di 
tbnt  house,  in  which  the  Siatam  were  axaoutad  Their  blood  soon 
Bl«Ateated.t|||oqgb  tiie  flooring;  andraooordingtobisiacconnlynn 


1782. 
istMft 

li\k  oC 
I,  »& 

«Ki  to 

it  ihfif 
;»«!» to 
b6urti»i 

iienoed. 

ntiobedi 

M>tlM; 
iv  deftUii 

I  malleti 
iwer  £m 
Atmaed< 
fourteeo, 
idedthA 


tm. 


iOHMMM^  CNWYlMS'  ^tiJtWlL 


m 


One 
Mto 
from 

iBOOtt 

iat,i«A 


itt nmamkLtB  iht^Mitt  by  ^^Mdit it  tfppMMf  j^it^biAik^hik likoit, 
if  a«t  «lt  of  tbttii^  WOM  H&t  moroly  Mil]^  btiti  IHlod  Wtth  iMMob^ 
««ti  of  H^oidal  Tho  kd  MnMiMd  oofMealed  till  nigbt ;  attd  pNni< 
dotttialfy  so  o>*o  osttte  do#ia  ttf  seerob  tbo  otolNhr.  lie  tfaetiy  iHtk 
mvob  dlffioiil1;f ,  dfttAtfd  o^  tW  fiMI  Co  fho  #kkdOir,  Of«^  dltoii^» 
and  iWOitted  iiito  m  nMgitbWing  <if  oiiet 

«'  Thtf  ollM#  yonl^ri  iMMio  wito  TboAMtf.  tli«  tttttder^^  ttraolr 
him  Onfy  obo  \A<m  on  <ho  beind,  «6bk  Mf  titO^  abd  loft  bitH.  But 
after  MMno  tiino  >>  MOOt'M^ed'  bis  aoiMO^  iiid  Mnr  hitnMlf  rav- 
roandodbyblf  •tngfOorpgMl  Among  I3i«8e  b«  obsonrod  oiio  Bkv 
ther,  nakiiod!  Ab«l,  aioviilg  iibd  Oftdettn^ng  tio  fiaiso  bimMtf  up. 
But  bo  lomnined  lymi^  Ktill,  as  tbooglk  bO  wote  doad^  and  fbia  ean^ 
lion  proved  the  meant  of  delivoranoo;  for  aoon  nfter,  ono  of  Hio 
marderers  coming  in  and  observing  Abel's  motions,  killed  him 
witb  tiro  or  tbrdo  Mowsi  Thomas  lay  qoito  still  till  daric;  thongb 
sniferibg  ttao  moat  eiB^nitita  lo#mont.  He  tibon  v«ntafed  to  ereepi « 
to#ard  the  dow;  Had  observfik|f  nolN>dy  lb  th«  ueigbboibood,  got 
ont  and'  eeei^|Md  into'  tbo  woodsy  in  wbieb  b«  ooneealed  binwelf 
dnriing'  tho  night  TbOiM  t«ro  yotiths  aifteir«r«lrd  m«t  ib  tbo  wooda, 
and  <M  pMaorved  thom'  ftorn  bann  on  tbelr  joomey  to  Sandusky ; 
tboi^b  Hioy  povposely  tbok  a>  long  dIttwM,  and  snflEbrad'  gveat  bard> 
flhipa  andr  dai^r.  Belbre  they  lietlt  the  neighborhood  of  Gnaden- 
httttenv  tftey  obsofred  tlta'  murdeMH%  fl*om  behind  the  thteket, 
making  menry  after  dioiv  snooessftd  enterprise ;  and  at  last  setting 
fire  to  tho  two  siangbteri-boases  fflled  witlv  oorpaes. 

"  The  remainder  of  the  Indian  congregati'on,  who  wera  at  SchOtt- 
bran,  escaped  firom  the  bloody  hands  of  the  white  nfturdereis. 
Messengers'  going  to  Qnlidenbnttsn  fbmid  yonng  Sbeboseh  lying 
dead  and  tttilped  by  the  way-side ;  and  looMng  forward,  aaW  mainy 
white  people  in'  and  alHHit  OnadenbuttAi.  The*  congregation  at 
Soh«nbratt  inunecKately  took  to  flight,  and  ran  into  liie  woodft 
They  new  hei^ted  al  long  whiles  not  knowing  wbitber  to  tnlm,  or 
how  ta  proeeed.  Thna,  when  the  ttnrderert  arrived  at  Sdbitnp» 
bran,  the  Indians  w«ro  still  near,  observing  every  thing  tliat  Inq^ 
pened  there,  and  might  easily  have  been  diseovnred.  Bnt  here  the 
nnuderert  aeeuMM^  as  it  wete,  atrnde  wilik  blindnessl  Finding 
nobody  at  bone^  Ihey  ekamteed'  the  wooda  abont  the  town,,  bi^^ 
without  saooelMi  ^he^thaa  ckwilMiyed  and  set  ire'  to  the  settle^ 
ment;  and^  hMfinf  donei  the  slutte  atOnadenhniten  and Sidemy 
they  sel>  off  wilb  tUe  aoilpt  of  their viotinia,  rikratfifiy^  horses^ « 
nombei^  of  blaniBtti^  and  otb^  M^el^  and  marohed  back  to 
Pittsbuigkh 


860 


BORDm^  UAMM  ▲»«»■»  ixminoN. 


1783. 


**  To  deaoribe  ihtt  gri«f  ftod  tmnxr  d  th*  iDdian  eoagragalioi^ 
on  hMuring  that  lo  Uuige  •  nnmbar  of  iti  memben  were  so  araelly 
nuiMaer^d,  is  impoMible.  I^arentt  wept  and  moniLed  for  the  k>M 
of  their  ohikben,  hnebandi  for  their  wiyee,  wives  for  their  hns- 
banda,  children  for  their  parenta,  brothera  for  their  sistera,  and  sis- 
tMB  for  their  brothera.  And  having  now  alao  loat  their  teaohen, 
who  need  to  aympathlae  with  and  participate  in  all  their  aorrows, 
and  to  atrengthen  their  reliance  upon  the  fidthfolneaeof  Ood,  their 
grief  waa  almoat  insupportable.  Bat  they  innrmured  not,  nor  did 
they  call  for  vengcinoe  upon  the  marderera,  bat  prayed  for  them ; 
and  their  greatest  conaolation  waa  a  ftall  assarance,  that  all  tlieir 
beloved  relations  were  now  at  home,  in  the  presence  of  the  Lord, 
and  in  fall  poaaeaaion  of  everlasting  happiness." 

The  anccesa  of  the  expedition  of  Williamson^  excited  tite  bor- 
iiderers  to  prepare  another  invasion  of  the  Indian  country,  to  finish 
the  destmction  of  the  Ohristlan  Indians  by  the  massacre  of  the 
fugitives  at  Sandus^.  It  was  set  on  foot  immediately  after  the 
return  of  Williamson's  party  from  the  Muskingum.  The  number 
of  men  who  volunteered  for  the  campaign  was  four  hundred  and 
eighty,  composed  of  tiie  greater  number  of  Williamson's  men,  of 
the  Virginia  IxHrderera  on  the  Ohio,  and  of  one  company  from 
Washington  county,  Pennsylvania.  They  rendeavpused  at  the 
Mingo  bottoms,  on  the  25th  of  May.  Here  an  election  for  comman- 
der was  held;  Colonels  Williamson  and  Crawford  were  the  candi- 
dates. Crawford  was  elected,  and  accepted  the  office,  it  is  said, 
witii  reluctance. 

The  army  marched  along  Williamson's  trail,  and  arrived  at  the 
ruins  of  the  Moravian  towns  on  the  fourth  day  of  their  march. 
There  aome  Indians  were  discovered,  but  they  esci^ed.  They  had 
been  observing  the  motions  of  the  troops  ever  since  they  had 
crossed  tixe  river;  they  had  learned  the  objects  oi  the  expedition, 
and  even  the  thre«t  that  "  no  quarter  should  be  given  to  any  Iidian, 
whether  man,  woman  or  child,"  had  been  copied,  carried  to  6sd- 
dudcy,  and  read  to  them. 

On  the  4th  of  June,  they  arrived  at  the  Moravian  village  on  the 
Sandust^  river,  but  it  was  abandoned.  Here  many  of  the  men 
were  anxious  to  abandon  the  enterprise  Mid  return  home;  but  a 
council  of  the  officera  was  held,  and  it  waa  determined  to  advance 
for  another  day  in  the  direction  of  Sandualcy,  then  forty  miles  dis- 
tant They  h4d  not  proceeded  fiur  when  the  advance  WM  suddenly 
attacked  by  a  laige  force  of  Indians,  concealed  in  the  grass.    The 


HM. 


BOBDlftllt  OTBrnPOimiD  AT  aAHOVIKT. 


Ml 


•  battle  bated  withoat  oewitioii  till  dark,  Md  th*  strnf  f«8ted  In 
porition  daring  tiie  night,  Mud  the  next  dfty  »  oonneil  of  the  oAoen 
WM  held.  The  indi»M  were  appMrently  inoraeeing  every  hour,  And 
it  WM  reeolred  to  retreait  daring  the  next  night  After  daik 
the  army  wat  disposed  in  order  for  retreat,  .when  sereral  shots 
were  fired  by  the  Indians,  and  many  of  the  men  thinking  that 
the  moyeuent  of  the  army  was  discovered,  left  the  main  body 
in  disorder  and  attempted  to  escape  in  the  darkness.  The  Indians 
followed  the  main  army  bat  a  short  distance  and  tamed  to  parsne 
the  stragglers.  More  than  a  hnndred  of  these  were  killed  or 
taken. 

Orawford  would  probably  have  made  good  hie  retreat,  bat  that 
he  lingered  behind  in  anxiety  for  his  son,  whom  he  supposed  was 
yet  in  the   rear.     After  wmdering  two  days  in   the  woods 
with  Dr.  Knight,  both  were  taken  by  a  party  of  Delawares,  and 
condaoted  to  the  Old  Wyandot  town.    Here  Oaptain  Pipe,  withi 
his  own  hands,  painted  the  prisoners  blaelt,  a  certain  premonition 
of  the  doom  that  awaited  them.    From  thence  they  were  taken  to 
the  New  Wyandot  town,  passing  on  the  way  the  mangled  remains  of 
a  nnmber  of  their  fellow  captives.    At  the  new  .town,  the  place 
appointed  for  the  execution  of  Crawford,  they  found  the  noted 
Simon  Girty.    It  had  been  decided  that  Crawford  should  die  by 
the  most  aggravated  torture,  to  atone  in  some  degree  for  the  mur- 
ders by  WiUiamson  and  bis  men  at  Gnadenhutten.    After  be  was 
bound  to  the  fatal  post^  the  surviving  Christian  Indians  were  called 
upon  to  eome  forth  and  take  vengeance  on  the  prisoner;  but  they 
had  withdrawn,  and  their  savage  relations  stepped  forward  in  their 
stead.    Befine  the  work  of  torture  was  commenced.  Captain  Pipe 
addressed  the  Indians  at  some  length,  and  in  the  most  earnest  man- 
ner, at  the  dose  of  which  they  all  joined  in  a  hideous  yell,  and 
prepared  for  the  work  in  hand.    The  .fire  was  kindled,  when  it 
occurred  to  poor  Crawford,  that  among  the  sachems  he  had  a  par- 
ticolar  friend,  named  Wingemund.    "  Where  is  my  friend  Winge- 
mund  f "  he  asked,  "I  wish  to  see  him."    It  is  true  that  this  chief 
had  been  the  warm  friend  of  Colonel  Crawford,  by  whom  he  had 
been  entertained  at  his  own  house.    Under  these  circumstances, 
Crawford  indulged  a  &int  degree  of  hope,  that  if  he  could  see  the 
chief,  his  life  might  yet  be  saved.    Wingemund  was  not  hx  dis- 
tant, having,  in  fact,  retired  from  the  place  of  execution,  that  he 
might  not  behold  what  he  could  not  prevent    He  was  sent  for, 
however,  and  an  interesting  and  even  affecting  conversation  en- 
sued between  himself  and  the  prisoner.    This  conversation  was 


OpLOim.  «lA«f«W 


ITU 


tiQamM^ J"    **X «q»," mvM  ^  iPoUmel,  simI  iUmi  oo&irtnwtloo 
ivip  thvi  ^ntfi^u»d   4h(»  ohtaT  ^teaoFeiipf^  miioli  agittlioB  m4  «m- 

f^^MUiM*  Tm»  I  nwiMDber  aU  tbiiit  ami  tiifl  wt  liMr#  often 
4riiii)p  iti9g«tlitr>  im4  thut  job  hi»v;«  Immii  kin4fto  me. 

**  CM.  C    Then  I  hope  the  same  Mendahip  still  cootinaeflu 

**8mihm^  ^WfraldfOfeowiiie,  w«re|iOAwhiei»yo«o«giittobe, 
jiiul  pol  hepe. 

**09L  p.  And  wibij  mnk  hiwra  t  I  hop#  jpn  wmli  not  dasert  a 
JQrIfnd  In  time  of  need;  now  is  tbis  time  £wr  joa  tp  eiAit  yowrself  in 
»,my  belialf,  aa  X  attould  do  for  yon  weiee  yon  in  my  plaoa. 

**S9ehm.  Col.  Cni^ord,  you  have  plaoed  yonraalf  in  a  sitna- 
^on  which  pnta  it  ont  of  n^y  power,  and  Ihat  of  othtm  of  your 
|Kend«i  to  do  iw»y  thing  for  yon. 

t*OoL  C    Hov  ao,  Captain  Wingwoinnd  T 

^*Shchemp  ]3y  joining  yonnelf  to  that  exewable  man,  WilUam- 
fon  and  his  party.  The  man  who,  hnt  the  otbar  d^,  mufdered 
aneh  a  nnmbar  of  the  Moravian  Indiana,  knowing  them  to  be 
ifirianda ;  knowing  tha^  he  ma  no  risk  in  mnidaring  a  people  who 
fronld  not  fight,  and  irhose  only  bnaineaa  was  praying. 

**  QL  C.  Bnt,  I  aaaiire  yon,  Wingemnnd,  that  bad  I  bftuk  with 
]|im  at  the  timO)  this  mronJd  not  htnre  hnppened.  Hot  I  atone,  but 
ill  yonr  6i9Qds,  and  all  good  men,  reprobate  aeta  of  this  kind. 

^*  Stufh^mp  inuit  vmj  be,  yet  ithese  friends,  these  good  men,  did 
Plot  prevent  him  &om  going  out  agMn  to  kill  the  rMsainder  of  those 
in<^Q5^Qeiyo,  yet  fot^iih  Iforayiau  Indiana.  I  say  fooUshj  because 
l^y  helieyed  i^e  whttea  in  preference  to  ns.  We  bad  eftea 
told  them  they  wo«dd  <Hie  day  be  so  tnwted,  by  those  people  who 
loalled  themaelvee  their  friends.  We  told  them  them  ma  no  faith 
to  be  placed  in  what  Htm  white  men  said;  that  their  ftir  promines 
were  only  intended  to  allure,  tibal  they  might  the  more  easily 
loll  Qs,  as  they  hmf^  done  many  Indiana  before  ^y  killed  those 
Moravians, 

"  CM'  0'  I  am  sorry  (bo  hear  yon  speak  thmu  A9  to  William- 
.son'e  going  ont  again,  when  it  wae  known  that  he  was  det«^ 
mined  on  it,  I  went  out  with  him  to  prevent  him  &iom  eommitting 
firesh  miii4er<>. 


1781 


«0M»  etAWVOM  tOBffUl 


m 


^*8atikem,  I^Hm  IbAiM  wwild  Bot  Mtort^inN  Ito  tell 
themio. 

^  Ok.  A    Ant  mhj  woiAA  th«j  net  b«li«f«  H? 

^JmImr.  Bmksm  k wonld  liaive  been  ost  of  your  powMr  to 
prorext  Ms  <Soliqf  iHMt  te  pleMoA. 

**  CbC.  <X  Out  of  my  powort  Bxf  sny  MomTlM&  liifliam  boon 
kiHed  or  hait  •Inoe  ira  eome  oat  t 

"  AiflAem.  Kooe.  Bat  yoa  int  wont  to  thcibr  town,  and  findim 
it  empty  Mid  deeevtei,  yoa  tarned  on  the  path  towud  as.  If  yoa 
had  beea  in  eeareth  of  warriors  otily,  yon  would  not  h«ve  gone 
thither.  Oar  spies  watched  yoa  closely.  They  saw  yoa  wtiileyoa 
were  embo^ag  yoarselTOS  on  Ihe  otJher  side  of  the  OUo.  They 
saw  yoa  cross  that  rirer;  they  saw  where  yoa  encamped  at  nf|^t ; 
tibey  saw  yoa  tarn  off  from  flM  path  to  Ihe  deserted  Moratfaa  town ; 
they  knew  yon*  were  going  oat  of  year  way;  yonr  steps  were  eon> 
stantty  watdhed^  and  yon  were  snillned  qotody  to  proceed  until  yoo^ 
reached  the  spot  where  yon  were  aMadced. 

"OoL  a  (With  emotion.)  What  do  they  intend  to  do  with  me? 

**  Saehem.  I  tell  you  with  grief  As  WlHiarason,  witlihis  whole 
cowardly  host,  ran  off  in  I9ie  nSglrt  at  the  whntHng  of  our  waniors' 
bidls,  being  satisfied  that  now  he  had  no  MowTians  to  deid  with, 
bat  men  who  coaM  fight,  and  witii  such  he  did  not  wish  to  ha^e 
any  thing  to  do;  I  say,  as  he  has  escaped,  and  they  hare  taken  you, 
they  will  take  revenge  on  you  in  his  stead. 

*'  CM.  0.  And  is  there  no  possibility  of  prerenting  this  ?  Oan 
yon  devise  no  way  to  get  me  off?  Ton  shall,  my  fiiend,  be  well 
rewarded,  if  yoa  are  instrumental  in  sating  my  life. 

'*  Saefum,  Had  Williamson  been  taken  with  you,  I  and  some 
friends,  by  making  use  of  what  yoa  have  told  me,  migh^  peihape, 
have  saeceeded  in  saving  yon ;  but  as  l^e  matter  now  stands,  no 
man  wonld  dare  to  interfere  in  your  behalf.  The  king  of  England 
himself,  were  he  to  come  to  this  spot  with  all  bis  wealHi  and 
treasure,  could  not  effisct  this  purpose.  The  blood  of  the  innocent 
Morarians,  more  than  half  of  them  women  and  children,  eroelly 
and  wantonly  murdered,  caHs  aloud  for  revenge.  The  relattves  of  the 
dstn,  who  are  among  us,  ciy  out  and  stand  ready  fotreiBenge.  The 
Shawanese,  our  grand-children,  have  asked  for  your  fellow-prisoner; 
on  him  they  wiU  t^ke  retemge.  All  the  natikms  connected  willi  us 
ery  out,  reeenge  t  revenge  !  The  Moravians,  whom  you  went  to  de- 
stroy, having  fled  instead  of  avenging  their  Brethren,  the  ofifonse 
has  become  national,  and  the  nation  itself  is  bound  to  take  revenge. 


fi 


m 


OOLOWBL  <nUWfOB»  fOBTVWnH 


lt8& 


**CkLa    Mj  liilt  b  than  ibnd,  And  I  mnit  pitpMt  to  m»«t 

death  in  its  wont  form.  :.        .,./..,*;,/.     .< 

**  Saehmu  Yet,  Oolond.  t  am  tony  for  it,  Irat  I  omiiioAo  mj 
thing  for  you.  Had  yon  attondad  to  tha  Indian  prineipla,  that 
good  and  evil  cannot  dwell  together  in  the  same  heart,  to  a  good 
roan  ov^ht  not  to  go  into  evil  oompaoy,  you  would  not  have  been 
in  this  lamentable  situation.  Yon  see  now,  when  it  is  too  late^ 
after  Williamson  has  deserted  yoo,  what  a  bad  man  he  most  bo. 
Nothing  now  remains  for  you  bat  to  meet  yoar  fate  like  a  brave 
man.  Farewell,  Colonel  Orawfordl  They  are  ooming.  I  will 
rotire  to  a  solitMy  spot"** 

On  taming  away  from  his  friend,  whom  it  was  not  in  his  power 
to  assist,  it  is  said  Uie  old  Sachem  was  affected  to  tears,  and  oould 
never  afterward  speak  of  the  in<ndent  without  deep  emotion.  The 
nnoment  the  chief  had  left  the  colonel,  a  number  of  the  exeontioh- 
ers  rushed  upon  him,  and  commenced  the  work  of  torture,  which 
was  in  progress  three  hours  before  the  victim  fell  upon  his  face,  aod 
expired  with  a  groan.  During  the  proceedings  against  him,  he 
was  continually  and  bitterly  tipbraided  for  the  conduct  of  the  white 
men  at  Gnadmihatten.  If  not  himself  a  participator  in  that  atro* 
ciotts  affair,  they  reproached  him  for  having  now  come  against 
the.m  with  the  worst  kind  of  murderers — such  as  even  the  Indians 
had  not  among  them. 

"Indians,"  said  they,  "kill  their  enemies,  but  not  their  fiiends. 
When  once  they  have  stretched  forth  their  hand,  and  given  that 
endearing  name,  they  do  not  kill.  But  how  was  it  with  the  be- 
lieving  Indians  on  the. Muskingum  ?  You  professed  friendship  for 
them.  Yon  h&iled  and  welcomed  them  as  such.  You  protested 
they  should-  receive  no  harm  from  yon.  And  what  did  you  after> 
ward  to  them  ?  They  neither  ran  from  you,  nor  fired  a  single  shot 
on  your  approach.  And  yet  you  called  them  warriors,  knowing 
they  were  not  such.  Did  you  ever  hear  warriors  pray  to  God,  and 
sing  praises  to  him,  as  they  did  ?  Could  not  the  shrieks  and  cries  of 
the  innocent  little  children  excite  you  to  pity,  and  to  save  their  lives  ? 
Ko !  you  did  not !  You  would  have  the  Indians  believe  you  are 
Christians,  because  you  have  the  Qreat  Book  among  you,  and  yet 
you  are  murderers  in  your  hearts  I  Never  would  the  unbelieving 
Indians  have  done  what  you  did,  although  the  Great  Spirit  has  not 
put  his  Book  into  their  bands  as  into  yours.    The  Great  Spirit 


*  BMke««lder*s  Indui  NatioBi. 


178& 


MU  BMWR'f  UAULAtm* 


teoght  yoa  to  raad  all  that  ht  wantod  70a  to  do,  aod  what  ho  fof* 
bado  tfiat  yon  ihonld  do.  ThtM  Indiana  baliavad  all  tbat  thoj 
ware  told  waa  in*  that  Book,  aod  haliavlng,  itroTO  to  aet  aooord> 
iogljr.  Wa  knaw  70a  battar  than  thay  did.  Wa  oftan  warnad 
tham  to  baware  of  70a,  and  joxut  pratandad  Mandahip;  bat  thnj 
wonld  not  baliaya  ua.  Tha7  heliaTad  nothing  but  good  of  7on,  and 
for  thb  thay  paid  with  thair  Uvea."* 

The  ion  of  Omwfbid  and  Dr.  Knight  were  hoth  pveaent  at  th#  ' 
•eene.    Tonng  Crawford  waa  inunadiately  afterward  tortured. 
Knight  waa  taken  to  be  homed  at  a  Bhawaneee  town,  ahont  forty 
milea  distant,  bat  eacaped  on  the  wa7,  and  retnmed  to  the  aettle> 
menta.    He  thaa  deaoribea  the  death  of  the  unfortcnate  Crawford  t 

**  Monda7  morning,  the  10th  of  Jane,  we  were  paraded  to  nuureh 
to  Sandnilqr,  aboat  thirt7-three  mllea  distant ;  the7  had  eleven 
prisoners  of  ns,  and  four  scalps,  the  Indians  heing  sAventean  in 
nnmber* 

« Colonel  Crawford  waa  Ter7  desirona  to  see  a  certain  Simon 
Girty,  who  lived  with  the  Indians,  and  was  on  this  accoant  permit* 
ted  to  go  to  town  the  same  night,  with  two  warriors  to  guard  him, 
having  orders  at  the  same  time  to  pass  h7  the  place  where  tha 
Colonel  had  turned  out  hia  horse,  that  the7  might,  if  posssible, 
find  him.  The  rest  of  us  were  taken  as  for  aa  the  old  town,  which 
was  within  eight  miles  of  the  new. 

<'Taeeda7  morning,  the  11th,  Colonel  Crawford  waa  brought 
out  to  us  on  purpose  to  be  marched  in  with  the  other  prlsonera> 
I  asked  the  Colonel  if  he  had  seen  Mr.  Oirty  ?  He  told  me  he  had, 
and  that  GHrty  had  pnmiised  to  do  every  thing  in  his  power  for 
him,  but,  that  the  Indians  were  very  much  enraged  agidnst  the 
priBoners ;  particularly  Captain  Pipe,  one  of  the  ohiefii ;  he  like- 
wiae  told  me  that  Girty  had  informed  him  that  his  son-in-law. 
Colonel  Harriaon,  and  his  nephew,  William  Crawford,  were  made 
priBoners  hy  the  Shawanese,  but  had  heen  pardoned.  This  Captain 


*  Heelnwtlder's  NwntiTt  of  tli*  Monviu  Miwioiu.  •<  Tktrt  wm  tutinn  •  oiniia- 
ituee  maeh  ftgtiut  thU  mfortontta  man,  vhieh  enngad  the  Indhuu  to  •  high  degreo. 
It  wu  reported  th»t  the  Indten  ipiee  Nnt  to  mtoh  th^  aoTemente,  on  examining  » 
map  whioh  Orairford  and  WilUameon  had  left,  Woat  of  the  Ohio,  had  fnmd  on  tree* 
pealed  fnr  the  pvpoae,  the  vorde,  written  with  eoal  and  other  mineral  rabotaneee— *  JVe 
ftmrtm  to  bt  fifHH  to  cny  InMan,  wMKer  mam,  leemaii,  or  tktU,'  When  the  Indians  And 
inwriptions  on  treea  or  other  enbetanoee,  they  are  in  the  haUt  of  making  exaot  oopiee 
«f  them,  whieh  thfjr  preaerre  onUI  th«7  And  aooM  one  to  road  or  interpret  them. 
Bwh  waa  the  ftMt  In  the  preeent  eaae,  and  the  Inaorlptioa  waa  anfloient  to  enragn 
«hML''.^An.  ->' 


»it.  cmmht'«  vAMtAnn. 


1782. 


^e  had  come  from  Hie  town  tSb&at  ua  hour  before  Oolonel  Cnw- 
tordt  and  had  planted  all  4li«  pritonera'  foces  black.  Ai  he  was 
paintiiig  me  he  told  me  that  I  shoald  go  to  ^e  Shawanete  towns 
and  «ee  mj  friends.  When  the  Oolooel  arrived,  he  painted  him 
black  also,  told  him  he  was  glad  to  see  him,  and  Ihat  he  would 
have  him  shaved  when  he  came  to  see  his  friends  at  the  Wyandot 
town.  When  we  marched,  the  Oolonei  and  I  were  kept  back 
between  Pipe  and  Wyngenim,  the  two  Delaware  chiefs ;  the  other 
Btne  priBoners  were  sent  forward  with  another  party' of  Indians. 
As  we  went  almig  we  saw  four  of  the  prisoners  fying  by  the  path, 
tomahawked  and  scalped;  some  of  tbem  were  at  the  ^stance  of 
half-armile  from  eadb  other.  When  we  arrived  witMn  half-a-mik 
of  the  place  where  the  Oolonel  was  lexecoted,  we  overtook  the  five 
prisoners  that  remained  alive ;  the  Indians  had  oaosed  them  to  sit 
down  on  the  grooad,  as  they  did  also  the  Colonel  and  me,  at  some 
distance  from  them.  I  was  there  given  in  charge  to  an  In^an 
follow  to  be  taken  to  the  Shaivmnese  towns. 

"  In  the  place  where  we  were  now  made  to  sit  down,  there  wm 
a  number  of  squaws  and  boys,  who  fell  on  the  five  prisoners  and 
tomahawked  them.  Them  was  a  certain  John  McEinfy  amongst 
the  prisoners,  formerly  an  officer  in  the  ISth  Vii]ginia  re^ment, 
whose  head  an  old  squaw  cut  oS[,  and  the  Indians  kicked  it  aboat 
upon  the  ground.  The  young  Indian  follows  came  often  where 
the  Oolonel  and  I  were,  and  dashed  tlM  scalps  in  onr  fooes.  We 
were  then  conducted  along  toward  tiie  place  where  the  Oolonel 
was  afterward  executed ;  when  we  came  within  about  half^i'mile 
of  it,  ^mon  Oirty  met  us,  with  several  Indians  on  horseback ;  he 
spoke  to  the  Oolouel,  but  as  I  was  about  one  hundred  and  fi% 
yards  behind,  could  not  hear  what  passed  between  them. 

**  Almost  every  Indian  we  met,  struck  ns  either  with  sticks  or 
tiieir  fists.  Girty  wuted  till  I  was  brought  up,  and  asked,  was  dist 
the  Doctor?  I  told  him  yes,  and  went  toward  him,  reaching  out 
my  hand,  but  he  bid  me  begone,  and  called  me  a  damned  rascal, 
upon  which  the  fellows  who  had  me  in  charge  pulled  me  along. 
Girty  rode  up  after  me  and  told  me  I  was  to  go  to  the  Shawanese 
towns. 

"  When  we  went  to  the  fire  the  Oolonel  was  stripped  naked, 
ordered  to  sit  down  by  the  fire,  and  then  they  beat  him  with  sticki 
and  their  fists.  Presently  after  I  was  treated  in  the  same  manner. 
They  then  lied  a  rope  to  the  foot  of  a  post  about  fifteen  feet  higb, 
bound  the  OoloneVs  hands  behind  his  back  and  fostened  the  rop« 
to  the  ligature  between  his  wrists.    The  rope  was  long  enough  £ar 


1782. 


DB.  SVUMR'I  VAKBAVIVB. 


88T 


him  to  lit  down  or  walk  roand  the  poet  onM  or  IwSoe,  and  letam 
^9  same  w«y.  The  Colonel  then  oalied  to  Oifty,  and  r.iked  if 
they  intended  to  bum  him  ?  Girty  answered,  yea.  The  Colonel 
eaid  he  would  take  it  all  patiently.  Upon  <M8,  Captain  Pipe,  a 
Delaware  chief,  made  a epeech  to  the  Indians,  Tie:  about  lliirty  or 
forty  men,  sixty  or  seventy  squaws  and  boys. 

**  When  the  speech  wae  finished  they  ail  yelled  a  hideoue  and 
liearty  assent  to  what  had  be«i  said.  7ke  Indian  men  Ifcen  took 
up  their  guns,  and  shot  powder  into  the  Colonel's  body,  from  his 
lieet  as  &r  up  as  his  neck.  I  tiiink  that  not  loss  than  seventy  loads, 
were  discharged  upon  his  naked  body.  They  tli«a  crowded  about 
him,  and  to  the  best  of  my  observation,  cut  off  his  ears ;  when  the 
throng  had  dispersed  a  little,  I  sawllie  blood  running  frooa.botli 
sjdes  of  his  bead  in  consequence  thereof. 

**  The  fire  was  about  six  or  seven  yards  from  the  post  to  wfaidh 
the  Colonel  was  tied ;  it  was  made  of  small  faiekoiy  poles,  burnt 
quite  through  in  the  middle,  each  end  of  tiie  poles  remaining  about 
six  feet  in  length.  Hiree  or  four  Indians  by  turns  would  ti^e  up, 
individually,  one  of  these  burning  pieces  oi  wood  imd  apply  it  to 
his  naked  body,  already  bamt  bla<&  with  the  powd^.  These  toe- 
mentors  presented  themselves  on  every  side  of  him  witii  the  bum- 
iog  faggots  and  poles.  Some  of  the  sqaaw  s  took  broad  boards 
upon  which  they  would  carry  a  quantity  of  burning  eoals  and  hot 
embers  and  throw  on  him,  so  that  in  a  short  time  he  had  nothing 
but  coals  of  fire  and  hot  ashes  to  walk  upon. 

^'In  the  midst  of  these  extreme  tortures,  he  called  to  6im<Mi 
fiirty  and  begged  of  him  to  shoot  him ;  but  Girty  making  no 
answer,  he  called  to  him  again.  Girty,  then,  by  way  of  d^sion, 
told  the  Colonel  he  had  no  gun,  at  the  same  time  turning  about  to 
an  Indian  who  was  behind  him,  laughed  heartily,  and  by  sdl  his 
gestures  seemed  delighted  at  the  horrid  scene. 

"Girty  then  came  up  to  me  and  bade  me  preparo  for  death. 
He  sud,  however,  I  was  not  to  die  at  that  place,  but  to  be  burnt  at 
the  Bhawanese  towns.  He  swore  by  G— d  I  need  not  expect  to 
SBcape  death,  but  should  suffer  it  in  all  its  enormities. 

"  He  then  observed  that  some  prisoners  had  given  him  to  under- 
stand, that,  if  our  people  had  him  they  would  not  hurt  him ;  for 
his  part,  he  said,  he  did  not  believe  it,  but  desired  to  know  my 
(pinion  of  the  matter,  but,  being  at  the  time  in  great  anguish  and 
distress  for  the  torments  the  Colonel  was  suffering  before  my  eyes, 
as  well  as  the  expectation  of  underg<Mng  the  same  fate  in  two  days, 
I  made  little  or  no  answer.    i|ie  expressed  a  great  deal  of  ill-will 


DK*  Xncns'B  VikBEATm. 


1^81 


Ibr  CMomI  Oibton,  «id(nid  be  wat  oii«  of  hit  grMtMt  •nemiei, 
mod  more  to  the  Mmie  purpose,  to  ell  wldeh  I  pud  v«iy.  little 
ftttontioii* 

f«  CJoloiiel  Omwford,  at  this  period  of  his  enffeving,  besought  the 
Almighty  to  have'  mercy  oit  his  soul,  spoke  verj  low,  and  bore  his 
tormMits  with  the  most  manly  ItxTtitade.  He  oontinned  in  all  the 
eptremi^.  of  pma  for  an  hour  and  three^uarters  or  two  hours 
loagM^  as  near,  as  lean  judge,  whmi  at  last,  being  almost  e^iausted, 
be  Uqt  down  on  his  belly ;  they  then  scalped  him,  and  repeatedly 
threw  the  scalp  in  my  fooe,  telling  me,  **that  was  my  great  cap. 
tain."  An  old  squaw,  (whose  i^qpeanuioe  eveiy  way  answered  the 
ideas  people  entertain  of  the  Devil,)  got  a  board,  took  a  parcel  of 
coals  and  ashes  and  laid  them  <m  his  back  and  hMd,  after  he  had 
been  Scalped;  he  then  raised  himself  upon  his  feet  and  began  to 
walk  round  the  post;  they  next  put  a  bumitig  stiokto  him  as  usual, 
but  he  seemed  more  insensible  of  pain  than  before. 

"The  Indian  fellow  who  had  me  in  charge,  now  took  me  away 
to  Oaptun  Pipe's  house,  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  fix>m  the 
place  of  the  Colonel's  execution.  I  was  bound  all  night,  and  thus 
prevented  from  seeing  the  last  of  the  horrid  spectacle.  Next 
morning)  being  June  12th,  the  Indian  untied  me,  pidnted  me  blacli^ 
and  we  set  off  for  the  Shawanese  towns,  which  he  told  me  was  some- 
what less  tiian  forty  miles-distant  from  that  place.  We  soon  came 
to  the  place  where  the  Colonel  had  been  burnt,  as  it  was  partly  in 
our  way ;  I  saw  his  bones  lying  amongst  the  remains  of  the  fir^ 
•hnost  burnt  to  ashes;  I  suppose  after  he  was  dead  they  laid  his 
body  on  the  fire.  The  Inc^an  told  me  that  was  my  big  Captun, 
and  gave  the  scalp  halloo." 

During  the  year  178%  the  war  was  waged  on  both  rides  with 
the  greatest  animosity  and  the  most  relentless  severity.  In  May, 
a  party  of  twenty-five  Indians  appeared  before  Estill's  station,  on 
Kentne^  river,  killed  one  man,  wounded  another,  and  destroyed 
all  the  cattle  in  the  neighborhood.  On  their  retreat,  6iq>tain  Estill 
pursued  them  with  a  company  of  twenty-five  men,  and  overtook 
tibem  on  Hinkston's  fork  of  Licking,  about  two  miles  below  the 
Little  Mountun.  The  Indians  were  on  one  side  of  the  stream,  the 
whites  on  the  other,  both  sheltwed  by  trees;  the  numbers,  position 
and  bravery  of  both  parties  were  equal.  It  was  impossible  for  either 
to  retreat  or  advance  vrithont  equal  danger. .  The  equid  contest 
Usted  for  an  hour,  and  one-fourth  of  each  party  were  IdUed  and 
9«veral  wounded,  without  giving  any  advantage  to  either.    Estill 


1782. 


DiviAT  or  xnncvoKiAiHi  A«  anoL's  svAtioir. 


vm 


Mir  tiiftt  iiWM  InipOMlble.to  ^■Iqdg*  the  ^idUmt  bjr  oa  aMielt  iit- 
front,  and  eqnaltyfaiqKNirible  to  midiktaiii  hii  pMitioo  erto  tetreatj 
And  accordliiigly  he  oidiend  LieiiteBftiit  llill^^^  aiz  men,4!b 

oroM  the  eredc  above,  and  attabk  &e  &idiaiie  in  flank.  The  chief 
deteoted  at  onee  the  nianeuTer»  and  immediatelj  with  hie  m^ 
cMMsed  tlie  (sreek,  and  fell  npon  the  whites,  weakened  hy  this 
dinaioa,  with  the  tomahawk;  killed  Bstill,  and  eight  of  hb  men)' 
and  drove  iMusk  the  femaindw;  Miller  never  exeented  his  order, 
bnt  with  his  men  fled  precipitately,  and  left  the  snrviv<»8  torescapie 
as  they  best  conld  from  the  savages. 

The  defeat  and  death  of  Estill,  produced  a  profound  impression 
npon  the  settlers  of  Sientaolqr.  His  popalaritjy  and  his  bravei^ 
had  endeared  him  to  them,  and  his  loss  nnder  the  cironmstanoM, 
peihaps  more  than  any  other  single  event,  aroused  the  Eentnckians 
to  deeper  hostilily  against  the  savages. 

Kor  did  tiie  red  men^  on  their  part,  show  any  si^s  of  iosfnjg 
their  animosity.  BSlliot,,  MoEee  and  Oirty  mged  them  (m,  wl^  a 
feiy  that  is  not  easy  to  acooant  for.  Agmn  the  Woods  ttemed' 
mih  savages,  and  no  one  was  safe  from  attack  beyond  &e  walla  Of 
a  station.  The  inflnence  of  the  Britirii,  and  the  constant  piessare 
of  the  Long  Sjiives  upon  the  red  men,  had  produced  a  nnfon  of 
the  various  tribes  of  the  north-weet,  who  seemed  to  be  gadiering 
again  to  strike  a  fatal  blow  at  the  frontier  settlements^  and  had 
they  been  led  by  a  Philip,  a  Pontiao,  or  a  Tecumthe,  it  is  impossi- 
ble to  estimate  the  iiyury  they  might  have  inflicted; 

August  was  half  gone,  befbre  the  anticipated  storm  buiM  upon 
the  pioneers  in  its  full  force,  when,  upon  the  night  of  the  14th  of 
that  month,  the  main  body  of  the  Indians,  five  or  six  hundred  in 
number,  gathered  silently  around  Bcyant's  station,  a  post  on  the  bank 
of  theElkhom,aboutfivemi]esfromLexington.  Thegarrison  Of  this 
post  had  heard,  on  the  evening  of  the  14th,  of  the  defeat  of  a  party  ^ 
of  whites  not  £ir  distant,  and  during  that  night  were  busy  in 
preparations  to  march,  with  day-break,  to  the  assistance  of  their 
neighbors.  AH  night  long  their  preparations  continued,  and  what 
little  sound  the  savages  made  as  they  approached,  was  unheard 
amid  the  comparative  tumult  within. 

In  the  morning  the  woodsmen  rose  from  their  brief  slumbers 
took  their  arms,  and  were  on  the  point  oi  opening  their  gstoi  to 
march,  w4ien  the  oraok  of  rifles,  mingled  with  yells  and  howls,  told 
them,  in  an  instant,  how  narrowly  they  had  esei^ted  captivity  or 
death,    l^uhing  to  the  lot^holes  and  crannies,  they  saw  about  i^ 


890 


AvtMK  OR  nvjR'f  nsamw. 


nn 


TlH^]po««g  mm^tsMdl  itai»  M  Bati»'»  deM^  wiilk«d  mitaatfy  to^^ 
nmh  fiwtk  upo»  tbo  iMbdnt%.  Irai  tUere  mn  sbaleAfiBs  »  tb» 
Buonw  nf  Uie  likdisM  m^  peooiiat^tlMit  tlM  eldctv  ll«Mta  at  onee 
snspeotiBd  U  tnok,  md  looked  arariowly  t»  i3i»  dppowte  tide  of  thi 
fqvty  wkeio  tkMgr  jodgMl  the  fO^w  bodji  of  th»  eneniy  wen  pfob» 
bly  ooneei^edb  Kov  weio  tle^  diBMived.  The'  um^fiB  weie  led 
bj  |3imo»  Oirty.  Tkier  white  eikvage  haid  prop«toe^  b^  Mi  Mteek 
upon  one  ttd»  of  the  ttalSoni  wkb  »  anmU  part  of  hie  f»voe^  tk>'  dnw' 
out  the  gftrrison,  and  then  intended^  with  Ae  nMBn  Imm^,  to  fbll 
xkstoa  the^^  G^hiut  i^deit  aadi  oecitiie  tiie  finW;  buti  hii»  plan  imt  defisatdd 
by  ifa»  ovMMMJting  of  hie  led  Hffies,  aad  the;  sagaoij'  of  hi*  oppo* 
nests*  The  gaffiaotti»  howdreiv  had  etiU  a  great  diAeidly  to 
enooontar;  tho'  fort  wee-  noi  eapplied  with  water^i  and  tiie  epriiig 
was  at  some  distance,  and  in  tiie  immediate' vicinitgr*<^  the  tidoket^ 
in  whidi  it  mas  supposed  1h«<mnn  fonee  of  thoindiant  iKyem- 
oealed.  The  danger  o£  geiag  or  sending  fov  nmter  was  plain,  th^ 
absolnte  necessity  of  hawing  it  was  e^pudly  80>  and  he#  it  eottld 
ba  prooaredi  was  a  dificsit  i|iMMtio^ 

At  iMigth  a  plao^  equally  sagadions  and  b<^  w*s  hk  npon^  and 
oarried  int»  ekecoitioa  1^  as  great  an  eaEertami  of  womaidy  pvesmce 
of  miad^as  cai^p«hapa^ be  found  on  reeord.  if  tiie  savages  were^ 
aa  was^  sopposed^iooncealed  neai^  the  i^t&AgV  it  was  bdieived  tiiey 
woold  not  shew  themselives  imlal'  they  had  leason  to  believe  theit 
tdck  bad  succeeded^^attd  Aegaimn  had  left  the  fort  on  theothsir 
mde.  It  was,  therefore,  proposed  to  all  the  females  to  go  with 
thMr  baokets  to  the  q^g^  M  thiem^aind'  retnm  to  tfie  fort»  befdre 
any  uXfy  waamade' against  the  attaokii^  ptt^fy* 

The  danger  to  wlueh  they' must  be  e:i^|KMbd  was  not  fo  be  coa* 
cealed^vbntit»waani9#dapi0n'  thenx tiiat  this iMHitbedonei, of  sU 
perish;  aod'tlN^if  thflgnwesesteady^  the  ladtani  would  nbt  molest 
tbem.r  and  tp  tite  hOaOD  of  tileir*  sex  be  it  said^  they  WMitt  forth  in 
a  body,:  an4  direet%f  ands»  ft^e  hundred  rifles^  iUled  their  buoketa^^ 
and  letBraMl  in-  suo^  a<  manaev  as  noti  to  suggest  to  the  qnicfe> 
siglbted  savagM  thal<  thenr^praeenee  inn  the  thieket  iris  suapeoted 

Tlus doneiiasttaiinmiiberof  tbegairhon  were  sent  forth: against 
the  attackers,  with  orders  to  molbi^y  ttma  mirabeMr  hr  the  eatf  by 
ooB8tairt>  firii^.  while  ti^  maift  body  ef  the  whitse  took  theb 
pjaees  to  re|^  therantieipatedii  rusk  of  thoaO'  in  eoncealment^  The 
pW  sueeeadad  petfoetlgr.  The  whole  ttodyofladiaBa  niriied  froai^ 
their  ambaacade  aa  thc^i  heard  the  firing;  t^H  the  (qpipoake  side  of 
the  fort(,  and  wei«>  received  by  •  Mlv  welMntetad  diselhatge  of  aH^ 


1781 


MButam  09  MMMJiv'i  wwaom. 


m 


th«iiitBkft  within  thftitftftimi.  AitQwijIwit  jM  haweantrighea,, 
1^  MMiUmta  taiMd  to^th*  £<»••«  a0liui  at  qpUIOf  m  thig^  had  l«ft 
ili.  having  lortaai^  «f  ibsiriuailKV. 

In  th*  nbtniify.  aa  aaoa  aa  Hhe^  pMaanoa-  «ff  fh*  ladlaiia  mM 
aaoartaiiiad^aiid  baiMitthe^  attialMra  wtra  8iii)pNeoted»  two  me«Mn^ 
gen  had  baaken  tfaron^  tfaoir  lilM»  ba«iiig  to  Laxiagfcoa  tidnga  of 
thai  aa^^of liifjMMit'a  atatim^and  aakii^ aaceoia.  Thaaeaaoooraeama 
alNMtf  tii»  in  thie  aAeaaooB  ;•  Nstaa»  manr  being  tnoontadr  aa4  thivtgr 
or  mor»  an  foot  Tho  aavagaa  aa^ectad  liieiii  avriTal)  and  prapaied 
ta  deakoj  thetnt  bo*  titohoKaeBMn,  hf  lapid  ridia|^,and  enyaloped; 
in  dost,  reached  the  fort  unharmed,  and  of  the  footmen,  after  an 
ham'm  haad  flghtiiift.  odgfi  tnw  wera  Ullad  Mid  fooi  wounded.  The 
IndiMifa  aaaraga  rareljr  aappatrta  htm  thioiqth  long^iontinoedjBiBev- 
tku»;i  audi  Oit^  iamxA  hia>  men  ao  dar  dlaheaBtaned  by  tbmc 
fiuUlnraai'-'-ihaA of  tiio. moaning  in. thaattaift  to talra^tha fi»t,  and 
Hm*.  in  1h«  aifteimooik  to>deatari09r  tiio  taoepar  frotn^Xiaoi&agt^i — thait 
htai^m  Mi^fctfiay  lathadiof:  abaadoniag  the>.aaig» 

Sbia  thMr  kadev  wa*  Toigr  mMeUUng  to  do;  and  thinking  ha 
sught  ftightaa  tho  garriaoa  itaito  attiveiklar,^  he  managed  to  grt. 
withoik  iqaealnbig  ^ftMioa,  aiid  thara^jRnni  balund  ft  large  atumiv 
Qonamanoad.a.parlAy^  QatoldibowhtteiaaMkwhohe  waa,.aaaui«d' 
tham  ofihiagsaBtidaaim^tiMUb  thay  diouldnot  anffiMr,,siid  infonning 
themthatho  lookedhMufy  for  ieinforoementa!mt1^caEuioa^<,agHbat) 
Tfhich  tiaj! cattld  aolihoga  to  hold oot^  begged  them toeorrendav 
9ib Qoiee;.  if  the^  did  aon,  no  one^ahDold  be  hart,  haitit'  they  WMted^ 
M  the  euiBGOft  oame  upiihe  foaredtthay  would  aU  &Ui  viotinub  Tho 
gamaonilodbad  afcouA  aacrthais  with  unoertainty  and  feaa;;  againrt 
caanon,tiMy<  oouldido  nothing^,  and  osmnoa  had  baen-uaedan  1780i 
Seeing  the  effoot  of  Girty's  apaeeh^  anddiabalieTiagevoiy  word  o£ 
it^a  young  maa  nasiad  B^p!aoldi,ttoola  it  va^on  himaalf  to  anawer 
the  renegades. 

**  Younead  notkba  aopaitiaolar^!'  he  onedt  .**  to^talli  na  yoop  nara«  v 
VM  know  yooi  name  and  yon»  taa»<  Tva  had.  a.  villainoiay:  untroab. 
worthy  ear4Q|^  thia  leqg  whUe,^ named  Simon  Qurly,iitt  oompU* 
lawkt  t»  yon;  h^la  ao  lUBei  yott--jiaat  aa  ugj^  aod  jnafe  aa  mokaA. 
Aa  ta  tha  aamon^leli  theia  oomor  on;.  the<  eouiftt^yrB  M>oaad,,aiid 
the  lealpa  of  yattr  nd  oBt-thaaata,  and*  jjMur  ovpb  toei  ,wiU  be  dryh^, 
(Aonireahina  m.twanlytfoat  houm.  And  if  )9;^aay  olMBaairyoUrOP 
7MS  alliaa  dagaitiotothe  foit^,i^via,»>big,Btof«<o£  ri>da.hddia<ui 
pwi>oaa-to>aaoMga.3iouaiifcagaiiii" 

^  mutfaod*  tdhan  bgf  Bay naMawiamiieh.moroaAotnal  than 
any  argument  with  hia  comradM  would  have  bean^  and  Gi«^  had 


HM 


BEITISH  AVB  VnUMB  IsnRI  TO  WLVM  UOU. 


nn 


t6  retnm  to  the  Indian  eonnoll-fire  imniec«Mfal.  Bot  1m  ftiid  flie 
ebieft  well  knew  that  fhongli  their  reinforoemente  and  eannon 
were  all  imaginary,  the  expected  aid  of  the  whites  was  not  Boone^ 
Todd  and  Logan  would  soon  benpon  them;  the  ablest  and  boldest 
of  the  pioneers  would  eat  them  off  ftom  a  retreat  to  the  Ohio,  and 
their  destrncdon  would  be  insured.  On  the  other  hand,  if  they 
now  began  to  retire,  and  were  pursued,  as  they  surely  would  be, 
tbey  could  choose  their  own  ground,  and  always  %ht  with  their 
way  home  clear  behind  them.  All  night  they  lay  still,  tiieir  fires 
burning,  but  when  day  broke,  the  whole  body  of  savages  was 
gone. 

By  noon  of  the  18th  of  August,  about  one  hundred  uid  eighty 
men  had  gathered  at  Bryant's  station,  among  them  were  Boone 
and  his  son.  After  counting  the  fires,  and  noticing  other  signs, 
they  determined  on  immediate  pursuit,  without  waiting  fbr-  the 
arrival  of  Colonel  Logan  and  his  party;  accordingly,  on  tbe  18th, 
the  whole  body  set  forward  under  the  command  of  Colonel  John 
Todd.  The  trail  of  the  savages  was  as  plain  as  could  be  wbhed; 
indeed,  to  Boone  and  the  diore  reflecting,  it  was  dear  that  the 
retiring  army  had  taken  pains  to  make  it  so,  and  the  sagacious 
woodsmen  at  once  concluded  that  a  surprise  at  some  point  was 
intended,  and  that  point  Boone  was  confident  was  the  Lower  Blue 
Licks,  where  the  nature  Of  the  ground  eminently  favored  such  a 
plan.  With  great  caution  the  little  army  proceeded  until,  upon 
the  following  day,  they  reached  the  Licking  river,  at  the  point 
designated  by  Boone  as  the  one  where  an  attack  might  be  expected; 
and  as  they  came  in  f^ght  of  the  opposite  bank,  they  discovered 
upon  its  bare  ridge  a  few  Indians,  who  gazed  at  them  a  moment 
and  then  passed  into  the  ravine  beyond. 

The  hills  about  the  Blue  Licks  are  even  now  almost  wholly  with- 
out wood,  and  the  scattered  cedars  which  at  present  lend  them 
soioie  green,  did  not  exist  in  1782.  Ascending  the  ridge  of  the 
hill  above  the  spring,  a  point  is  reached  where  two  ravines,  thickly 
wooded,  run  down  from  the  bare  ground  to  the  right  and  left, 
affording  a  place  of  concealment  for  a  very  large  body  of  men,  who 
could  thenoe  attack  on  Aront  and  flank  an'd  rear,  any  who  wars 
pursuing  the  main  trace  along  the  higher  ground ;  in  these  ravines 
Boone,  who  was  looked  to  by  the  commanders  for  counsel,  said 
that  the  Indians  were  probably  hidden.  He  proposed,  therefore, 
that  they  should  send  a  part  of  their  men  to  cross  the  Licking  fa^ 
Hmr  up,  and  fidl  upon  the  Indians  in  the  rear,  while  the  remaining 
tiroops  attacked  them  in  front. 


1782. 


xnmroKiANB  ftntsui  tbvii. 


y  with- 
them 
of  the 
ihickly 
id  left, 
tn,  who 
io  were 
tvinei 
)1,  eaid 
>T6fore, 
jog  fa^ 
kimog 


While  Bootte'g  plan  wm  under  dfaomiion  bj  the  offioen  of  the 
pttnniiig  party,  '^Mi^or  Hugh  MeGaiy,"  aoooiding  to  the  oommon 
account)  "broke  firom  the  oounoil,  and  called  npon  the  troops  who 
were  not  cowards  to  follow  him,  and  thns  eolleeting  a  band,  went 
without  order,  and  agdnst  his  orders,  into  the  action,  and  in  con- 
sequence  of  this  aet  a  general  pursuit  of  officers  and  men  took  place, 
more  to  save  the  desperate  men  that  followed  MoGhuy,  and  from  the 
dread  of  being  called  cowards,  than  from  a  hope  of  a  snecessfbl 
fight  with  the  Indians." 

Ool.  Boone,  in  a  letter  to  the  Goremw  of  "Vii^nia^  dated  August 
SOtb,  1782,  makes  the  following  statement  in  regard  to  the  action. 
*<  We  formed  our  columns  in  one  single  line,  and  marched  up  in 
their  fifont  within  about  forty  yards  before  there  was  gun  fired. 
Oolonel  Trigg  commanded  on  the  right,  myself  on  the  left,  Major 
MeGafy  in  the  centre,  and  M^jor  Hariau  the  advance  party  in  the 
front  From  the  manner  in  which  we  had  formed,  it  feU  to  my  lot 
to  bring  on  the  attack.  This  was  done  with  a  very  heavy  fire  on 
both  sides,  and  extended  back  of  the  line  to  Ool.  Trigg,  where  the 
enemy  was  so  strong  that  they  rushed  up  and  broke  the  right  wing  at 
the  first  fire.  Thus  the  enemy  got  in  our  rear,  and  we  were  com- 
pelled to  retreat,  with  the  loss  of  seventy-seven  of  our  men  and 
twelve  wounded." 

Elsewhere  he  sa^ys:  "The  savages  observing  us,  gave  way,  and 
we,  being  ignorant  of  their  numbers,  passed  the  river.  When  the 
enemy  saw  our  proceedings,  having  greatly  the  advantage  of  us  in 
situation,  they  formed  the  line  of  battie,  from  one  bend  of  Licking 
to  the  other,  about  a  milo  from  the  Blue  Licks.  An  exceedingly 
fierce  battie  immediately  began,  for  about  fifteen  minutes,  when 
we,  being  overpowered  by  numbers,  were  obliged  to  retreat,  with 
the  loss  of  sixly-seven  men,  sevDU  of  whom  were  taken  prisoners." 

Governor  Morehead,  however,  has  derived  from  the  accounts  of 
eye-witnesses,  somti  particulars,  which,  if  correct,  will  reconcile  the 
common  story  with  Boone's  statement    He  says: 

"Scarcely  had  Boone  submitted  his  opinions,  when  Mi^or 
McGary  *mised  the  war-whoop,'  and  spurring  his  horse  into  the 
river,  odled  vehemently  upon  all  who  were  not  cowards  to  follow 
Ami,  and  Ae  would  show  them  the  enemy.  Presently  the  army  was 
m  motion.  The  grei^r  part  luflfered  themselves  to  be  led  by 
McGary-~the  remittnder,  perhi^  a  third  of  the  whole  number, 
lingered  a  while  with  Todd  and  Boone  in  council.  All  at  length 
passed  over,  and  at  Boone's  suggestion,  the  commanding  officer 
ordered  another  halt 


KBKTUOEIAm  mniULT  DIfBAflD. 


lTt2. 


**Ttk6  yboeer  then  pt^pottdAMOond  Uom  that  tlM  MMy  AMdd 
MOMui  where  It  wtm,  nntU  mi  oppwtiuulsf  wm  sflbided  t»  ine—i 
M^r  the  eiu|»ected  ngUm,  So  raMoneble  ft  pmpoMl  wm  eceeded 
te^  Mid  two  bold  and  experieMed  hmni  wwe  eeleOled  to  inwnmd 
ftom  the  Liek  along  the  B«fiUo»  to  a  foint  half  a  nila  hefoad  Ihe 
raTinee,  where  the  road  biaoohed  off  in  difiin«Bt  direetiOM.  Thaf 
were  inttmoted  to  eocamiBe  the  eonntiy  with  the  iitmoet  oare  oa 
each  aide  oi  the  road,  eepemallj  the  apot  wheite  it  paaaed  betwaen 
the  rayines,  and  upon  the  first  appearance  of  the  enenj  to  wepfit 
in  haate  to  the  armj.  The  apiea  diaohai]ged  the  dangerona  aad 
and  reapoABibte  taak.  They  oroaeed  over  the  ridge— proceeded  la 
the  i^aoe  deaignated  beyond  it,  and  retamed  in  aaibtgr,  withont 
having  made  any  diaeovery.  No  trace  of  the  enemy  waa  to  be  seen. 
The  little  army  of  one  handled  and  ^faty-two  men  now  marefaad 
forward— Colonel  Trigg  waa  in  command  of  the  right  wing,  Boone 
of  the  left,  MoGaiy  in  the  centre,  and  liaiw  Harlaa  with  the  partj 
in  front."* 

After  this  diBaatroos  defeat,  the  eoreat  calami^  that  ever  b^Btll 
Keatuel^,  tboae  who  eseapied,  on  foot,  plunged  into  the  tfaieketi^ 
and  made  their  way  to  Bryant'a  atatitm,  thirty-aix  milea  diataal^ 
and  the  nearest  place  of  shelter. 

Colonel  Logan,  and  his  party,  were  met  by  the  fbgittves^  witfua 
six  milos  of  the  station,  to  which  he  returned  until  the  most  of  them 
had  arrived.  Of  the  one  hondred  and  eigh^-two  jfwttoaa  who  went 
oat  to  the  battle,  aboait  oae-third  were  killed,  twelve  wounded,  and 
seven  carried  off  prisoBMn^  who  were  put  to  the  toarture  when  thtf 
I'eaehed  the  Indian  towna. 

In  this  short,  but  severe  aetion,  Todd^  Trigg,  fiarlaa,  and  Booae'a 
son,  all  fell.  It  waa  a  sad  day  for  Kentucky.  The  feeUogs  wi 
feme  ei  the  Fayette  eowaij  aettlera  may  be  infiarred  from  the 
fUlowing  extract  from  Boone'a  lettnr  to  Vir|^nia:  when  he  ftlt 
anstietyj  what  must  they  hMre  altered  I 

"By  the  signs,  we  thought  the  Indians  had  ^Eoeeded  Hmt 
hundred}  while  the  whode  of  the  militia  of  thb  ooun^  does  not 
amount  to  more  than  one  hundred  and  thirty.  From  these  ftetl^ 
your  ExeeUeni^  may  foraa  an  idea  of  our  sitaatioa.  I  know  that 
your  own  oireumstaoees  are  eritieal»  hot  am  we  to  be  who4f 
fiN|g;atten  I  I  h<^  not  I  tmat  about  five  hw&dred  men  may  ba 
sant  to  our  asaistanee  immediate^.    Ji  th«M  aM  he  Ktatioaad  m 


*  Morebead'n  AddrtM. 


IIM. 


YIRSION  Of  UM  BAVTta  BT  A  OAVADIAV. 


cmt  4oaBlj7  lieateants  «hall  dawn  naceMiy,  It  nuky  b«  Hie  m«Mui 
of  Miing  i»Qr  part  of  tho  ooaotiy ;  bat  if  thoy  aw  plaood  andor  iki 
diroction  of  Gonwal  OUrk,  tbij  will  bo  of  little  or  no  Mrvioo  to 
our  MttlemoDt  The  FaHs  lie  one  bnndred  milea  weit  of  at,  jmd 
tbe  Indian!  Borth<4aeti  while  our  men  are  finsquently  called  to 
protect  them.  I  have  enoonraged  the  pecq^le  in  thia  conntiy  all 
that  I  oomld,  bat  I  can  no  longer  joatify  them  or  mjulf  to  risk  oar 
lives  here  under  tuoh  extraordinary  haaarda.  The  inhabitanta  of 
tibia  ooan^  are  very  mach  alarmed  at  the  thoughts  of  the  Indiana 
bring^g  another  campaign  into  our  country  thia  fidl.  If  thia 
should  be  the  oaae,  it  will  break  up  theae  aettlemeuta." 

In  regard  to  this  expectition,  tbe  following  atatement  ia  made  by 
an  individual  who  waa  in  the  party  of  the  enemy,  and  who  after* 
ward  emigrated  from  Canada,  and  aettled  in  Ibe  Mianu  valley: 

"In  the  aummer  of  1782,  the  Britiah  commandant  at  Detroit 
ordered  M^jor  Oaldwell  to  take  Simon  Girty,^  a  &w  traden^  a 
company  of  provincial  mililia,  together  with  whatever  Indiiwa 
could  be  collected  at  Detroit,  and  by  the  way  and  with  theae  foroea, 
to  attack  and  deatroy  the  aetUementa  the  rebela  were  making  aooth 
of  Hm  Ohio.  Caldwell  collected  hia  men,  waa  jmned  by  a  party 
of  Indianji  at  Detroit,  and  by  other  parties  on  the  Maumee,  on  tbe 
Great  Miami,  and  from  other  points  along  the  line  (^  mavdh. 
When  he  readied  the  Ohi(^  hia  forces,  thus  increased,  amounted 
to  about  four  hundred  men.  It  was  Caldwell's  intention  to  attack 
the  station  at  Beargraaa  (Loniaville,)  firat;  but  reoeivii^  information 
that  Clark  waa  there,  and  that  the  place  was  supplied  with  cannon, 
he  changed  his  plan,  and  led  his  forces  up  the  Kentucky  river,  and 
thenee  to  Bryant's  station.  Before  they  arrived  there  they  were 
discovered)  and  the  inhabitants  were  so  well  fortified,  that  a  siege 
of  two  di^  and  a  half  made  no  impression  upon  them,  and  gave 
no  hope  that  Uisy  could  be  compelled  to  surrender. 

"Under  these  circumstances,  Caldw^l  withdrew  his  forces  from 
the  station,  and  fell  back  aa  for  as  tbe  Blue  Licks,  where  game  waa 
supposed  to  be  eufflcientiy  abundant  to  support  them,  until  he 
copld  fiod  some  other  and  weakor  point  of  attack.  At  first  the 
Lodiaas  were  unwilling  to  alarm  the  buffidloes,  by  encamping  too 
near  the  Licks;  but  Caldw^,  a  vigilant  and  ^oient  commander, 
aospectiii^  the  jKentuddans  were  in  parsoit^  over-ruled  tiieir 
dl^ecEtion,  and  selected  a  position  nei^^  the  Lidcs  most  iiivorable 
ftordefeose,  TbeyjlMtd  not  been  twenly-^ur  bonrs  In  their  new 
lQe8;tion,  before  ^be  Long  Knives  came.  They  were  supposed  $^ 
noQiber  about  tw4>  hundred  xneo*  nuuiT  of  w|iom  fought  on  homo- 


h- 


896 


AKwawyta  or  m'bavt. 


VI9k 


bftok,  and  appeared  to  hare  eereral  eomnumdeM.  All  of  them, 
who  were  Mrlj  brought  into  aotion,  fenght  deeperatolj;  bat  it 
seemed  that  they  were  more  blind  than  brare.  For,  in  a  battle  of 
oniB  honr  onlj,  their  Ion  was  lizty-five  killed,  and  many  wovnded. 
Of  these  sereral  w^re  earried  off  by  their  companions,  and  the 
remainder  were  massacred  by  the  Indians.  Many  more  of  the 
Eentnokians  mtist  hare  Mien,  had  the  Indians  continued  to  flght, 
instead  of  sommbling  after  spoils,  and  eren  fighting  among  them- 
selves for  choice  rifles,  Which  were  found  near  the  dead,  and,  in 
some  instances,  wounded  men.  Immediilely  after  the  battie,  as 
provisions  were  very  scarce,  and  the  savages  unwilling  to  remain 
embodied,  and  even  hard  to  control  under  any  oiroumstances, 
Mi^or  Caldwell  retired  with  his  troops  to  Oanada,  and  the  Indians, 
after  crossing  tiie  Ohio,  separated,  and  returned  to  their  homes." 

<<^SeverBl  years  after  the  battle  of  the  Blue  Licks,  a  gentieman  of 
Kentucky  fell  in  company  with  M'Qary,  at  one  of  the  circuit 
courts.    M'Qary  acknowledged  that  he  was  the  immediate  cause 
of  that  defeat,  and  assigned  his  reasons  with  great  heat  for  uiging 
on  the  battie.    He  said,  that  in  the  hurried  council  that  was  held 
at  Bryant's,  on  the  18tii  of  the  month,  he  had  strenuously  urged 
Todd  and  Trigg  to  halt  for  twenty-four  hours,  assuring  them  that, 
with  the  dd  of  Logan,  they  would  be  able  to  follow  tiie  Indians  even 
to  Ohillieothe,  if  necessaij;  and  that  their  numbers  then  were  too 
weak  to  encdunter  them  alone.  He  offared  to  pledge  his  head  that  the 
Ihdlans  wouM  not  return  with  such  precipitation  as  was  supposed, 
but  would  afford  ample  time  to  collect  more  force,  and  givd  them 
battle  with  a  prospect  of  success.  He  added  that  CoL  Todd  scouted 
his  arguments,  and  declared  that  if  a  sin^e  day  was  lost,  the  In- 
dians would  never  be  overtaken,  but  would  cross  the  Ohio  and 
^spersci ;  that  now  was  the  time  to  strike  them  while  they  were  in 
a  body;  that  to  tolk  of  thoir  numbers  was  non^ense-^the  more  the 
merrier;  that  for  his  part  he  was  determined  to  pursue  Without  a 
momeiit's  delay,  and  did  not  doubt  that  there  were  brave  men 
enough  on  the  ground  to  enable  him  to  attack  them  wi&  ^E^ot 

"M'Qary  declared  he  felt  somewhat  nettled  at  the  manner  in 
Which  his  advice  bad  beto  received;  that  Be  thought  Todd  and 
Trigg  jealous  of  Logan,  who,  as  senior  colonel,  would  be  entitied 
to  ^  eocnmand  on  his  arrival ;  and  that  th^,  in  theii'  eagerness  to 
have  ttte  honor  of  tbe  victory  to  themsek^  were  raieAiIy  throwing 
themselviBs  iiito  a  conditioti  Whiob  would  ckf danger  the  safety  of 
tfato  cowitiy.  *  However,  sir,'  said  he^  *w]ieii  t  saw  the  gentlemen 
so  keen  fer  arfi|;fat,  I  gave  way  and  joined  in  the  |>UTsait  m  wil'' 


1781 


OLAlK'f  SI00ir»  IXPBDRIOH  10  MXAML 


897 


lingly  M  sny,  bat  wh«n  w«  cam*  in  light  of  th«  ea«mj,  mi4  ib» 
geiitIom«n  b<Bg*n  to  talk  of  «namben,'  <poiitioii,'  *Log»n/«Bd 
<  waiting,'  I  bnnt  into  »  pMsion,  onraed  them  for  a  Mt  of  oowarda, 
who  would  not  be  wise  till  they  were  loared  into  it,  and  swore  tha* 
linoe  tiiey  had  come  so  ihi*  for  a  fight,  they  shoald  fight,  or  Iwonid 
disgrace  them  forever.  That  when  I  spoke  of  waiting  for  Logan 
on  the  day  before,  they  had  scouted  the  idea,  and  hinted  some- 
thing about  'courage,'  that  now  it  would  be  shown  who  had  cour- 
age or  who  were  cowards,  that  could  talk  big  when  the  enemy  were 
at  a  distance,  but  turned  pale  when  the  danger  was  near.  I  then 
dashed  into  the  river,  and  called  upon  all  who  were  not  cowards  to 
follow."* 

The  battle  of  the  Blue  Licks  aroused  the  people  of  Kentucky  to 
the  determination  of  inflicting  a  signal  vengeance  on  the  Indians ; . 
and,  at  the  request  of  the  people,  General  Olark,  who  possessed 
their  entire  confidence,  took  command  of  a  mounted  expedition 
against  the  hostile  towns  on  the  Miami  river.  The  brigade  con- 
sLsted  of  two  divisions,  one  under  Ool.  Logan,  to  rendezvous  at 
Bryant's  station;  the  other  under  Ool.  Floyd,  to  rendeavous  at  the 
fidls.  They  were  united  at  the  Licking,  and  from  thence  Olark, 
with  a  f(Mce  of  one  thousand  and  fifty  men,  marched  rapidly  up 
the  Miami  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles,  before  the  Indians  discov- 
ered their  approach. 

"We  surprised,"  says  Olarke,  "the  principal  Shawanese  town  on 
the  evening  of  the  10th  of  November.f  Immediately  detaching 
strong  parties  to  difierent  quarters,  in  a  few  hours  two-lhirds  of  the 
town  was  laid  in  ashes,  and  every  thing  they  were  possessed  of  de- 
stroyed, except  such  articles  as  might  be  useful  to  the  troops.  The 
enemy  had  no  time  to  secrete  any  part  of  their  property  which  was 
in  the  town.  The  British  trading  post^  at  the  head  of  the  Miami, 
and  carrying  place  to  the  waters  of  the  lake,  shared  the  same  &te, 
at  the  hands  of  a  party  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  horse,  commanded 
by  Ool.  Bei\jamin  Logan.  The  property  destroyed  was  of  great 
amount,  and  the  quantity  of  provisions  burned  surpassed  all  idea 
we  had  of  the  Indian  stores.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  ten  scalps, 


*  Ufe  of  Boone. 

t  There  is  some  tincortainty  in  tlie  date  of  this  expedition.    Other  authorities  osually 
represent  it  as  haring  taken  plaoo  in  September. 

X  Supposed  to  have  been  Uie  trading  post  known  as  Loramie's  store,  on  Loramie's  creek 
Shelby  coantjr,  Ohio. 


IN      novTiMM  or  WMnrnnrjonA  baiaim*  it  imvumb,    fM. 

Mfmi  prlMoen^  md  two  fiMtM  rttekra;  cmn  wm  on*  UIM  mti 
OM  wounded.  After  lying  pMl  of  four  dnyt  nt  their  towni^  end 
Aiding  ell  ettempte  to  bring  the  enemy  to  e  geneml  engagement 
ftuitleie,  we  retired,  ae  tiie  eeeeon  wee  adimneing,  and  the  weather 
ttireatMklng.  "We  might  probably  have  got  many  more  aealpa  and 
^rieonen,  ooold  we  hare  known  in  time  whether  we  were  diieof^ 
•red  or  not  We  took  for  granted  that  we  were  not,  until  getting 
wittiin  three  milea,  some  draamitanoee  happened  whieh  oaneed 
me  to  think  otherwise.  OoL  John  Floyd  wm  then  ordered  to  ad* 
ranee  with  three  hundred  men,  to  bring  on  an  action  or  attack  the 
town,  while  Mi^or  Well^  with  a  party  of  horse,  had  prerionsly 
been  detached  l>y  a  different  route,  as  a  party  of  observaUon.  Al- 
though Ool.  Floyd's  motions  were  so  quick  as  to  get  to  the  town 
but  a  few  minutes  later  than  those  who  discovered  his  approach, 
the  inhabitants  had  sufficient  notice  to  elfect  their  eeeape  to  the 
woods,  by  the  alarm  cry  which  was  given  on  the  first  discovery. 
This  was  heard  at  a  great  distance,  and  repeated  by  all  that  heard 
it,  consequently  our  parties'only  fell  in  with  the  rear  of  the  enemy." 
This  expedition,  though  attended  with  little  loss,  practically 
elosed  the  Indian  wars  in  the  West  The  principal  resources  of  tto 
savages  were  cut  oC  Their  towns  were  destroyed,  and  they  were 
oonvioced  that  the  white  settlements  oonld  not  be  broken  up.  No 
fi>rmidable  invasion  ci  Kentnol^  was  afterward  attempted.  The 
incursions  of  scalping  parties  ceased  to  harass  the  oountiy,  ud  the 
people  b^gMi  to  feel  some  seewrity  in  their  homes. 

The  ftt>ntiers  of  Pennsylvani*  suffered  greatiy  during  the  same 
yew,  lh>m  the  hostility  of  the  Indians.  In  the  svmmer,  an  expe- 
dition of  three  hundred  Britieh  soldiers,  and  five  hnndred  Indians, 
was  sent  ftom  Oanada  to  attack  Fort  Pitt  The  detachment  pro- 
ceeded to  Lake  Ohatanqne,  and  had  actually  embarked  in  eanose 
to  descend  the  Allegheny,  when  information  of  the  strength  and 
repairs  of  that  post  was  received,  through  their  spiee ;  and,  in  coa- 
sequence,  the  enterprise  was  abandoned,  and  the  British  returned 
to  Canada.  Detached  parties  of  the  Indians  were  sent  out,  how- 
ever, to  harass  the  settlements  on  the  borders  of  Pennsylvania. 
One  of  these,  under  the  command  of  the  famous  Seneca  chie^ 
Guyasutha,  attacked  and  burned  Hannastown,  the  seat  of  justice 
for  Westmoreland  county.  A  detailed  account  of  that  inroad  is 
furnished  in  the  Greensbuig  Aigus,  of  1886: 

"  About  three  miles  from  Greensburg,  on  the  old  road  to  Kew 
Alexandria,  there  stand  two  modem-built  log  tenements,  to  one  of 


tm     iBOMTUM  ov  msniTAVu  ■AiiPiiD  BT  uroiAvi.       no 

wkMi  ft  •ign-pcMt  Md  » ilgn  U  sppMd^dli  fWinf  4»e  mHiM  thai 
«l  tti«  Anwi  K«<Im»  fitari,  th*  wajif^rar  nuf  Mvtek*  <i/  Ac  good 
thiagt  of  this  world.    Botwetn  tkt  tftVMn  and  tlM  IndiM  gaUowo- 
kill  on  dM  WMt,  oneo  itood  HMnnttown,  tho  flnfc  pine*  WMt  of  tho 
▲Ilagheny  moontains  whoro  jiMttoo  wm  dk^potiMdv  nooording  to 
tko  kgnl  ferau,  by  the  white  nuM.  -  The  oonnty  of  WeetmoreUnd 
WW  eilnUiehed  by  the  provineinl  legielntnre  on   the   Seth  of 
yebraevy,  1778,  end  the  eoarts  directed  to  be  held  nt  Hennnetown. 
It  eoneieted  of  nbont  thirty  haUtntione,  eone  of  them  eebine,  bat 
■Met  of  them  eepiring  to  the  name  of  hooeee,  having  two  etoriee, 
«f  hewed  lege.   There  waa  a  wooden  court-hoaee,  and  a  Jidl  of  ^ 
like  conetraotton.    A  fort,  etookaded  with  logs,  completed  the  oivil 
and  military  arrangements  of  the  town.    The  firet  prothonotary 
Mid  clerk  of  the  oourte  was  Arthur  8t  Glair,  Esq.,  afterward  gene- 
mi  in  the  re?olattonary  army.    Robert  Banna,  Esq.,  wae  the  fiiet 
presiding  justice  in  the  courts;  and  the  first  Court  of  Oofnmon 
J(*leaawae  held  in  April,  1778.    Thomas  Bmith,  Esq.,  afterward 
one  of  the  judgee  on  the  supreme  bench,  brought  quarter^,  fhrni 
the  east,  the  most  abstruse  learning  of  the  profession,  to  pussle  the 
baekwoode  lawyers;  and  it  wae  here  that  Hugh  Heniy  Brecken- 
ridge,  alterwaid  also  a  judge  on  the  supreme  bench,  made  his 
debut,  in  die  profeesion  which  he  afterward  illustrated  and  adorned 
by  his  genius  and  learning.  The  road  first  opened  to  Fort  Pitt,  by 
Qeneral  Forbes  and  his  army,  passed  through  the  town.    The 
periodical  return  of  the  court  brought  together  a  hardy,  adven- 
turous, flrank,  and  open-hearted  set  of  men  flrom  the  Redstone,  the 
Georges  creek,  the  Tonghiogheny,  tlie  Monongahela,  and  the  Oat- 
fiih  settlements,  as  well  as  from  the  region,  still,  in  its  cir- 
enniscribed  limits,  called  '  Old  Westmoreland.'    It  may  well  be 
supposed  that  on  such  occasions  there  was  many  an  uproarious 
merry<«making.    Such  men,  when  they  occasiou«lly  met  at  courts, 
met  joyously.    But  the  plough  has  long  since  gone  over  the  place 
ef  merry-making;  and  no  log  or  mound  of  earth  remuns  to  toll 
where  justice  had  her  scales. 

"  On  the  18th  of  July,  1782,  a  party  of  the  townsfolk  went  to 
O'Connor's  fields,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  north  of  the  village,  to 
tut  the  harvest  of  Michael  Huffiiagle.  The  summer  of  1782  was  a 
sorrowful  one  to  the  frontier  inhabitants.  The  blood  of  many  a 
fiunily  had  Sprinkled  their  own  fields.  The  frontier  north-west  of 
tile  town  was  almost  deserted ;  the  inhalMtants  had  fled  fur  safety 
•ad  repose  toward  the  Sewiokley  settlement.  At  this  very  tioue 
there  were  a  number  of  families  at  Miller's  station,  about  two 


400 


HANKASTOWV  DE8TR0TXD. 


1782. 


miles  sonth:  of  the  town.  There  was»  therefore,  little  impediment 
to  the  Indians,  either  hy  way  of  resistance,  or  even  of  giving  warn- 
ing of  their  approach.  When  the  reapers  had  cut  down  one  field, 
one  of  the  number  who  had  crossed  to  the  side  next  to  the  woods, 
returned  in  great  alarm,  and  reported  that  he  had  seen  a  number 
of  Indians  approaching.  The  whole  reaping  partj  ran  for  the 
town,  each  one  intent  upon  his  own  safety.  The  scene  which  then 
presented  itself  may  more  readily  be  conceived  than  described. 
Fathers  seeking  for  their  wives  and  children,  and  children  calling 
upon  their  parents  and  friends,  and  all  hurrying  in  a  state  of  con- 
sternation to  the  fort.  Some  criminals  were  confined  in  jail,  the 
doors  of  which  were  thrown  open.  After  some  time  it  was  pro- 
posed that  some  person  should  reconnoiter,  and  relieve  them  from 
uncertainty.  Four  young  men,  David  Shaw,  James  Brison,  and 
two  others,  with  their  rifles,  started  on  foot  through  the  highlands, 
between  that  aud  Crabtree  creek,  pursuing  a  direct  course  toward 

O'Conner's  fields ;  whilst  Capt.  J ,  who  happened  to  be  in  the 

town,  pursued  a  more  circuitous  route  on  horseback. 

"The  captain  was  the  first  to  arrive  at  the  fields,  and  his  eye 
was  not  long  in  doubt,  for  the  whole  force  of  the  savages  was  there 
mustered.  He  turned  his  horse  to  fly,  but  was  observed  and 
pursued.  When  he  had  proceeded  a  short  distance,  he  met  the 
four  on  foot — told  them  to  fly  for  their  lives — that  the  savages 
were  coming  in  great  force — that  he  would  take  a  circuitous  route 
and  alarm  the  settlements.  He  went  to  Love's,  where  Frederick 
Beaver  now  lives,  about  a  mile  and  a  quarter  east  of  the  town, 
and  assisted  the  family  to  fly,  taking  Mrs.  Love  on  the  horse 
behind  him.  The  four  made  all  speed  for  the  town,  but  the  fore- 
most Indians  obtained  sight  of  them,  and  gave  them  hot  pursuit. 
By  the  time  they  had  reached  the  Crabtree  creek,  they  could  hear 
the  distinct  footfalls  of  their  pursuers,  and  see  the  sunbeams  glis- 
tening through  the  foliage  of  the  trees  upon  their  naked  skins. 
When,  however,  they  got  into  the  mouth  of  the  ravine  that  led  up 
from  the  creek  to  the  town,  they  felt  almost  secure.  The  Indians, 
who  knew  nothing  of  the  previous  alarm  given  to  the  town,  and 
supposed  that  they  would  take  it  by  surprise,  did  not  fire,  lest  that 
might  give  notice  of  their  approach;  this  saved  the  lives  of  David 
Shaw  aud  his  companions.  When  they  got  to  the  top  of  the  hill,  . 
the  strong  instinct  of  nature  impelled  Shaw  to  go  first  into  the 
town,  and  see  whether  his  kindred  had  gone  into  the  fort,  before 
he  entered  it  himself.  As  he  reached  his  father's  threshold  and 
saw  all  within  desolate,  he  turned  and  saw  the  savages,  with  their 


f. 


1782. 


HAMMASTOWN  DBSTBOTBD. 


401 


tufts  of  hair  flying  in  the  wind,  and  their  brandished  tomahawks, 
for  they  had  emerged  into  the  open  space  around  the  town,  and 
commenced  the  war-whoop.    He  resolved  to  make  one  of  them 
give  his  death  halloo,  and  raising  his  rifle  to  his  eye,  his  bullet 
whizzed  true,  for  the  stout  savage  at  whom  he  aimed  bounded  into 
the  air  and  fell  upon  his  face.    Then,  with  the  speed  of  an  arrow, 
he  fled  to  the  fort,  which  he  entered  in  safety.    The  Indians  were 
exasperated  when  they  found  the  town  deserted,  and  after  pillaging 
the  houses,  they  set  them  on  fire.    Although  a  considerable  part 
of  the  town  was  within  rifle  range  of  the  fort,  the  whites  did  but 
little  execution,  being  more  intent  on  their  own  safety  than  solicit- 
ous about  destroying  the  enemy.    Cne  savage,  who  had  put  on  the 
military  coat  of  one  of  the  inhabitants,  paraded  himself  so  osten- 
tatiously that  he  was  shot  down.    Except  this  one,  and  the  one 
laid  low  by  Shaw,  there  was  no  evidence  of  any  other  execution, 
but  some  human  bones  found  among  the  ashes  of  one  of  the  houses, 
where  they,  it  was  supposed,  burnt  those  that  were  killed.    There 
were  not  more  than  fourteen  or  fifteen  rifles  in  the  fort ;  and  a 
company  having  marched  from  the  town  some  time  before,  in 
Lochry's  ill-fated  campaign,  many  of  the  most  efficient  men  were 
absent ;  not  more  than  twenty  or  twenty-five  remained.    A  maiden. 
Jennet  Shaw,  was  killed  in  the  fort ;  a  child  having  run  opposite 
the  gate,  in  which  there  were  some  apertures  through  which  a 
bullet  from  the  Indians  occasionally  whistled,  she  followed  it,  and 
as  she  stooped  to  pick  it  up,  a  bullet  entered  her  bosom — she  thus 
fell  a  victim  to  her  kindness  of  heart.    The  savages,  with  their 
wild  yells  and  hideous  gesticulations,  exulted  as  the  flames  spread, 
and  looked  like  demoniacs  rejoicing  over  the  lost  hopes  of  mortals. 
"Soon  after  the  arrival  of  the  marauders,  a  large  body  of  them 
was  observed  to  break  off,  by  what  seemed  concerted  signals,  and 
march  toward  Miller's  station.    At  that  place  there  had  been  a 
wedding  the  day  before.    Love  is  a  delicate  plant,  but  will  take 
root  in  the  midst  of  perils  in  gentle  bosoms.    A  young  couple, 
fagitivoB  from  the  frontier,  fell  in  love  and  were  married.    Among 

those  who  visited  the  bridal  festivity,  were  Mrs.  H ,  and  her 

two  beautiful  daughters,  from  the  town.  John  Brownlee,  who 
then  owned  what  is  now  the  fine  farm  of  Frederick  J.  Cope,  andphis 
family,  were  also  there.  This  individual  was  well  known  in  fh>n- 
tier  forage  and  scouting  parties.  His  courage,  activity,  generosity, 
and  manly  form,  won  for  him  among  his  associates,  as  they  win 
eveiywhere,  confidence  and  attachment.  Many  of  the  Indians 
were  acquainted  with  his  character,  some  of  them  probably  had 


t 


408 


KAmrASIOWN  B18TB0T1D. 


1782. 


worn  his  penba.  There  were  in  addition  to  the  manrion,  a  namber 
of  cabins,  rudely  constructed,  in  which  those  fomilies  who  had 
been  driven  from  their  homes  resided.  The  station  was  generally 
caUed  Miller's  town.  The  bridal  party  were  enjoying  themselves 
in  the  principal  mansion,  without  the  least  shadow  of  approaching 
danger.  Some  men  were  mowing  in  the  meadow — people  in  the 
oabins  were  variously  occupied — ^when  suddenly  the  war-whoop, 
like  a  clap  of  thunder  from  a  cloudless  sky,  broke  upon  their  as> 
tonished  ears.  The  people  in  the  cabins  and  those  in  the  meadow, 
mostly  made  their  escape.  One  incident  always  Isxcites  emotions 
in  my  bosom  when  I  have  heard  it  related.  Af  any  who  fled  took 
an  east  course,  over  the  long  steep  hills  which  ascend  toward 
Peter  George's  farm.  One  man  was  carrying  his  child,  and  assist- 
ing his  mother  in  the  flight,  and  when  they  got  toward  the  top  oi 
the  hill,  the  mother  exclaimed  they  would  be  murdered,  that  th« 
savages  were  gaining  space  upon  them.  The  son  and  father  pnt 
down  and  abandoned  his  child  that  he  might  more  effectually  assist 
his  mother.  Let  those  disposed  to  condemn,  keep  silence  until 
the  same  struggle  of  nature  takes  place  in  their  own  bosoms^ 
Perhaps  he  thought  the  sa/ages  would  be  more  apt  to  spare  the 
innocence  of  in&ncy  than  the  weakness  of  age.  But  most  likelj 
it  was  the  instinct  of  feeling,  and  even  a  brave  man  had  hardly 
time  to  think  under  such  circumstances.  At  all  events.  Providence 
seemed  to  smile  on  the  act,  for  at  the  dawn  of  the  next  morning, 
when  the  father  returned  to  the  cabin,  he  found  his  little  innocent 
enrled  upon  his  bed,  sound  asleep,  the  only  human  thing  left 
amidst  the  desolath>n.  Let  fathers  appreciate  his  feelings :  whether 
the  Indians  had  found  the  child  and  took  compassion  on  it,  and 
oarried  it  back,  or  whether  the  little  creature  had  been  unobserved, 
and  when  it  became  tired  of  its  solitude,  had  wandered  home 
through  brush  and  over  briers,  will  never  be  known.  The  latter 
supposition  would  seem  most  probable  from  being  found  in  its  own 
cabin  and  on  its  own  bed. 

"At  the  principal  mansion,  the  party  were  so  agitated  by  the 
cries  of  women  and  children,  mingling  with  the  yell  of  the 
savage,  that  all  were  for  a  moment  irresolute,  and  that  moment 
sealed  their  fate.  One  young  man  of  powerful  frame  grasped 
a  child  near  him,  which  happened  to  be  Brownlee's,  and  effec- 
ted his  escape.  He  was  pursued  by  three  or  four  savages.  Bat 
hia  strength  enabled  him  to  gain  slightly  upon  his  followers, 
when  he  came  to  a  rye  field,  and  taking  advantage  of  a  thick  copEK^ 
vhich  by  a  sudden  turn  intervened  between  him  and  them,  he  got 


# 


ma. 


TtmnBaAim  midi  VBiMiiriB0. 


m.  m 


on  the  fence  and  leaped  fkr  into  the  lye,  where  he  laj  down  wUh 
the  child.  He  heard  the  quick  tread  of  the  savages  as  they  passed, 
and  their  slower  steps  as  they  returned,  muttering  their  guttnrai 
disappointment.  That  man  lived  to  an  honored  old  age,  hut  is 
now  no  more.  Brownlee  made  his  way  to  the  door,  having  seiaed 
a  rifle ;  he  saw,  however,  that  it  was  a  desperate  game,  but  made  m 
rush  at  some  Indians  who  were  entering  the  gate.  The  shrill  dear 
voice  of  his  wife,  exclaiming,  *  Jack,  will  you  leave  me?'  instantly 
recalled  him,  and  he  sat  down  beside  her  at  the  door,  yielding 
himself  a  willing  victim.  The  party  were  made  prisoners,  indnr 
ding  the  bridegroom  and  bride,  and  several  of  the  family  of  Miller. 

At  this  point  of  time,  Captain  J ,  was  seen  coming  up  the 

lane  in  full  gallop.  The  Indians  were  certain  of  their  prey,  and 
the  prisoners  were  dismayed  at  his  rashness.  Fortunately  he 
noticed  the  peril  in  which  he  was  placed  in  time  to  save  bimselC 
Eagerly  bent  upon  giving  warning  to  the  people,  his  mind  was  to 
engrossed  with  that  idea,  that  he  did  not  see  the  enemy  until  hm 
was  within  full  gun-shot.  When  he  did  see  them,  and  turned  to 
fly,  several  bullets  whistled  by  him,  one  of  which  cut  his  bridlie 
rein,  but  he  escaped.  When  those  of  the  marauders  who  had 
pursued  the  fagitivcs  returned,  and  when  they  had  safely  secured 
their  prisoners  and  loaded  them  with  plunder,  they  commenced 
their  retreat. 

"Heavy  were  the  hearts  of  the  women  and  maidens  as  they  were 
led  into  captivity.  Who  can  tell  the  bitterness  of  their  sorrow  ? 
They  looked,  as  they  thought,  for  the  last  time  upon  the  dear 
fields  of  their  country,  and  of  civilized  life.  They  thought  of  their 
fathers,  their  husbands,  their  brothers,  and,  as  their  eyes  streamed 
with  tears,  the  cruelty  and  uncertainty  which  hung  over  their  falt» 
M  prisoners  of  savages  overwhelmed  them  in  despair.  They  had 
proceeded  about  hult-a-mile,  and  four  or  five  Indians  near  the 
group  of  prisoners  in  which  was  Brownlee,  were  observed  to  es> 
change  rapid  sentences  among  each  other  and  look  earnestly  at 
him.  Some  of  the  prisoners  had  named  him ;  and,  whether  it  waa 
firom  that  circumstance  or  because  some  of  the  Indians  had  recog- 
nized his  person,  it  was  evident  that  he  was  a  doomed  man.  H« 
stooped  slightly  to  adjust  his  child  on  his  back,  which  he  carried 
in  addition  to  the  luggage  which  they  had  put  on  him ;  and,  as  he 
did  BO,  one  of  the  Indians  who  had  looked  so  earnestly  at  hia 
stepped  to  him  hastily  and  buried  a  tomahawk  in  his  head.  When 
he  fell,  the  child  was  quickly  dispatched  by  the  same  individuaL 
One  of  the  women  captives  screamed  at  this  butchery,  and  the 


404 


INKABITAMTS  MADB  P&I80HSB8. 


1782. 


same  bloody  instrument  and  ferocious  hand  immediately  ended  her 
agony  of  spirit.  God  tempers  the  wind  to  the  shorn  lamb,  and  He 
enabled  Mrs.  Broxvnlee  to  bear  that  scene  in  speechless  agony  of 
woe.  Their  bodies  were  found  the  next  day  by  the  settlers,  and  in- 
terred where  they  fell.  The  spot  is  marked  to  this  day  in  Mech- 
ling's  field.  As  the  shades  of  evening  began  to  fall,  the  marauders 
met  again  on  the  plains  of  Hannastowii.  They  retired  into  the 
low  grounds  about  the  Crabtrce  creek,  and  there  regaled  themselves 
on  what  they  had  stolen.  It  was  their  intention  to  attack  the  fort 
the  next  morning  before  the  dawn  of  day. 

"  At  night&ll  thirty  yeomen,  good  and  true,  had  assembled  at 
George's  farm,  not  far  from  Miller's,  determined  to  give,  that  night, 
what  succor  they  could  to  the  people  in  the  fort.    They  set  off  for 
the  town,  each  with  his  trusty  rifle,  some  on  horseback  and  some 
on  foot.    As  soon  as  they  came  near  the  fort  the  greatest  caution 
and  circumspection  was  observed.    Experienced  woodsmen  soon 
ascertained  that  the  enemy  was  in  the  Grabtree  bottom,  and  that 
thoy  might  enter  the  fort.    Accordingly,  they  all  marched  to  the 
gate,  and  wore  most  joyfully  welcomed  by  those  within.    After 
Bome  consultation,  it  was  the  general  opinion  that  the  Indians 
intended  to  make  an  attack  the  next  morning ;  and,  as  there  were 
but  about  forty-five  rifles  in  the  fort,  and  about  fifty-five  or  sixty 
men,  the  contest  was  considered  extremely  doubtful,  considering 
the  great  superiority  of  numbers  on  the  part  of  the  savages.    It 
became,  therefore,  a  matter  of  the  first  importance  to  impress  the 
enemy  with  a  belief  that  largo  reinforcements  were  arriving.    For 
that  pinpose  the  horses  were  mounted,  by  active  men  and  brought 
full  trot  over  the  bridge  of  plank  that  was  across  the  ditch  which 
surrounded  the  stockading.    This  was  frequently  repeated.    Two 
old  drums  were  found  in  the  fort,  which  were  new  braced,  and 
music  on  the  fife  and  drum  was  kept  occasionally  going  during  the 
night    While  marching  and  counter-marching,  the  bridge  was 
frequently  crossed  on  foot  by  the  whole  garrison.    These  measures 
had  the  desired  effect.     The  military  music  from  the  fort,  the 
trampling  of  the  horses,  and  the  marching  over  the  bridge,  were 
borne  on  the  silence  of  the  night  over  the  low  lands  of  the  Grabtree 
and  the  sounds  carried  terror  into  the  bosoms  of  the  cowardly  sav- 
ages.   They  feared  the  retribution  which  they  deserved,  and  fled 
shortly  after  midnight  in  their  stealthy  and  wolf-like  habits.   Three 
hundred  Indians,  and  about  sixty  white  savages,  in  the  shape  uf 
refugees,  (as  they  were  then  called,)  crossed  the  Grabtree  that  day, 
with  the  intention  of  destroying  Haunastown  and  Miller's  station. 


1782. 


SECOND  SIBQB  OF  FORT  HBKRT. 


405 


<'  The  next  day  a  number  of  the  whites  pnrsaed  the  trail  as  &r 
as  the  Kiskiminetas,  without  being  able  to  overtake  them. 

«  The  little  communityj  which  had  now  no  homes  but  what  the 
fort  supplied,  looked  out  on  the  ruins  of  the  town  with  the  deepest 
sorrow-  It  had  been  to  them  the  scene  of  heartfelt  joys-o-embra- 
cing  the  intensity  and  tenderness  of  all  which  renders  the  domestic 
hearth  and  family  altar  sacred.  By  degrees  they  all  sought  them- 
selves places  where  they  might,  like  Noah's  dove,  find  rest  for  the 
soles  of  their  feet.  The  lots  of  the  town,  either  by  sale  or  aban- 
donment, became  merged  in  the  adjoining  farm ;  and  the  labors  of 
the  husbandman  soon  efi^ed  what  time  might  have  spared.  Many 
a  tall  harvest  have  I  seen  growing  ii|K>n  the  ground ;  but  never 
did  I  look  upon  its  waving  luxuriance  without  thinking  of  the 
severe  trials,  the  patient  fortitude,  the  high  courage  which  charac- 
terized the  early  settlers." 

The  settlements  in  Western  Virginia  also  suffered  from  the 
inroads  of  the  savages  and  their  British  allies.  The  expeditions  of 
Williamson  and  Crawford  aroused  the  fury  of  the  Indians,  and  in, 
retaliation,  their  war  parties  ravaged  the  whole  border  along  the 
Ohio  and  Monongahcla.  Individuals  and  families,  at  exposed 
points,  were  frequently  surprised  and  massacred,  under  circum- 
stances of  most  revolting  barbarity ;  scalping  parties  were  con- 
stantly prowling  around  the  block  houses,  and  the  settlements 
were  kept  in  constant  alarm. 

On  the  11th  of  September,  a  force  of  three  hundred  British  and 
kdiaus,  under  the  command  of  George  Girty,  appeared  before 
Fort  Henry,  then  containing  only  twenty-seven  men,  of  whom 
eighteen  only,  it  is  said,  were  fit  for  service.  Girty  demanded  an 
immediate  surrender  of  the  fort,  to  which  the  inmates  returned  a 
contemptuous  answer,  and  defied  him  to  do  his  worst.  Soon  after 
dark  the  attack  commenced,  and  the  besiegers  made  a  desperate 
attempt  to  storm  the  fort;  but  they  were  kept  at  bay  by  a  small 
cannon,  which  had  been  taken  out  of  the  Monongahela  after  the 
destruction  of  Fort  Du  Quesne.  The  contest  lasted  during  the 
whole  night.  Repeated  efibrts  were  made  to  fire  the  fort,  but  the 
hemp  and  wood  that  were  piled  against  it  were  wet,  and  could  not 
be  made  to  burn.  Once  during  the  night  a  part  of  the  decayed 
stockade  gave  way  and  fell ;  but  the  incident  was  not  noticed  by 
the  Indians,  and  it  was  immediately  repured. 

The  att&vk  was  suspended  at  daybreak,  and  the  British  and 


4M 


MomB  roKT  AauiUD. 


17|£' 


liiuinf  MtiMd  beyond  die  mwh  of  the  gum  of  the  fori*  0«  the 
next  night  U  wm  renewed,  end  Buantained  without  inteimiirion 
dming  the  whole  night  About  ten  o'clock  of  the  second  daj,  the 
Indian  apies  diicovered  the  approech  ct  *  mnforoement  of  seventy 
men,  approaching  for  the  relief  of  the  garrison ;  and  the  whole 
force  of  British  and  Indians  immediately  crossed  the  river  and 
diM^ppeared. 

Immediately  afterward,  a  party  of  Indians  invaded  the  settle- 
ments on  Bi^EUo  creek,  and  appeared  before  Bice'e  fort,  then 
oontaiaing  only  six  men.  The  savages  surrounded  it,  and 
dmaanded  its  aturender;  but  they  were  answered  with  defiance. 
Soon  i^ter  dark  they  oonu|pnoed  an  attack,  and  set  fire  to  some 
ottUbuildings  within  thirty  ^rds  of  the  pickets.  But  the  coune 
oi  tike  wind  saved  the  fort,  and  the  Indians  finding  they  coald 
make  no  impression  on  it,  gave  up  the  attempt  and  left  the  place. 

No  other  invasion  of  the  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  eettlementa 
ooourred;  scalping  parties,  indeed,  during  the  autumn,  prowled 
aronnd  the  block  houses  on  the  borders;  the  winter,  as  usual,  was 
passed  in  quiet,  and  the  peace  of  the  next  year  abated  the  preda- 
tiBiy  war  that  had  so  long  distnrbed  the  frontier  of  those  States. 


•  tt  unM  a*  ^«  time  that  tlM  "g«iip<Mr4«r  MploM"  Metmrad,  meondimg  to  Mr. 
Cngw''''  stttMioikt.    Sm  De  a»w'  WcBtem  Viiciniis  p.  270. 


PEBIODIV. 

1788— 1T«9. 

Provinonal  artioleB  of  peaoe  between  the  tTnited  States  of  Amerioa 
1788.]  and  Great  Britain  were  signed  at  Paris,  on  the  80th  Novem- 
beri  1782.  This  was  followed  bj  an  armistioe,  negotiated  at 
VersaiUes,  on  the  20th  of  Jannaxy,  1788,  declaring  a  cessation  of 
hostilities;  and  finally  a  definitive  trapfcy  of  peace  was  oonoluded  at 
Paris,  on  the  8d  of  September,  178^  and  ratified  by  Oongress  on 
liie  14th  of  January,  1784.  The  war  between  the  United  Btt^ee 
and  Great  Britain  was  virtaally  closed  by  the  surrender  of  I^MPd 
Oomwallis,  at  Yorktown,  in  Viiginia,  on  the  19th  of  Octobec, 
1781.  By  the  second  article  of  the  definitive  treaty  of  1789,  the 
bonndariee  of  the  United  States  were  defined  and  established  aa 
follows: 

"From  the  north-west  angle  of  Nova  Scotia,  viz:  ihat  angle 
which  is  formed  by  a  line  drawn  due  north  from  the  source  of  St. 
Groil  rivw  to  the  Hij^^Mids;  along  the  eatd  Highfamda  which 
divide  those  rivers  that  empty  themselves  into  the  river  St  Laiv- 
renoe  from  those  which  fall  into  the  Atlantic  ocean,  to  the  north 
wsst^nmost  head  of  Oonneotiout  river,  thence  down  along  fbe 
middle  of  that  river  to  the  forty-fifth  degree  of  north  latitude; 
fix>m  thence,  by  a  line  due  west  on  paid  latitude,  until  it  stiUces  the 
river  Iroquois  or  Oataraguy ;  thence  along  the  nuddlo  of  said  rhrar 
into  Lake  Ontario,  throq^  the  middle  of  said  lake  until  it  strSras 
the  communieation  by  water  between  that  lake  and  Lake  BiAe; 
thoQoe  along  the  midcUe  of  said  commnnication  into  Lake  £rie, 
through  the  middle  of  said  lake  until  it  arrives  at  the  water  mm- 
BLunicatioQ  between  that  lake  and  Lake  Huron ;  thence  alcmg  the 
middle  of  said  water  communication  into  the  Lake  Huron ;  theaoa 
through  the  middle  of  said  lake  to  the  water  eommunioBtion 
between  that  lake  and  Lake  Superior;  thence  throi^hJJ*ke  Supe- 
rior northward  of  the  isles  Royal  and  Philipeaux,  to  the  Long 
Lake;  thenoe  through  the  middte  of  tho  said  Long  Lake,  and  the 
water  oommonici^n  between  it  and  the  Lake  of  the  Woods,  to 
the  said  Lake  of  the  Woods;  thence  throu£>h  the  said  lake  to  the 
most  north-western  point  thereof,  and  from  thence  on  a  due  west 
course  to  the  river  Mississippi;  thence  hyaline  to  be  drawn  along 


408 


WASHINaTON'8  PLAV  FOB  SBTTLUIUITS. 


1788. 


the  middle  of  the  said  river  Mississippi  until  it  shall  intersect  the 
northernmost  part  of  the  thirty-first  degree  of  north  latitude. 
South,  hy  a  line  to  be  drawn  due  east  from  the  determination  of 
the  line  last  mentioned,  in  the  latitude  of  thirty-one  degrees  north 
of  the  equator,  to  the  middle  of  the  river  Appalachicola  or  Gata- 
houche;  thence  along  tiie  middle  thereof  to  its  junction  with  the 
Flint  river;  thence  straight  to  the  head  of  St  Marr's  river,  and 
thence  down  along  the  middle  of  St.  Mary's  river  to  'he  Atlantic 
ocean.  East,  by  a  line  to  be  drawn  along  the  middle  of  the  river 
St.  Croix,  from  its  mouth,  in  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  to  its  source ;  and 
fK>m  its  source,  directly  north,  to  the  aforesaid  Highlands,  which 
divide  the  rivers  that  fall  intvi  the  Atlantic  ocean  from  those  which 
£ill  into  the  river  St.  Lawrence :  comprehending  all  islands  within 
twenty  leagues  of  any  part  of  the  shores  of  the  United  States,  and 
lying  between  Hnes  to  be  drawn  due  east  from  the  points  where 
tiiie  aforesaid  boundaries  between  Nova  Scotia  on  the  one  part,  and 
East  Florida  on  the  other,  shall  respectively  touch  the  Bay  of  Fundy 
and  the  Atlantic  ocean;  excepting  such  islands  as  now  are,  or 
heretofore  have  been,  within  the  limits  of  the  said  province  of 
Nova  Scotia." 

Bat  the  cessation  of  hostilities  with  Eqgland  was  not,  necessarily, 
the  cessation  of  warfare  with  the  native  tribes;  and  while  all  hoped 
that  the  horrors  of  the  border  contests  in  the  West  were  at  an  end, 
none  competent  to  judge,  Auled  to  see  the  probability  of  a  continued 
and  violent  struggle.  Virginia,  at  an  early  period,  in  October, 
1779,  had,  by  law,  discouraged  all  settlements  on  the  part  of  her 
citizens,  north-west  of  the  Ohio ;  *  but  the  spirit  of  land  speculation 
was  stronger  than  law,  and  the  prospect  of  peace  gave  new  energy 
to  that  spirit;  and  how  to  throw  open  the  immense  region  beyond 
the  mountains  without  driving  the  natives  to  desperation,  was  a 
problem  which  engaged  the  ablest  minds. 

Washington,  on  the  7th  of  September,  1788,  writing  to  James 
Duane,  in  Congress,  enlarged  upon  the  difficulties  which  lay  before 
that  body  in  relation  to  public  lands.  He  pointed  out  the  necessity 
which  existed  for  making  the  settlements  compact,  and  proposed 
that  it  should  be  made  even  felony  to  settle  or  survey  lands  west  of 
a  line  to  be  designated  by  Congress,  which  line,  he  added,  might 
extend  fW>m  the  month  of  the  Great  Miami  to  Mad  river,  thence  to 


•  BeTia«d  Stotatei  of  Tir|^i»,  ii,  878. 


1789.    HOETH-wwran  viiBRon  ommo  fo  vwomd  btatbs.     400 

Fort  Mfauni  on  th«  Mftumee,  and  tbenee  nortliwKrd  lo  m  to  inolade 
Detixrft;  or,  perhftpa,  from  the  Fort  down  the  river  to  Lake  Erie. 
He  noticed  the  propriety  of  ezolading  the  Jndian  agents  from  aU 
share  in  the  trade  with  the  red  men,  and  showed  the  wisdom  of 
forhidding  all  pnrohases  of  land  from  the  IndianB,'%zoept  by  the 
Boyereign  power—Oongress  or  the  State  Legislature,  as  the  case 
might  he.  Unless  some  such  stringent  measures  were  adopted,  he 
prophesied  renewed  border  wars,  which  would  end  only  after  great 
expenditure  of  money  and  of  life.* 

But  before  the  Oontinental  Oongress  could  take  any  efficient 
steps  to  secure  the  West,  it  was  necessary  that  those  measures  of 
cession  which  commenced  in  1780-81,  should  be  completed.  Kew 
Tork  had,  conditionally,  given  up  her  claims  on  the  let  of  March, 
1781jt  And  Oongress  had  accepted  her  deed,  but  Virginia  had 
required  from  the  United  States,  a  guarantee  of  the  territories 
retained  1>y  her,  which  they  were  not  willing  to  give,  and  no 
acceptance  of  her  provision  to  cede  had  taken  place.  Under  these 
circumstances,  Congress,  on  the  18th  of  April,  again  pressed  the 
necessily  of  cessions,  and,  on  the  18th  of  September,  six  days  after 
Washington's  letter  above  referred  to,  stated  the  terms  upon  which 
they  would  receive  the  proposals  of  the  Ancient  Dominion.  %  To 
these  terms  the  Virginians  acceded,  and,  on  the  20th  of  December, 
authorized  their  delegates  to  make  a  deed  to  the  United  States  of 
all  their  right  in  the  territory  north-west  of  the  river  Ohio — 

"Upon  condition,  that  the  territory  so  ceded  shall  be  laid  out  and 
formed  into  States,  containing  a  suitable  extent  of  territory,  not 
leas  than  one  hundred,  nor  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles 
square,  or  as  near  thereto  as  circumstances  will  admit;  and  tiiat  the 
States  so  formed  shall  be  distinct  republican  States,  and  admitted 
members  of  the  Federal  Union,  having  the  same  rights  of  sover- 
eignty, freedom  and  independence  as  the  other  States. 

"That  the  reasonable  and  necessary  expenses  incurred  by  this 
State  in  subduing  any  British  posts,  or  in  maintaining  forts  and 
garrisons  within,  and  for  the  defense,  or  in  acquiring  any  part  of 
the  territory  so  ceded  or  relinquished,  shall  be  fully  reimbursed  by 
the  United  States,  and  that  one  Commissioner  shall  be  appointed 
by  Congress,  one  by  this  Commonwealth,  and  another  by  those  two 
Commissioners,  who,  or  a  majority  of  them,  shall  be  authorised  and 
empowered  to  adjust  and  liquidate  the  account  of  the  necessary  and 


»S|Miflfir  W«aUagtoB,  tUi.  477. 


t  Lud  L»W8,  95.      t  OM  Jounuria,  ir.  18»-a67. 


410 


vncmi  •itM 


ov  oMnoir* 


1784. 


TMMonable  ezpensea  inowred  bj  thte  State,  whidi  they  tbaU  jodge 
to  be  oompiiied  within  the  intent  uA  meening  of  the  Mt  of  Oon* 
^pmm  of  the  tenth  of  Oc'tober,  one  thoniand  eeven  hundred  end 
eighty,  nepeoting  rach  eiEpenaee. 

**That  theTrenoh  and  Cenedien  inhebitenti,  md  other  lettlen 
of  the  Kaskasldes,  St.  Vincents,  end  the  neighboring  ▼illegei,  who 
heve  profeflsed  themielTes  oiticens  of  Yiiginie,  ihall  bore  their 
poieewioni  end  titles  confirmed  to  them,  end  be  protected  in  the 
enjoyment  of  their  rights  and  libertiee. 

**That  e  qnentity  not  exceeding  one  hundred  and  fifty  tbonaand 
acres  of  lud,  jHromised  by  this  State,  shall  be  allowed  and  granted 
to  the  then  Colonel,  now  General  Qeorge  Bogers  Olark,  and  to  the 
officers  and  soldiers  of  his  regiment,  who  marched  with  him  when 
the  posts  trfEaskaskies  and  St.  Vincents  were  reduced,  and  to  the 
officers  and  soldiers  that  have  since  been  incorporated  into  the  said 
regiment  to  be  laid  off  in  one  tract,  the  length  of  which  not  to 
exceed  double  the  breadth,  in  such  place,  on  the  north-west  side  of 
the  Ohio,  as  a  migorily  of  .the  officers  shall  choose,  and  to  be  after- 
ward divided  among  the  said  officers  and  soldiers  in  due  propo^ 
*tion,  according  to  the  laws  of  Vir^^nia. 

"That  in  case  tbe  quantity  of  good  land  on  the  south-east  ride 
of  the  Ohio,  upon  the  waters  of  the  Cumberland  river,  and  between 
the  Qreen  river  and  Tennessee  river,  which  have  been  rc.i;.rved  by 
law  for  the  Virginia  troops  upon  continental  establishment,  abould, 
from  the  Kortfa  Carolina  line,  bearing  in  further  upon  the  Camber- 
land  lands  than  was  expected,  prove  insufficient  for  their  legal 
bounties,  the  deficiency  should  be  made  up  to  the  said  troops  in 
good  lands,  to  be  laid  off  between  the  rivers  Scioto  and  Little 
Miami,  on  the  north-west  side  of  the  river  Ohio,  in  such  propo^ 
tions  as  have  been  engaged  them  by  the  laws  of  Virginia. 

"That  all  the  lands  within  the  territory  so  ceded  to  the  United 
States,  and  not  reserved  for,  or  appropriated  to,  any  of  the  before 
mentioned  purposes,  or  disposed  of  in  bounties  to  the  officers  and 
soldiers  of  the  American  army,  shall  be  considered  a  common  fund 
for  the  use  and  benefit  of  such  of  the  United  States  as  have  become, 
or  shall  become  members  of  the  confederation  or  federal  alliance 
of  the  said  States,  Virginia  inclusive,  according  to  their  usaal 
respective  proportions  in  the  general  chaige  and  expenditare,  and 
shall  be  fiiithfully  and  bona  fide  disposed  of  for  that  purpose,  and 
for  no  other  use  or  purpose  whatsoever." 

And,  in  agreement  with  these  conditions,  a  deed  was  made  March 
1, 1784.    But  it  was  not  possible  to  wait  the  final  action  of  Virginia, 


1T84. 


nrsnvonovs  to  ikwum  ooMmaaioifnt. 


4n 

b^re  teUng  som*  itoiNi  to  sooth*  tiko  IndivM,  uid  oztinguUih  tlMir 
title.  On  the  22d  of  Soptember,  therefore,  Ooogran  forbade  all 
purohMee  of,  or  aettlements  on  IndiMi  lands,*  and  on  the  16th 
of  October,  the  Oommissioners  to  treat  wiUi  the  natives  were 
instructed — 

To  require  the  delireiy  of  all  prisoners; 

To  inform  the  Indians  of  the  boundaries  between  the  British 
possessions  and  the  United  States; 

To  dwell  upon  the  &ot  that  the  red  men  had  not  been  fidthM  to 
their  agreements: 

To  negotiate  for  all  the  land  east  of  the  line  proposed  by  Waah* 
ington,  namely,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Qreat  Miami  to  Had  river, 
thence  to  Fort  Miami  on  the  Maumee,  and  thenoe  down  the  Man- 
mee  to  the  Lake: 

To  hold,  if  possible,  one  eonvmtkm  with  M  (he  ir%be$: 

To  learn  all  they  could  respecting  the  Frendi  of  Easkaslda,  kc. 

To  confirm  no  grants  by  tiae  natives  to  individuals;  and. 

To  look  after  American  stragglers  beyond  the  Ohio,  to  signify 
the  displeasure  of  Congress  at  the  invasion  of  the  Indian  lands,  and 
the  western  boundary  line  being  made  to  run  due  north  firom  the' 
lowest  point  of  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio  to  the  northern  limits  of  the 
to  prevent  all  farther  intrusioas. 

ITpon  the  19th  of  the  following  March,  these  instructions  were 
ohanged,  at  the  suggestion  of  a  committee  headed  by  Mr.  Jefibrson ; 
United  States,  and  the  Oommissioners  being  told  to  treat  with  the 
QStioQS  at  various  places  and  d^erent  times. 


\. 


Meanwhile,  steps  had  been  taken  by  the  Americans  to  obtsiii 
posseBsion  of  Detroit  and  the  other  western  posts,  but  in  vain*  On 
the  12th  of  July,  Washington  sent  Baron  Steuben  to  Oanada,  ftir 
tiiat  purpose,  with  orders,  if  he  found  it  advisable,  to  embody  the 
French  of  Michigan  into  a  militia,  and  place  the  fort  at  Detroit  in 
their  hands.  But  when  the  Baron  presented  hunself  nefir  Qnebae^ 
General  Haldimand,  while  he  received  hira  veiy  politely,  xefusa4 
the  necessary  passports,  saying  that  he  had  received  no  orders  to> 
deliver  up  the  posts  i^ong  the  Lakes.  '  This  measure  faiUng,. 
Oassaty,  a  native  of  Detroit,  was  sent  thither  in  August  to  learn  th# 
feelings  of  the  people,  and  to  do  wh«t  ho  might  to  m^e  ths 
American  side  popular. 


i»(»MJfw«Mbbir.«». 


411 


LAVD  OlAVm  OIiAftK  AKD  AMOOUTIS. 


178a 


About  the  lama  tim«,  VirglBi^  haying  no  longer  §nj  oooasion 
for  ft  weetera  army,  and  being  aadlj  prewed  for  money,  withdrew 
her  oommiieion  from  Qeorge  Rogere  Olark,  with  thanlce,  however, 
"for  hie  very  great  and  lingnlar  lenrioes." 

His  diemiieion  was  dated  on  the  2d  of  Jnly,  1788,  and  Bei^amin 
Harrison,  the  Governor  of  Vii^^nta,  wrote  to  General  Olark  a  letter 
which  contains  the  following  extract : 

"  The  oonolasion  of  the  war,  and  the  distressed  situation  of  the 
State,  with  respect  to  its  finances,  call  on  ns  to  adopt  the  most 
prudent  economy.  It  is  for  this  reason  alone,  I  have  come  to  a 
determination  to  give  over  all  thoughts  for  the  present  of  carrying 
on  offensive  war  agunst  the  Indians,  which  you  will  easily  perceive 
will  render  the  services  of  a  general  officer  in  that  quarter  unneces- 
saiy,  and  will,  therefore,  consider  yourself  out  of  command. 

"But,  before  I  take  leave  of  you,  I  feel  myself  called  upon,  in  the 
most  forcible  manner,  to  return  you  my  thanks,  and  those  of  my 
council,  for  the  very  great  and  singular  services  you  have  rendered 
your  country,  in  wresting  •  so  great  and  valuable  a  territory  out  of 
the  hands  of  the  British  enemy,  repelling  the  attacks  of  their 
savage  allies,  uid  carrying  on  successfol  war  in  the  heart  of  their 
oonntiy.  This  tribute  of  praise  and  thanks,  so  justly  due,  I  am 
happy  to  communicate  to  you  as  the  united  voice  of  the  ezecn- 
tive." 

In  October  of  the  same  year,  the  le^slature  of  Virginia  made  « 
donation  to  General  Olark,  and  to  the  soldiers  that  had  served 
under  him  in  the  conquest  of  Illinois,  of  one  hundred  and  fi% 
thousand  acres  of  land  north  of  the  Ohio,  to  be  located  where  they 
might  choose.  They  chose  the  lands  on  the  north  side  of  the  Ohio, 
and  accordingly  an  act  was  passed  "to  establish  the  town  of  Clarke 
ville,  at  the  falls  of  the  Ohio,  in  the  county  of  Illinois."  A 
board  of  trustees  was  created  by  the  act,  in  whom  the  title  of  the 
town  nte  was  vested  in  trust.  They  were  directed  to  sell  lots  of 
half  an  acre  each  at  public  auction,  subject  to  the  condition  thst 
the  purchasers  should  build  upon  each  of  them  a  dwelling-house, 
"twenty  feet  by  eighteen,  with  a  brick  or  stone  chimney,'^  within 
three  years  fW)m  the  day  of  sale.  The  trustees  located  the  town 
i  immediately  at  the  foot  of  the  fistlls;  its  position  at  the  head  of 
mivigation  for  keel-boats  on  the  lower  part  of  the  Ohio,  was  sup- 
posed to  have  given  it  great  advantages  for  a  commercial  town, 
jmd  it  was  for  a  long  time  regarded  as  the  rival  of  Louisville.  Bnt 
the  want  of  enterprise  among  its  early  citizens,  combined  with 
other  causes,  long  rince  di^'ested  it  of  its  seeming  importance,  and 
it  haa  aunk  into  insignificance. 


1784. 


raiATT  Of  riAOl  »ATIfIID  BT  UmTBD  STATU. 


41t 


While  th«M  yarioui  itept,  bearing  upon  the  intereet  of  the  whole 
West,  were  taken  by  Oongreet,  Waahington  and  the  Aiaembly  of 
Virginia,  Kentucky  henelf  was  organising  upon  a  new  baaie— 
AHiginia  having  united  the  three  counties,  with  their  separate 
courts,  into  one  district,  haTLig  a  court  of  common  law  and  chan> 
eery  for  the  whole  territory  that  .now  forms  the  State,  and  to  this 
district  restored  the  name,  Kentucky.  The  sessions  of  the  court 
thus  organised  resulted  in  the  foundation  of  Danville,  which  in 
consequence  for  a  season  became  the  centre  and  capital  of  the 
District 


It  might  have  been  reasonably  hoped  that  peace  with  the  mother 
1784.]  country  would  have  led  to  comparative  prosperity  within 
the  newly  formed  nation.  But  such  was  not  the  case.  Oongress 
had  no  power  to  compel  the  States  to  ftilfiU  the  provisions  of  the 
treaty  which  had  been  concluded,  and  Britain  was  not  willing  to 
comply  on  her  side  with  all  its  terms,  until  evidence  was  g^ven  by 
the  other  party  that  no  infraction  of  them  was  to  be  feared  from 
the  rashness  of  democratic  leaders.  Among  the  provisions  of  that 
treaty  were  the  following : 

"It  is  agreed  that  creditors  on  either  side  shall  meet  with  no 
lawful  impediment  to  the  recovery  of  the  toll  value,  in  sterling 
money,  of  all  bona  fide  debts  heretofore  contracted. 

"It  is  agreed  that  the  Congress  shall  earnestly  recommend  it  to 
the  Legislatures  of  the  respective  States,  to  provide  for  the  restitu- 
tion of  all  estates,  rights,  and  properties,  which  have  been  confis> 
oated,  belonging  to  real  British  subjects,  and  also  of  the  estates, 
rights,  and  properties  of  persons  resident  in  districts  in  the 
posseBsion  of  his  Mfgesty's  arms,  and  who  have  not  borne  arms 
against  the  said  United  States.  And  that  persons  of  any  other 
description  shall  have  free  liberty  to  go  to  any  part  of  the  tJiirteen 
United  States,  and  therein  to  remain  twelve  months,  unmolested 
in  their  endeavors  to  obtain  the  restitution  of  such  of  their  estates, 
rights  and  properties,  as  may  have  been  confiscated;  and  that  Con- 
gress shall  also  earnestly  recommend  to  the  several  States  a  recon- 
sideration and  revision  of  all  acts  or  laws  regarding  the  premises, 
80  as  to  render  the  said  laws  or  acts  perfectly  consistent,  not  only 
witlv  justice  and  equity,  but  with  that  spirit  of  conciliation  which, 
on  the  return  of  the  blessings  of  peace,  should  universally  prevail. 
And  that  Congress  shall  also  earnestly  recommend  to  the  several 
States,  that  the  estates,  rights  and  properties,  of  such  last  men- 
tioned persons,  shall  be  restored  to  them,  they  refunding  to  any 


414 


PROVISIONS  OV  TBI  TBIATT. 


1784. 


persons  who  maj  now  be  in  possession,  the  bona  fide  price  (where 
any  has  been  ^ven)  which  snoh  persons  may  have  pud  on  purcha- 
sing any  of  the  said  lands,  rights  or  properties,  since  the  confisca- 
tion. And  it  is  agreed  that  all  persons  who  have  any  interest  in 
confiscated  lauds,  either  by  debts,  marriage  settlements,  or  other- 
wise, shall  meet  with  no  lawful  impediment  in  the  prosecution  of 
their  just  rights. 

"That  there  shall  be  no  ftiture  confiscations  made,  nor  any  prose- 
cations  commenced  against  any  person  or  persons  for,  or  by  reason  of, 
the  part  which  be  or  they  may  have  taken  in  the  present  war ;  and 
that  no  person  shall,  on  that  account,  suffer  any  future  loss  or  dam- 
age, either  in  his  person,  liberty,  or  property ;  and  that  those  who 
may  be  in  confinement  on  such  charges,  at  the  time  of  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  treaty  in  America,  shall  be  immediately  set  at  liberty, 
and  the  prosecutions  so  commenced  be  discontinued. 

"There  shall  be  a  firm  and  perpetual  peace  between  his  Britan- 
nic Majesty  and  the  said  States,  and  between  the  subjects  of  the 
one  and  the  citisens  of  the  other,  wherefore,  all  hostilities,  both  by 
sea  and  land,  shall  from  henceforth  cease:  all  prisoners,  on  bo^ 
sides,  shall  be  set  at  liberty;  and  his  Britannic  Migesty  shall,  with 
all  convenient  speed,  and  without  causing  any  destruction,  or  car- 
rying away  any  negroes  or  other  property  of  the  American  inhabi- 
tants, withdraw  all  his  armies,  garrisons,  and  fleets,  from  the  said 
United  States,  and  from  every  post.  plac<e,  and  harbor,  within  the 
same ;  leaving  in  all  fortifications  the  American  artillery  that  may 
be  therein;  and  shall  also  order  and  cause  all  archives,  records, 
deeds,  and  papers,  belonging  to  any  of  the  said  States,  or  their  citi- 
zens, which,  in  the  course  of  the  war,  may  have  fieillen  into  the 
hands  of  his  officers,  to  be  forthwith  restored  and  delivered  to  the 
proper  States  and  persons  to  whom  they  belong." 

That  these  stipulations  were  wise  and  just,  none,  perhaps, 
doubted ;  but  they  opened  a  door  for  disputes,  out  of  which  imme- 
diately those  disagreements  between  England  and  America  arose, 
which  for  so  long  a  time  kept  alive  the  hopes  and  enmities  of  the 
Indians,  contending,  as  they  were,  for  their  native  lands  and  the 
burial  places  of  their  fathers.  The  origin  of  the  difficulty  was  an 
alleged  infractioi;  of  the  provisional  treaty,  signed  November  80th, 
1782,  on  the  part  of  the  British,  who  showed  an  intention  to  take 
away  with  them  from  New  York,  certain  negroes  claimed  as  the 
"property  of  the  American  inhabitants,"  none  of  which,  by  the 
terms  both  of  that  and  the  definitive  treaty,  were  to  be  removed. 

Against  this  intention,  Washington  had  remonstrated,  and  Oon- 


1785. 


VORTHIBN  POSTS  BITAINBD  BT  BBITIim. 


415 


gress  resolved  in  vain:  in  reply  to  all  remonstranees,  it  was  sud 
that  the  slaves  were  either  booty  taken  in  war,  and  as  such,  by 
the  laws  of  war,  belonged  to  the  captors,  and  coald  not  come 
within  the  meaning  of  the  treaty ;  or,  were  freemen,  and  coald  not 
be  enslaved.  It  was  nndoubtedly  true  in  regard  to  many  of  the 
negroes,  that  they  were  taken  in  war,  and  as  such,  if  {woperty  at 
allj-lihe  booty  of  the  captors ;  bat  it  was  equally  certain  that  another 
portion  of  Uiem  consisted  of  runaways,  and  by  the  terms  of  the 
treaty,  as  the  Americans  interpreted  it^  should  have  been  restored 
or  paid  for. 

It  was- in  April,  1788,  that  the  purposes  of  England,  in  relation 
to  the  negroes  bect»me  apparent;  in  May,  the  commander-in-chief 
and  Congress  tried,  ineffectually,  to  bring  about  a  different  course 
of  action.  Upon  the  8d  of  September,  the  definitive  treaty  was 
signed  at  Paris;  on  the  25th  of  November,  the  British  left  New 
York,  carrying  the  negroes  claimed  by  the  Americans  with  them ; 
while  upon  the  4th  of  the  following  January,  1784,  the  treaty 
was  ratified  by  the  United  States,  and  on  the  9th  of  April  by 
England. 

Under  these  circumstances,  Vii^uia  and  several  other  States 
eaw  fit  to  decline  compliance  with  the  article  respecting  the 
recovery  of  debts;  refused  to  repeal  the  laws  previously  existing 
against  British  creditors;  and  upon  the  22d  of  next  June,  after  the 
ratification  of  peace  by  both  parties,  the  Old  Dominion  expressly 
declined  to  fulfill  the  treaty  in  its  completeness.  This  refusal,  or 
neglect,  which  was  equivalent  to  a  refusal,  on  the  part  of  the 
States  to  abide  strictly  by  the  treaty,  caused  England,  on  the  other 
hand,  to  retain  possession  of  the  western  posts,  and  threatened  to 
involve  the  two  countries  again  in  open  warfare. 

The  merits  of  the  controversy  are  thus  set  forth  in  the  corres- 
pondence of  Mr.  Adams,  then  minister  at  London,  with  Lord 
Carmarthen,  the  English  Secretary  of  State. 

In  a  communication  addressed  to  Carmarthen,  on  the  8th  of 
December,  1785,  Mr.  Adams  says  : 

"Although  a  period  of  three  years  has  elapsed  since  the  signa- 
ture of  the  preliminary  treaty,  and  of  more  than  two  years  since 
that  of  the  definitive  treaty,  the  posts  of  Oswegatchy,  Oswego, 
Niagara,  Presqu'  Isle,  Sandusky,  Detroit,  Michilimackinack,  with 
others  not  necessary  to  be  particularly  enumerated,  and  a  consid- 
erable territory  round  each  of  them,  all  within  the  incontestible 
limits  of  the  United  States,  are  still  held  by  British  garrisons,  to 
the  loss  and  injury  of  the  United  States.  The  subscriber,  therefore, 


416 


ADAMS  NEGOIIATXS  FOR  8VBBBNDBR  OV  IBM  POSTS. 


1786. 


in  tho  name  and  behalf  of  the  said  United  States,  and  in  obedience 
to  their  express  commands,  has  the  honor  to  require  of  his  Britan- 
nic Miyesty's  Ministry,  that  all  his  M^esty's  armies  and  garrisons 
be  forthwith  withdrawn  from  the  United  States,  from  all  and  every 
of  the  posts  and  fortresses  herein  before  enumerated,  and  from 
every  other  post,  place,  and  harbor  within  the  territory  of  the 
United  States,  according  to  the  true  intention  of  the  treaties  afore* 
said." 

On  the  28th  of  February,  1786,  Lord  Carmarthen,  in  an  answer 
to  Mr.  Adams,  said : 

'*  I  have  to  observe  to  you,  sir,  that  it  is  his  Majesty's  fixed 
determination,  upon  the  present  as  well  as  every  other  occasion,  to 
act  in  perfect  conformity  to  the  strictest  principles  of  justice  and 
good  faith.  The  seventh  article  both  of  the  provisional  and  of  the 
definitive  treaties  between  his  Mi^esty  and  the  United  States 
clearly  stipulates  the  withdrawing,  with  all  convenient  speed,  his 
Majesty's  armies,  garrisons,  and  fleets,  from  the  said  United  States, 
and  from  every  post,  place,  and  harbor  within  the  same ;  and  no 
doubt  can  possibly  arise  respecting  either  the  letter  or  spirit  of 
such  an  engagement  The  fourth  article  of  the  same  treaties  as 
clearly  stipulates,  that  creditors  on  either  side  shall  meet  with  no 
lawful  impediment  to  the  recovery  of  the  full  value,  in  sterling 
money,  of  all  bona  fide  debts  heretofore  contracted. 

"  The  little  attention  paid  to  the  fulfilling  tliis  engagement  on 
the  part  of  the  subjects  of  the  United  States  in  general,  and  the 
direct  breach  of  it  in  many  particular  instances,  have  already  redu- 
ced mauy  of  the  King's  subjects  to  the  utmost  degree  of  difficulty 
and  distress ;,  nor  have  their  applications  for  redress,  to  those  whose 
situations  in  America  naturally  pointed  them  out  as  the  guardians 
of  the  public  faith,  been  as  yet  successful  in  obtaining  them  that 
justice,  to  which,  on  every  principle  of  law  as  well  as  of  humanity, 
they  were  clearly  and  indisputably  entitled.  The  engagements 
entered  into  by  treaty  ought  to  be  mutual  and  equally  binding  on 
the  respective  contracting  parties.  It  would,  therefore,  be  the 
height  of  folly  as  well  as  injustice,  to  suppose  one  party  alone 
obliged  to  a  strict  observance  of  the  public  faith,  while  the  other 
might  remain  free  to  deviate  from  its  own  engagements,  as  often 
as  convenience  might  render  such  deviation  necessary,  though  at 
the  expense  of  its  own  national  credit  and  importance.  I  flatter 
myself,  however,  sir,  that  justice  will  speedily  be  done  to  British 
creditors ;  and,  I  can  assure  you,  sir,  that  whenever  America  shall 
manifest  a  real  determination  to  fulfill  her  part  of  the  treaty.  Great 


1786. 


BNOLAHD  OOHTDrUSS  OBaTINATI. 


41T 


Britain  vnW  not  hesitate  to  prove  her  sincerity  to  oo-operate  in 
whatever  points  depend  upon  her  for  carrying  every  article  of  it 
into  real  and  complete  effect" 

In  the  answer  from  Lord  Oarmarthen  to  Mr  Adams,  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  saw  the  ostensible  grounds  on  which 
Great  Britain  continued  to  keep  possession  of  the  important 
military  and  trading  posts  at  Niagara,  Detroit,  and  Michilimacki- 
nack.  There  were  other  considerations,  however,  which,  at  this 
period,  influenced  in  no  slight  degree,  the  policy  of  the  British 
Ministry.  The  fur  trade,  a  very  profitable  branch  of  commerce, 
was  carried  on  almost  exclusively  by  Englishmen  and  Canadians, 
who  were  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  and  who,  by  intermarriages 
with  squaws,  and  a  pacific  course  of  trade,  had  acquired  considerable 
influence  over  all  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  country  north-west  of  the 
Ohio.  These  advantages  were  too  well  understood,  and  too  highly 
appreciated,  by  Great  Britain,  to  be  given  up  by  that  government 
while  it  could  show  either  a  good  reason  or  a  plausible  pretext  for 
retaining  them ;  and,  of  course,  the  British  Cabinet  viewed  with 
feelings  of  disapprobation  and  jealousy,  the  efforts  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  to  subjugate  the  Indian  tribes  and  to  lay 
the  foundations  of  independent  states  in  the  vast  territories  on  the 
north-western  side  of  the  river  Ohio.  Such  were  the  views  and 
sentiments  of  the  British  Ministers  in  1791,  when  Governor  St. 
Glair  was  collecting  an  army  at  Fort  Washington,  for  the  purpose 
of  establishing  a  strong  military  post  at  the  Miami  village,  in  the 
midst  of  various  tribes  of  Indians  who  were  nominally  under  the 
protection  of  Great  Britain."' 

The  political  condition  of  Kentucky  was  a  source  of  great  incon- 
venience to  its  people.  During  the  war,  they  had  been  compelled 
to  defend  themselves  against  the  continual  incursions  of  the 
savages,  without  any  adequate  aid  from  the  parent  state.  In  con- 
sequence, the  whole  male  population  had  become  a  citizen  soldiery, 
and  the  necessities  of  their  situation  supplied  to  them  the  lack  of 
an  adequate  civil  and  military  organization.  But  on  the  return  of 
peace,  the  extension  of  the  law  of  Virginia,  without  any  legislation 
suited  to  their  peculiar  circumstances,  exposed  them  to  many 
inconveniences,  and  produced  much  delay,  and  even  injustice,  in 
the  administration  of  civil  affairs. 


*  Dillon's  Indiana,  p.  207. 


418 


BUBVBT  OF  MILITABT  LAHDB. 


1784. 


In  the  fitll  of  1784,  these  inconTonierc^  were  severely  felt  A 
report  was  circulated  that  the  Gherokees  were  aboat  to  attack  the 
settlements  in  Kentucky,  and  the  people  were  greatly  alarmed  for 
their  safety.  Ool.  Logan  attempted  to  raise  a  force  for  the  defense 
of  the  country,  but  on  examination  it  was  discovered  that  there 
were  no  military  laws  in  force  within  the  district.  Under  these 
circumstances,  it  was  determined  to  invite  a  meeting  of  repre- 
sentatives from  all  the  settlements,  to  take  whatever  measures 
were  deemed  expedient  for  the  defense  of  the  country.  The 
meeting  assembled  at  Danville,  and  adopted  a  circular  address  to 
each  militia  company  in  the  district,  recommending  the  election  of 
delegates  from  each  company,  to  meet  at  Danville  on  the  27th  of 
December,  to  discuss  more  fnlly  the  measures  necessary  to  be 
adopted  for  their  relief. 

Twenty-five  delegates  appeared  in  the  convention.  There  was  a 
great  diversily  in  their  opinion*.  Some  of  them  believed  that  it 
was  only  necessary  to  apply  for  suitable  legislative  aid  from  the 
State  of  Virginia;  it  was  urged  by  others,  that  the  great  distance 
from  the  State  capital  was  an  insuperable  difficulty  in  the  way  oi 
their  connection  with  the  parent  State,  and  that  the  evils  that  were 
felt  could  only  be  removed  by  a  separation  from  it,  and  an  admis- 
sion as  an  independent  State  into  the  Union.  The  latter  opinion 
prevailed;  the  convention  adopted  a  resolution  expressing  its 
,  opinion  "in  favor  of  applying  for  an  act  to  render  Kentuc^ 
independent  of  Virginia,"  and  a^oumed  after  a  session  of  two 
days.* 

The  survey  and  location  of  the  military  lands  in  Kentucky,  under 
the  laws  of  Viiginia,  were  commenced  in  the  same  year.  The 
number  of  soldiers  in  the  Virginia  continental  line  was  eleven 
hundred  and  twenty-four.  To  these,  as  provided  in  the  terms  of 
cession,  war  allotted  a  tract  of  land  within  the  district  of  Kentucky, 
estimated  at  two  millions  five  hundred  thousand  acres;  and  to  the 
State  line,  a  tract  estimated  at  three  millions  five  hundred  thousand 
acres.  To  both  these  lines  was  guaranteed  the  privilege  of  locating 
lands  on  the  north  side  of  the  Ohio,  between  the  Miami  and  Scioto 
rivers,  when  the  good  lands  within  the  district  assigned  them  were 
exhausted.  Bichard  G.  Anderson  was  chosen  surveyor  by  the 
continental  line,  opened  his  office  at  Louisville  on  the  20th  of  July, 


«  ManhaU's  Kentaoky,  i.  190. 


1784. 


warn  aeoiBM  at  louisvuiLi. 


419 


and  the  first  entry  of  lands  in  behalf  of  the  line,  south  of  the  Ohio, 
was  made  on  the  first  of  August,  IIH.  The  first  entiy  north  of 
the  Ohio  was  made  on  the  first  of  August,  1787.* 

The  return  of  peace  invited  emigration,  and  the  posts  and  settle* 
ments  that  were  maintuned  throughout  the  war  in  Western  Penn« 
sylvania.  Western  Virginia,  and  Kentucky,  now  received  a  large 
increase  of  population. 

The  population  of  all  the  settlements  of  Kentucky  in  1788,  was 
about  twelve  thousand.!  The  suspension  of  Indian  hostilities,  and 
the  inviting  character  of  the  soil  and  climate,  attracted  a  great  num- 
ber of  settlers  from  the  Atlantic  states,  and  especially  from  Virginia; 
and  in  the  spring  of  1784,  its  population  had  increased  to  more 
than  twenty  thousand.  The  principal  settlements  were  on  Ken- 
tucky river,  on  the  sources  of  Salt  river,  on  the  tributaries  of  the 
Licldng,  and  at  the  falls  of  the  Ohio.  They  were  divided  into  thi'ee 
counties— ^etferson  on  the  west,  Lineon  on  the  south,  and  Fayette 
on  the  north — united  together  under  the  laws  of  Virginia,  into  one 
judicial  district,  known  as  the  district  of  Kentucky.  Many  new 
settlements  were  made  by  the  emigrants,  and  the  population  of  the 
stations,  now  changed  into  agricultural  communities,  was  largely 
increased. 

In  1784,  the  population  of  the  district  wm  further  increased  by 
emigrants  from  Vir^nia  and  Korth  Carolina,  to  thirty  thousand, 
and  the  district  began  to  assume  the  character  of  a  prosperous  com- 
munity. Agriculture  began  to  flourish ;  schools  and  churches  were 
established;  and  a  trade  with  the  Atlantic  states  was  opened. 

In  the  spring  of  the  preceding  year,  merchandise  from  Phila- 
delphia and  Baltimore  was  first  transported  in  wagons  across  the 
monntains,  by  way  of  Ligonier  and  Cumberland,  to  Bedstone  and 
Pittsburgh,  and  thence  shipped  in  flat  boats  to  Daniel  Brodhead, 
at  Louisville,  who  immediately  opened  a  store  at  that  point.  In 
1784,  another  was  opened  by  James  Wilkinson,  at  Lexington.  At 
that  period,  Louisville  contained,  it  is  said,  sixty-three  houses 
finished,  thirty-seven  partly  finished,  twenty-two  raised,  but  not 
covered,  and  more  than  one  hundred  cabins. 

Pittsburgh  was,  at  that  period,  the  principal  town  in  the  West 
In  1764,  immediately  after  the  close  of  the  Indian  war.  Col.  Camp- 


*  Ameriouk  State  Pap«ra,  xri.  7. 


t  Monette,  U.  143. 


420 


SBOONi;  SUBVBT  Of  PITTSBUBaH. 


1784. 


bell  laid  out  a  town  oonBisting  of  four  Bqaares,  outside  of  the  walls 
of  Fort  Pitt,  to  whioh  he  gave  the  name  of  Pittsburgh.  The  treaty 
with  the  Six  Nations  in  1768,  conveyed  to  the  proprietaries  of 
Pennsylvania,  all  the  lands  east  of  the  Allegheny,  below  Eittan- 
ning,  and  all  the  country  south  of  the  Ohio,  within  the  limits  of 
Penn's  charter.  Accordingly,  early  in  1769,  the  manor  of  Pitts- 
burgh, consisting  of  five  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty-six 
acres,  was  surveyed  and  withdrawn  from  market  for  the  private 
property  of  the  Penn  family.  When  Washington  visited  it  in  1770, 
he  described  it  as  a  town  of  about  twenty  log  houses,  on  the 
Monongahela,  about  three  hundred  yards  from  the  fort  At  the 
revolution,  the  Penns  adhered  to  the  royal  cause,  and  in  conse- 
quence, all  their  proprietary  right  in  Pennsylvania,  except  such 
manors  as  had  been  surveyed  and  returned  to  the  land  office  before 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  were  confiscated  to  the  Common- 
wealth. The  manor  of  Pittsburgh  was  one  of  these,  and  thus 
remained  in  the  possession  of  the  family.  In  the  spring  of  1784, 
arrangements  were  made  by  Tench  Francis,  the  agent  of  the 
Penns,  to  lay  out  the  manor  in  lots,  in  order  to  offer  it  for  sale. 
George  Wood  and  Thomas  Yickroy  were  employed  to  make  the  bxo- 
vey.  The  lots  were  then  offered  for  sale,  were  readily  purchased,  and 
a  village  immediately  sprung  up.  In  the  same  year  it  was  visited 
and  described  by  Arthur  Lee,  who  was  then  on  his  way  to  the 
trealy  at  Fort  Mcintosh.  To  him,  it  seems  to  have  presented  a 
veiy  unpromising  appearance,  and  he  expresses  his  belief,  "that 
the  place  will  never  be  very  considerable."  He,  however,  over- 
looked the  fact,  even  at  that  day  marked  by  more  acute  observers* 
that  its  location,  climate,  scenery  and  surroundings,  would  in  after 
days  make  it  a  city  of  great  importance  and  of  great  wealth. 

In  the  spring  of  1781,  H.  H.  Brackenridge,  Esq.,  afterward  a 
distinguished  member  of  the  bar  in  Western  Pennsylvania,  and 
subsequently  a  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  that  State,  emigrated 
from  Philadelphia  and  located  himself  in  Pittsburgh. 

In  1786,  Joun  Scull  and  Joseph  Hall  embarked  all  their  means  in 
the  establishment  of  a  newspaper  at  that  point;  and  on  the  29th  of 
July,  the  first  number  of  the  Pittsburgh  Gazette,  the  first  paper  estab- 
lished west  of  the  mountains,  was  issued.  In  that  number,  an  article 
was  published  from  the  pen  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  "on  the  situation 
of  the  town  of  Pittsburgh,  and  the  state  of  society  at  that  place."* 


*  Craig's  History  of  Pittoburgh,  p.  190. 


1786. 


BRAOKBRBIDOB'8  SUTOH  01  PITT8BUB0H. 


421 


"The  Allegheny  river  ronning  fW>in  the  north-east,  and  the  Mo- 
nongahela  from  the  Bonth-west,  meet  at  the  angle  of  about  thirty- 
three  degrees,  and  form  the  Ohio.  This  is  said  to  signify,  in  some 
of  the  Indian  languages,  bloody;  so  that  the  Ohio  river  may  be 
translated  the  River  of  Blood.  The  French  have  called  it  La 
Belle  Riviere,  that  is,  the  Beantifnl  or  Fair  River,  but  this  is  not 
intended  by  them  as  having  any  relation  to  the  name  Ohio. 

"Itmay  have  received  the  name  Ohio  about  the  beginning  of 
the  present  century,  when  the  Six  Nations  made  war  upon  their 
fellow  savages  in  liiese  territories,  and  subjected  several  tribes. 

"  The  word  Monongahela  is  said  to  signify,  in  some  of  the  Indian 
languages,  the  FalUng-m-BankSy  that  is,  the  stream  of  the  Falling- 
in,  or  Mouldering  Banks. 

"At  the  distance  of  about  four  or  five  hundred  yards  from  the  head 
of  the  Ohio,  is  a  small  island,  lying  to  the  north-west  side  of  the  river, 
at  the  distance  of  seventy  yards  from  the  shore.  It  is  covered  with 
wood,  and  at  the  lowest  part  is  a  lofty  hH!,  famous  for  the  number 
of  wild  turkeys  which  inhabit  it.  The  island  is  not  more  in  length 
than  one-quarter  of  a  mile,  and  in  breadth  about  one  hundred  yards. 
A  small  space  on  the  upper  end  is  cleared  and  overgrown  with 
grass.  The  savages  had  cleared  it  during  o  late  war,  a  party  of 
them  attached  to  the  United  States  having  placed  their  wigwams 
and  raised  com  there.  The  Ohio,  at  the  distance  of  about  one  mile 
from  its  source,  winds  round  the  lower  end  of  the  island,  and  dis- 
appears. I  call  the  confluence  of  the  Allegheny  and  Monongahela 
the  source  of  the  Ohio. 

"It  is  pleasant  to  observe  the  conflict  of  these  two  waters  where 
they  meet:  when  of  an  equal  height  the  contest  is  equal,  and  a 
small  rippling  appears  from  the  point  of  land  at  their  junction  to 
the  distance  of  about  five  hundred  yards.  When  the  Allegheny 
is  master,  as  the  term  is,  the  current  keeps  its  course  a  great  way 
into  the  Monongahela,  before  it  is  overcome  and  falls  into  the  bed 
of  the  Ohio.  The  Monongahela,  in  like  manner  having  the  mas- 
tery, bears  away  the  Allegheny,  and  with  its  muddy  waters  dis- 
colors the  crystal  current  of  that  river.  This  happens  frequently, 
inasmuch  as  these  two  rivers,  coming  from  different  climates  of 
the  country,  are  seldom  swollen  at  the  same  time.  The  flood  of 
the  Allegheny  rises  perhaps  the  highest.  I  have  observed  it  to 
have  been  at  least  thirty  feet  above  the  level,  by  the  impression  of 
the  ice  on  the  branches  of  trees  which  overhang  the  river,  and  had 
been  cut  at  the  breaking  up  of  the  winter,  when  the  snow  and 


422 


BBAOKBHRIOOI'S  •UIOH  01  nnUUEaH. 


1786. 


frost,  melting  toward  the  north-eaat,  throw  themselves  down  with 
amazing  rapidity  and  violence  in  a  mighty  deluge.  The  current 
of  the  Allegheny  is  in  general  more  rafnd  than  that  of  the  Monon- 
gahela,  and  though  not  broader  or  of  greater  depth,  yet,  from  this 
circumstance  throws  forward  a  greater  quantity  of  water  in  the 
same  space  of  time.  In  this  river,  at  the  distance  of  about  a  mile 
above  the  town  of  Pittsburgh,  is  a  beautifhl  little  island,  which,  if 
there  are  river  gods  and  nymphs,  they  may  be  supposed  to  haunt. 
At  the  upper  end  of  the  island,  and  toward  the  western  shore,  is  a 
small  ripple,  as  it  is  called,  where  the  water,  bubbling  as  if  it 
sprung  from  the  pebbles  of  a  fountain,  gives  vivacity  and  an  air  of 
cheerfulness  to  the  scene. 

"  The  fish  of  the  Allegheny  are  harder  and  firmer  than  those  of 
the  Monongahela  or  Ohio,  owing,  as  is  supposed,  to  the  greater 
coldness  and  purity  of  the  water.  The  fish  in  general  of  thoie 
rivers  are  good.  They  are,  the  pike,  weighing  frequently  fifteen 
or  twenty  pounds ;  the  perch,  much  larger  than  any  I  have  ever 
seen  in  the  bay  of  Chesapeake,  which  is  the  only  tide  from  whence 
I  have  ever  seen  perch ;  there  is  also  the  sturgeon,  and  many  other 
kinds  of  fish.  * 

"  It  is  a  high  amusement  to  those  who  are  fond  of  fishing,  to 
angle  in  those  waters,  more  especially  at  tiie  time  of  a  gentle  flood, 
when  the  frequent  nibbles  of  the  large  and  small  fishes  entertain 
the  expectation,  and  sometimes  gratify  it  by  a  bite ;  and  when  those 
of  the  larger  size  are  taken,  it  is  necessary  to  play  them  a  consider* 
able  time  before  it  can  be  judged  safe  to  draw  them  in.  I  have 
seen  a  canoe  half  loaded  in  a  morning  by  some  of  those  most 
expert  in  the  employment,  but  yon  will  see  in  a  spring  evening  the 
banks  of  the  rivers  lined  with  men  fishing  at  intervals  from  one 
another.  This,  with  the  streams  gently  gliding,  the  woods,  at  a 
distance,  green,  and  the  shadows  lengthening  toward  the  town, 
forms  a  delightful  scene.  Fond  of  the  water,  I  have  been  some- 
times highly  pleased  in  going  with  a  select  party,  in  a  small  barge, 
up  or  down  the  rivers,  and  landing  at  a  cool  spring,  to  ei\joy  tiie 
verdant  turf,  amidst  the  shady  bowers  of  ash-wood,  sugar-tree,  or 
oak,  planted  by  the  hand  of  nature,  not  art 

"  It  may  be  said  by  some  who  will  read  this  description  which  I 
have  given,  or  may  be  about  to  give,  Aat  it  is  minute  and  useless, 
inasmuch  as  they  are  observations  of  things  well  known.  But  let 
it  be  considered,  that  it  is  not -intended  for  the  people  of  this  couu- 
try,  but  for  those  at  a  distance,  who  may  not  yet  be  acquainted  with 


1786. 


BBAOKlNKISOl'S  8KIT0B  Off  KXmaUB«a. 


the  natural  utaation  of  the  town  of  Pittshaif;)!,  or  having  heard  of 
it,  may  wiah  to  be  more  partioularly  informed.  Who  knowa  what 
families  of  fortase  it  may  indace  to  emigrate  to  this  place  ? 

*'  There  is  a  rook  known  by  the  name  of  M'Kee's  rock,  at  the 
distance  of  about  three  miles  below  the  head  of  the  Ohio.  It  is 
the  end  of  a  promontory,  where  1^  river  bends  to  the  north-west^ 
and  where,  by  the  rushing  of  the  floods,  the  earth  has  been  out 
away  daring  several  ages,  so  that  now  the  huge  overhanging  rocks 
appear,  hollowed  beneath,  so  as  to  form  a  dome  of  mqesty  and 
grendear,  near  one  hundred  feet  in  height.  Here  are  the  names  of 
French  and  British  officers  engraved,  who  in  former  times,  in  pap> 
ties  of  pleasure,  had  visited  this  place.  The  town  of  Pittsburgh,  at 
the  head  of  the  Ohio,  is  scarcely  visible  from  hence,  by  means  of  an 
intervening  island,  the  lower  end  of  which  is  nearly  opposite  the 
rocks.  Just  below  them,  at  the  bending  of  the  river,  is  a  deep  eddy 
water,  which  has  been  sounded  by  a  line  of  thirty  fathoms,  and  no 
bottom  found.  Above  them  is  a  beautiful  extent  of  bottom,  contain- 
ing five  or  six  hundred  acres,  and  the  ground  rising  to  the  inland  conn- 
try  with  an  easy  ascent,  so  as  to  form  an  extensive  landscape.  As 
you  ascend  the  river  from  these  rocks,  to  the  town  of  Pittsburgh, 
you  pass  by  on  your  right  hand  the  mouth  of  a  brook  known  by 
the  name  of  the  Saw-mill  run.  This  empties  itself  about  half  a 
mile  below  the  town,  and  is  overlooked  by  a  building  on  its  banks, 
on  the  point  of  a  hill  which  fronts  the  east,  and  is  first  struck  by  the 
beam  of  the  rising  sun.  At  a  small  distance  from  its  mouth  is  a 
saw-mill,  about  twenty  perches  below  the  situation  of  an  old  mill 
built  by  the  British,  the  remains  of  some  parts  of  which  are  yot 
seen.  • 

"At  the  head  of  the  Ohio  stands  the  town  of  Pittsburgh,  on  an 
angular  piece  of  ground,  the  two  riven  forming  the  two  sides  of 
the  angle.  Just  at  the  point  stood,  when  I  first  came  to  this  coun- 
try, a  tree,  leaning  against  which  I  have  often  overlooked  the  wave, 
or  committing  my  garments  to  its  shade,  have  bathed  in  the  trans- 
parent tide.  How  have  I  regretted  its  undeserved  fate,  when  the 
early  winter  flood  tore  it  from  the  roots,  and  left  the  bank  bare. 

"On  this  point  stood  the  old  French  fort  known  by  the  name  of 
Fort  Du  Quesne,  which  was  evacuated  and  blown  up  by  the  French 
in  the  campaign  of  the  British  under  Qen.  Forbes.  The  appear- 
ance of  the  ditch  and  mound,  with  the  salient  angles  and  bastions 
still  remains,  so  as  to  prevent  that  yaxia&t  level  of  the  ground  which 
othenvise  would  exist    It  has  been  long  oveigrown  with  the  finest 


4M 


BftAOKIVBXDOl'8  BEITOB  OV  PXTTSBUBaB. 


1786. 


t«rdare,  and  depastared  on  by  cattle;  bat  since  the  town  has  been 
laid  out  it  has  been  enclosed,  and  buildings  are  erected. 

"Just  above  these  works  is  the  pMlMient  garrison,  built  by  Qen, 
Stanwiz,  and  is  said  to  have  cost  the  crown  of  Britain  £60,000.  Be 
that  as  it  may,  it  has  been  a  work  of  great  labor  and  of  little  use-^ 
for,  situated  OA  a  plain,  it  is  commanded  by  heights  and  rising 
grounds  on  every  side,  and  some  at  less  than  the  distance  of  a  mile. 
The  fortification  is  regular,  constructed  according  to  the  rules  of 
art,  and  about  three  years  ago  put  into  good  repair  by  Gen.  Irwin, 
who  commanded  at  this  post  It  has  the  advantage  of  an  excellent 
magazine,  built  of  stone ;  but  the  time  is  come,  and  it  is  hoped  will 
not  again  return,  when  the  use  of  this  garrison  is  at  an  end.  There 
is  a  line  of  posts  below  it  on  the  Ohio  river,  to  the  distance  of  three 
hundred  miles.  The  savages  come  to  this  place  for  trade,  not  for 
war,  and  any  future  contest  that  we  may  have  with  them,  will  be 
on  the  heads  of  the  more  northern  rivers  that  fall  into  the 
Mississippi. 

"  The  bank  of  the  Allegheny  river,  on  the  north-west  side  of  the 
town  of  Pittsburgh,  is  planted  with  an  orchard  of  apple  trees,  with 
some  pear  trees  iutermixed.  These  were  brought,  it  is  said,  and 
planted  by  a  British  officer,  who  commanded  at  this  place  early 
on  the  first  occupation  of  it  by  the  crown  of  England.  He  has 
deserved  the  thanks  of  those  who  have  nnce  enjoyed  it,  as  the 
fruit  is  excellent,  and  the  trees  bear  in  abundance  every  year. 
Near  the  garrison  on  the  Allegheny  bank,  were  formerly  what 
were  called  the  king's  artilleiy  gardens,  delightful  spots,  cultivated 
highly  to  usefulness  and  pleasure,  the  soil  favoring  .the  growth  of 
plants  and  flowers,  equa^with  any  on  the  globe.  Over  this  ground 
the  ancient  herbs  and  plants  springing  up  underneath  the  foot,  it  ii 
delightful  still  to  walk,  covered  with  the  orchard  shade. 

"  On  the  margin  of  this  riVer  once  stood  a  row  of  houses,  ele- 
gant and  neat,  and  not  unworthy  of  the  European  taste,  but  they 
have  been  swept  away  in  the  course  of  time,  some  for  the  purpose 
of  forming  an  opening  to  the  river  from  the  garrison,  that  the 
artillery  might  incommode  the  enemy  approaching  and  deprived  of 
shelter;  some  torn  away  by  the  fury  of  the  rising  ilver,  indignant 
of  too  near  a  pressure  on  its  banks.  These  buildings  were  th« 
receptacles  of  the  ancient  Indian  trade,  which,  coming  from  the 
westward,  centred  in  this  quarter:  but  of  these  buildings,  like 
decayed  monuments  of  grandeur,  no  trace  remains.  Those  who, 
twenty  years  ago,  saw  them  flourish,  can  only  say,  here  they 
stood. 


1780. 


BRAOKBNRIDQB'S  SKITCH  OV  PlTTSBCROn. 


42A 


"  From  the  verdant  walk  on  the  margin  of  this  beautiful  river, 
you  have  a  view  of  an  island  about  a  mile  above,  round  which  the 
river  twines  with  a  resplendent  brightness ;  gliding  on  the  eastern 
bank,  it  would  wish  to  keep  a  straight  direction,  once  supposed  to 
be  its  course :  but  thrown  beneath,  it  modestly  submits,  and  falls 
toward  the  town.  When  the  poet  comes  with  his  •Dchanting  song 
to  pour  his  magic  numbers  on  this  scene,  this  little  island  may 
aspire  to  live  with  those  in  the  iBgean  sea,  where  the  song  of 
Homer  drew  the  image  o'f  delight,  or  where  the  Gam  or  Isis,  em- 
bracing in  their  bosoms  gems  like  these,  are  sung  by  Milton,  father 
of  the  modern  bards. 

"On  the  west  side  of  the  Allegheny  river,  and  opposite  the 
orchard,  is  a  level  of  three  thousand  acres,  reserved  by  the  state  to 
be  laid  out  in  lots  for  the  purpose  of  a  town.  A  small  stream,  at 
right  angles  to  the  river,  passes  through  it.  On  this  ground  it  is 
supposed  a  town  may  stand;  but  on  all  hands  it  is  excluded  from 
the  praise  of  being  a  situation  so  convenient  as  on  the  side  of  the 
river  where  the  present  town  is  placed ;  yet  it  is  a  most  delightftil 
grove  of  oak,  cherry  and  walnut  trees :  but  we  return  and  take  a 
view  of  the  MonongahiX  on  the  southern  side  of  the  town. 

"  This  bank  is  closely  set  with  buildings,  for  the  distance  of  near 
half  a  mile,  and  behind  this  range  the  town  chiefly  lies,  falling  back 
on  the  plains  between  the  two  rivers.    To  the  eastward  is  Grant's 
bill,  a  beautiful  rising  ground,  discovering  marks  of  ancient  culti- 
vation ;  the  forests  having  long  ago  withdrawn^  and  shown  the  head 
and  brow  beset  with  green  und  flowers.    From  this  hill  two  crystal 
fountains  issuo^  which  in  the  heat  of  summer  continue  with  a  lim- 
pid current  to  refresh  the  taste.    It  is  pleasant  to  celebrate  a  festi- 
val on  the  summit  of  this  ground.    In  the  year  1781,  a  bower  had 
been  erected,  covered  with  green  shrubs.    The  sons  and  daughters 
of  the  day  assembling,  joined  in  the  festivity,  viewing  the  rivers 
at  a  distance,  and  listening  to  the  music  of  the  military  on  the  plain 
beneath  them.    When  the  moonlight  rising  from  the  east  had 
softened  into  gray,  the  prospect,  a  lofty  pile  of  wood  enflamed, 
with  pyramidical  rising,  illuminated  both  the  rivers  and  the  town, 
\rbich  far  around  reflected  brightness.  Approaching  in  the  appear- 
ance of  a  river  god,  a  swain  begirt  with  weeds  natural  to  tbese 
streams,  and  crowned  with  leaves  of  the  sugar  tree,  hailed  us,  and 
gave  prophetic  hints  of  the  grandeur  of  our  future  empire.    His 
words  I  remember  not,  but  it  seemed  to  me  for  a  moment,  that  the 
mystic  agency  of  deities  well  known  in  Qreece  and  Rome,  was  not 
a  &ble ;  but  that  powers  unseen  haunt  the  woods  and  rivers,  who 
28 


410 


BRAOKIMRIOOB'S  BKBTCH  of   PirrSBURQH. 


1780. 


toke  part  in  the  afikira  of  znortatt,  and  are  pleased  with  the  oele- 
bratiou  uf  events  that  epring  from  great  achievements,  and  fl'oni 
virtue. 

**■  This  is  the  hill,  and  from  whence  it  takes  its  name,  where  in  thv 
war  which  terminated  in  the  year  1768,  Grant,  advancing  with  abont 
eight  hundred  Caledonians  or  Highland  Scotch  troops,  heat  a 
reveille  a  little  after  snnnse  to  the  French  garrison,  who,  accom- 
panied with  a  number  of  savages,  sallied  out  and  flanking  him  un- 
seen from  the  bottom  on  the  left  and  right,  then  covered  with  wood, 
ascended  the  hill,  tomahawked  and  cut  his  troops  to  pieces,  and 
made  Orant  himself  prisoner.  Bones  and  weapons  are  yet  found 
on  the  hill — the  bones  white  with  the  weather,  the  weapons  covered 
with  rust 

"Ou  the  summit  of  this  hill  is  a  mound  of  earth,  supposed  to  U> 
a  catacomb  or  ancient  burying  place  of  the  savages.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  of  this,  as  on  the  opening  some  of  the  like  tumuli,  or  hillH 
of  earth,  bones  are  found.  In  places  where  stones  arc  plenty,  themt 
mouiidH  are  raised  of  stones,  and  skeletons  are  found  in  them.  To 
the  north-east  of  Grant's  hill,  there  is  one  still  higher,  at  the  diH- 
tance  of  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  which  is  called  the  Quarry  hill, 
from  the  excellent  stone  quarry  that  has  been  opened  in  it.  From 
this  hill  there  is  an  easy  descent  the  whole  way  to  tUe  town,  ami 
an  excellent  smooth  road,  so  that  the  stones  can  be  easily  procured 
to  erect  any  building  at  Pittsburgh.  From  the  Quarry  hill  you 
have  ft  view  of  lour  or  five  miles  of  the  Allegheny  river,  alon)( 
which  lies  a  fine  bottom,  and  in  high  cultivation,  with  diftbrent  in- 
dosures  and  farm-houses,  the  river  winding  through  the  wholo 
prospect. 

.  *^  This  hill  would  seem  to  stand  as  that  whereon  a  strong  redouht 
might  be  placed,  to  command  the  commerce  of  the  Allegheny 
river,  ^'hile  directly  opposite,  on  the  Monongahela  side,  to  the 
south-east,  stands  a  hill  of  the  same  height  and  appearance,  known 
by  the  name  of  Ayres'  hill,  so  called  from  a  British  engineer  of 
that  name,  who  gave  hie  opinion  in  favor  of  this  ground  as  tlwt 
whereon  the  fort  oughC  to  be  constructed,  as  being  the  higlteet 
ground,  and  which  roust  command  the  rivers,  and  the  plain  with 
the  inferior  rising  grounds  on  which  the  town  is  built  The  hill 
has  been  cultivated  on  the  summit  by  a  Highland  regiment,  who 
built  upon  It,  though  the  buildings  are  now  gone,  and  the  brow  of 
the  hill  is  i>till  covered  with  wood. 

''From  Ayres'  hill  issue  several  fountains,  falling  chiefly  tc«rerd 
the  iiortli,  into  a  Rniall  brook,  whieh  increasing,  encircles  the  foot 


1786. 


BRAOKBlfRIIMl'8  IKnOU  OF  PITTSBUROH. 


4Kt 


cuown 
inecr  of 
as  t1)«t 

ligbeet 
■in  with 

he  hill 
nt,  wbo 

jrow  of 

tG<9«rd 
he  foot 


of  the  hill,  and  toke*  its  courM  through  MT«ral  boMtiftil  littlo 
meads  ibto  the  Monongfthela  river.  On  thb  brook,  before  it  takes 
its  torn  to  the  Monongahela,  in  a  delightful  little  valley,  and  in  the 
neighborhood  of  eome  plam-treee,  the  natives  of  the  coautry,  was 
the  ancient  risidence  of  a  certain  Anthony  Thompson,  the  vettigea 
of  whose  habitation  still  remain;  an  extent  of  groand  cleared  by 
him  lies  to  the  north,  accustomed  to  lontf  cultivation,  and  now 
thrown  out  a  common.  The  best  brick  may  be  made  fh>m  this 
ground,  the  fine  loam  and  sand  of  which  the  soil  consists,  and  the 
water  just  at  hand,  highly  favoring  the  olject. 

"  As  you  ascend  from  this  valley,  through  which  a  main  leading 

road  passes  from  the  country,  you  see  the  Monongahela,  and 

approaching  Grant's  hill  on  the  right,  you  have  the  point  of  view 

from  whence  the  town  is  seen  to  the  best  advantage.    It  is  hid 

from  you  until  by  the  winding  of  the  road  you  begin  to  turn  the 

point  of  the  hill ;  you  then  see  house  by  house  on  the  Monongahela 

side  opening  to  your  view,  until  yon  are  in  front  of  the  main  town, 

in  a  direct  line  to  the  confluence  of  the  rivers.    Then  the  buildings 

on  the  Allegheny  show  themselves,  with  the  plain  extending  to  the 

right,  which  had  been  coacealed.    Ton  have  in  the  meantime  a 

view  of  the  rising  grounds  beyond  the  rivers,  crowned  with  lofty 

woods.    I  was  once  greatly  struck  on  a  summer  morning,  viewing 

from  the  ground  the  ear^  vapor  rising  frt>m  the  river.    It  hung 

midway  between  the  foot  and  summit  of  the  hill,  so  that  the  green 

above  had  the  appearance  of  an  island  in  the  clouds. 

"It  may  be  here  observed,  that  at  the  junction  of  these  two 
rivers,  until  eight  o'clock  of  summer  mornings,  a  light  fog  is 
nsually  incumbent :  but  it  is  of  a  salutary  nature,  inasmuch  as  it 
oonsists  of  vapor  not  exhaled  from  stagnant  water,  but  which  the 
sun  of  the  preceding  day  had  extracted  from  trees  and  flowers,  and 
in  the  evening  had  sent  back  in  dew,  so  that  rising  with  a  second 
sun  in  fog,  and  becoming  of  aromatic  quality,  it  is  experienced  to 
be  healthful. 

**  The  town  of  Pittsburgh,  as  at  present  built,  stands  chiefly  on 
what  is  called  the  third  bank;  that  is  the  third  rising  of  the  ground 
above  the  Allegheny  water.  For  there  is  the  first  bank,  whi<^ 
confines  the  river  at  the  present  time ;  and  about  three  hundred 
JEeet  removed  is  a  second,  like  the  falling  of  a  garden ;  then  a  third, 
at  the  distance  of  about  three  hundred  yards;  and  lastly,  a  fourth 
bank,  all  of  cosy  inclination,  and  parallel  with  the  Allegheny  river. 
These  banks  would  seem  in  successive  periods  to  have  been  the 
margin  of  the  river,  which  gradually  has  changed  its  course,  and 


428 


BRAOKENRIDGB  S  8KBT0H  OV  PITTSBUBGH. 


1786. 


has  been  thrown  from  one  descent  to  another,  to  the  present  bed 
where  it  lies.  In  digging  wells  the  kind  of  stones  are  found  which 
we  observe  in  the  Allegheny  oarrent,  worn  smooth  by  the  attrition 
of  the  water.  Shells  also  intermixed  with  these  are  thrown  out 
Nature,  therefore,  or  the  river,  seems  to  have  formed  the  bed  of 
this  town  as  a  garden  with  level  walks,  and  fallings  of  the  ground. 
Hence  the  advantage  of  descending  gardens  on  these  banks,  which 
art  elsewhere  endeavors,  with  the  greatest  industry,  to  form.  Nor 
is  the  soil  less  happy  than  the  situation.  The  mold  is  light  and 
rich.  The  finest  gardens  in  the  known  worid  may  be  formed 
here. 

"  The  town  consists  at  present  of  about  an  hundred  dwelling 
houses,  with  buildings  appurtenant.  More  are  daily  added,  and 
for  some  time  past  it  has  improved  with  au  equal  but  continual 
pace.  The  inhabitants,  children,  men  and  women,  are  about  fifteen 
hundred  ;*  this  number  doubling  almost  every  year,  from  the  acces- 
sion of  people  from  abroad,  and  from  those  born  in  the  town.  As 
I  pass  along,  I  may  remark  that  this  new  country  is  in  general 
highly  prolific ;  whether  it  is  that  the  vegetable  air,  if  I  may  so 
express  it,  constantly  perfumed  with  aromatic  flavor,  and  impreg- 
nated with  salts  drawn  from  the  fresh  soil,  is  more  &vorable  to  the 
production  of  men  and  other  animals  than  decayed  grounds. 

**■  There  is  not  a  more  delightful  spot  under  heaven  to  spend  any 
of  the  summer  months  than  at  this  place.  I  am  astonished  that 
there  should  be  such  repairing  to  the  Warm  Springs  in  Virginia,  a 
place  pent  up  between  the  hills,  where  the  sun  pours  its  beams 
concentrated  as  in  a  burning-glass,  and  not  a  breath  of  air  stirs ; 
where  the  eye  can  wander  scarcely  half  a  furlong,  while  here  we 
have  the  breezes  of  the  river,  coming  from  the  Mississippi  and  the 
ocean;  the  gales  that  fan  the  woods,  and  are  sent  from  the  refresh- 
ing lakes  to  the  northward ;  in  the  meantime  the  prospect  of  exten- 
sive hills  and  dales,  whence  the  fragrant  air  brings  odors  of  a 
thousand  flow^ers  and  plants,  or  of  the  corn  and  grain  of  husband- 
men, upon  its  balmy  wings.  Here  we  have  the  town  and  country 
together.  How  pleasant  it  is  in  a  summer  evening,  to  walk  out 
upon  these  grounds,  the  smooth  green  surface  of  the  earth,  and  the 
woodland  shade  softening  the  late  fervid  beams  of  the  sun;  how 
pleasant  by  a  crystal  fountain  is  a  tea  party  under  one  of  those  hilla, 
with  the  rivers  and  the  plains  beneath. 


*  *  thia  estimate  of  the  population  here  it  a  moat  extraTagant  one,  beiig  abeat  If- 
te«B  to  a  honn;  which  is  inerediUe." — Craig. 


1769. 


VOBT  BURB  BUILT  AT  BEBSTONB. 


0» 


"ITor  is  the  winter  season  enjoyed  with  less  festivity  than  in 
more  populous  and  cultivated  towns.  The  buildings  warm ;  fuel 
abundant,  consisting  of  the  finest  coal  from  the  neighboring  hills, 
or  of  ash,  hickory,  or  oak,  brought  down  in  rafts  by  the  rirers.  In 
the  meantime,  the  climate  is  less  severe  at  this  place  than  on  the 
other  side  of  the  mountain,  lying  deep  in  the  bosom  of  the  wood ; 
sheltered  on  the  north-east  by  the  bending  of  the  Allegheny 
heights,  and  oflTthe  south-west  warmed  by  the  tepid  winds  from  the 
bay  of  Mexico  and  the  great  southern  ocean. 

"  In  the  fall  of  the  year,  and  during  the  winter  season,  there  is 
usually  a  great  concourse  of  strangers  at  this  place,  from  the  differ- 
ent States,  about  to  descend  the  river  to  the  westward,  or  to  make 
excursions  into  the  uninhabited  and  adjoining  country.  These, 
with  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  spend  the  evening  in  parties  at 
the  different  houses,  or  at  public  balls,  where  they  are  surprised  to 
find  an  elegant  assembly  of  ladies,  not  to  be  surpassed  in  beauty 
and  accomplishments  perhaps  by  any  on  the  continent. 

'*  It  must  appear  like  enchantment  to  a  stranger,  who  after  tra- 
veling an  hundred  miles  from  the  settlements,  across  a  dreary 
mountain,  and  through  the  adjoining  countiy,  where  in  many 
places  the  spurs  of  the  mountain  still  continue,  and  cultivation 
does  not  alwrys  show  itself,  to  see,  all  at  once,  and  almost  on  the 
verge  of  the  inhabited  globe,  a  town  with  smoking  chimneys,  halls 
lighted  up  with  splendor,  ladies  and  gentlemen  assembled,  various 
music,  and  the  mazes  of  the  dance.  He  may  suppose  it  to  be  the 
effect  of  magic,  or  that  he  is  come  into  a  new  world  where  there 
is  all  the  refinement  of  the  fermer,  and  more  benevolence  of 
heart." 

Redstone*  was  perhaps  at  that  period  next  in  importance  to 
Pittsburgh.  In  1759  Col.  Burd  was  dispatched  with  two  hundred 
men,  to  extend  Braddock's  road  to  the  Monongahela,  in  order  to 
open  a  better  communication  with  Fort  Pitt.  At  the  mouth  of 
Kedstone  creek,  on  the  site  of  an  ancient  fortification,  then  known 
as  Redstone  Old  Fort,  he  built  a  fort  which  he  named  Fort  Burd. 
How  long  Fort  Burd  was  maintained  is  not  known.  The  site  of 
it,  however,  continued  to  receive  the  name  of  Bedstone,  and  early 
became  a  point  of  rendezvous  for  emigrants  to  Kentucky.  As  early 
as  1770,  the  site  of  Redstone  was  claimed  by  Cresap,  under  a  tom- 


*  D»y'B  HUtorioal  Colloctiona  of  PennajrlTani*- 


4S0 


BTAtSB'tWB  OF  WISTlSir  PKiniSTLTAKIA. 


1781. 


tthawk  right,  ftnd  after  Bis  location  there  it  became  the  head-qaar- 
tere  of  the  spies  in  the  Indian  wars  that  followed.  The  protection 
«ffi>rded  by  the  posts  and  block-houses  erected  along  the  Mononga- 
hela,  attracted  settlers,  and  soon  a  very  considerable  popolatiou 
found  its  way  into  the  valley  of  that  river,  and  especially  around 
Redstone.  The  importance  of  the  point  was  greatly  increased  by 
the  emigration  that  set  in  from  the  region  east  of  the  mountains, 
alfter  the  close  of  the  war,  along  Braddook's  road  to  Redstone,  and 
thence  by  the  river  to  Limestone,  now  Maysville,  Mid  other  points 
in  Kentucky.  It  was  not,  however,  until  1785,  that  the  present 
town  of  Brownsville  was  laid  out  on  the  site  of  Old  Fort  Redstone, 
alid  in  the  next  year  its  population  had  increased  to  six  handrcd. 

Several  other  points  in  Western  Pennsylvania,  now  flourishing 
towns,  were  then  already  occupied,  and  a  very  considerable  popu- 
lation already  occupied  the  valley  of  the  Monongahela,  and  the  re- 
gion between  that  river  and  the  Allegheny.  All  that  region  was 
then  divided  into  three  counties. 

In  1778,  all  of  Western  Pennsylvania  included  in  the  cession  of 
1768,  and  west  of  Laurel  Hill,  was  erected  into  the  county  of  West- 
moreland, of  which  Hannastown  was  the  seat  of  justice,  until  it 
was  destroyed  by  the  Indians  in  1782. 

In  1781,  all  that  portion  of  Westmoreland  county  west  of  the 
Monongahela  river,  was  erected  into  the  county  of  Washington, 
and  in  the  next  year  the  borough  of  Washington,  at  Catfish,  was 
laid  out  as  the  seat  of  justice.  In  1783,  the  portion  of  Westmore- 
land county  between  the  Monongahela  and  the  Toughiogheny  riv- 
ers, was  erected  into  the  county  of  Fayette,  and  Uniontown,  which 
had  been  settled  in  1768,  was  made  the  seat  of  justice.  In  1790, 
the  population  of  these  three  connties  had  risen  to  53,209.* 

No  provision  was  made  by  Great  Britain,  in  the  treaty  of  peace,  in 
1785.]  behalf  of  her  Indian  allies.  The  most  faithful  of  these 
were  the  Six  Nations,  and  tlieir  lands  were  included  within  the 
boundaries  secured  by  the  treaty  to  the  United  States.  They  had 
entered  the  British  service  on  a  pledge  that  they  should  be  remu- 
nerated for  all  losses  they  might  sustain.  They  had  sufiercd 
greatly ;  their  country  had  been  ravaged  with  lire  and  sword,  and 
in  particular,  the  Muhawks  had  been  driven  from  the  whole  of 
their  beautiful  valley.    In  remuneration  for  the  loss  of  that  coun- 


*  Early  Iliatorjr  of  Weitern  rennsyWAiiia,  App. 


1784. 


8E00NO  TBKATT  OV  VOBT  8TANWIX. 


4ai 


tiy,  the  j^veraor-generel  of  Oanada  conveyed  to  them  a  tract  of 
iand  Oft  Graad  river,  on  the  north  side  of  Lake  Erie.  If o  r  jer 
protection  was  afforded  to  the  Six  Nations,  and  all  the  sovereigntgr 
claimed  over  them  by  Great  Britain  was  conveyed  to  the  United 
^tes;  and  thns  they  were  left  at  the  mercy  of  the  people  whom 
the  policy  of  the  British  cabinet  had  made  their  enemies. 

The  extent  of  that  sovereignty  was  exceedingly  ill-defined.  The 
treaty  of  Lord  Howard  with  the  Six  Nations  in  1684,  recognized 
them  as  under  the  protection  of  Great  Britain;  and  the  chiefe  of 
the  confederacy  executed  a  deed  in  1726,  conveying  to  the  English 
government  their  lands,  in  trust,  '^to  be  protected  and  defended  by 
hi*  Miyesty,  to  and  for  the  use  of  the  graators  and  their  heirs." 
But  these  treaties  were  regarded  by  the  Indians  as  treaties  of  alli- 
ance only,  and  were  never  recognized  by  them  as  conveying  any 
sovereignty  over  them>  or  any  title  to  their  lands  to  the  English 
crowa^ 

The  relation  ^^  the  new  govemnlent  to  the  other  Indian  tribes, 
waH  also  unoeo'^*;  "^hey  were  not  held  to  be  civil  societies  with 
whom  treaties  u  '>  e  made  on  the  principles  of  the  law  of  na- 
tions. They  were  not  citizens  or  subjects  of  the  new  government, 
and  therefore  were  not  held  to  be  amenable  to  the  laws  of  the  states 
or  the  confederation.  Under  these  circumstances,  on  the  recom- 
mendation of  Mr.  Jay,  in  1782,  the  principle  that  had  been  adopted 
by  the  European  nations  was  introduced  into  the  practice  of  the 
new  government.  It  was  that  discovery  was  equivalent  to  con- 
quest ;  and  therefore  the  natives  retained  only  a  possessory  claim 
to  their  lands,  and  could  only  alienate  it  to  the  government  claim- 
ing the  sovereignty.  While  this  became  the  general  policy  of  the 
government,  much  difficulty  was  experienced  in  regard  to  the  position 
of  the  Six  Nations.  The  legislature  of  New  York  was  determined 
to  expel  them  entirely,  in  retaliation  for  their  hostility  during  the 
war,  from  their  whole  territory.  Under  the  representations  of 
Washington  and  Schuyler,  better  counsels  prevailed;  and  it  was 
determined  by  the  Continental  Congress  to  forgive  the  hostilitiee 
of  the  past,  and  to  dispossess  them  gradually  by  purchase,  as  the 
extension  of  the  settlements  might  demand  the  occupation  of  their 
lands. 

It  was  in  accordance  with  this  policy  that  a  treaty  with  the  Mo- 
hawks, Otiondagas,  Senecas,  Cay  ugas,  Tuscuroras,  and  Seneca-O'bea  1 
tribes  was  held  in  October,  1784,  at  Fort  Stanwix.  The  represen- 
tatives of  the  United  States  were  Oliver  Woloott.,  Kichard  Butler, 
and  Arthur  Lee.    The  most  distinguished  chiefs  of  the  oonfeder- 


IROQUOIS  OBDB  ALL  THBIR  WE8TBRN  LANDS. 


1784. 


aoy  were  Oornplanter  and  Red  Jacket  Red  Jacket  was  opposed 
to  peace,  and  his  speech  for  war  was,  says  La  Fayette,  "  a  master 
piece,  and  every  warrior  who  heard  him  was  carried  away  with  his 
eloquence."  Oornplanter  saw  the  folly  of  waging  a  war  single 
handed  against  the  whole  power  of  the  confederacy,  and  exerted  all 
his  power  for  peace.  La  Fayette  was  present,  and  urged  them  to 
preserve  peace  with  the  Americans;  to  rely  upon  their  clemency, 
to  sell  their  lands  only  to  authorized  agents  of  Congress,  and  to 
avoid  the  use  of  intoxicating  drinks.  Gomplanter  sought  to  avoid 
a  definite  treaty,  without  the  concurrence  of  the  western  trihes. 
But  the  commissioners  were  determined  to  punish  the  Six  Nations, 
hy  a  dtsmemherment  of  their  territory,  and  refused  to  listen  to  any 
delay.  After  a  long  conference,  a  treaty  was  signed  on  the  22d  of 
October,  between  the  contracting  parties,  in  the  name  of  the  con- 
federation and  of  the  Six  Nations.    Its  provisions  were : 

"Six  hostages  shall  be  immediately  delivered  to  the  commis- 
sioners, by  the  said  nations,  to  remain  in  possession  of  the  United 
States,  until  all  the  prison^irs,  white  and  black,  which  were  taken 
by  the  Senecas,  Mohawks,  Onondagas,  and  Gayugas,  or  by  any  of 
them,  in  the  late  war,  from  among  the  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
shall  be  delivered  up. 

"The  Oneidas  and  Tuscarora  nations  shall  be  secured  in  the 
possession  of  the  lands  on  which  they  are  settled. 

"A  line  shall  bo  drawn,  beginning  at  the  mouth  of  a  creek,  about 
four  miles  east  of  Niagara,  called  Oyonwayea,  or  Johnson's  Landing 
Place,  upon  the  lake,  named  by  the  Lidians  Oswego,  and  by  us 
Ontario;  from  thence  southernly,  in  a  direction  always  four  miles 
east  of  the  carrying  path,  between  Lake  Erie  and  Ontario,  to  the 
month  of  Tehoseroron,  or  Buffalo  creek,  or  Lake  Erie ;  thence  south, 
to  the  north  boundary  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania ;  thence  west,  to 
the  end  of  the  said  north  boundary ;  thence  south,  along  the  west 
boundary  of  the  said  State,  to  the  river  Ohio ;  the  said  line,  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Oyonwayea  to  the  Ohio,  shall  be  the  western 
bonndary  of  the  lands  of  the  Six  Nations ;  so  that  the  Six  Nations 
shall,  and  do,  yield  to  the  United  States,  all  claims  to  the  country 
west  of  the  said  boundary ;  and  then  they  shall  be  secured  in  the 
peaceful  possession  of  the  lands  they  inhabit,  oast  and  north  of  the 
same,  reserving  only  six  miles  square,  round  the  Fort  of  Oswego, 
to  the  United  States,  for  the  support  of  the  same. 

"  The  commissioners  of  the  United  States,  in  consideration  of 
the  present  circumstances  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  in  execution  of 
the  humane  and  liberal  views  of  the  United  States,  upon  the 


1784. 


IBOQUOIS  OBDB  ALL  THBIB  WB8TBBN  LANDS. 


488 


signing  of  these  articles,  will  order  goods  to  be  delivered  to  the 
Six  Nations  for  iheir  own  ase  and  comfort" 

The  indefinite  claim  which  the  Six  Nations  had  so  long  set  up  to 
the  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  on  the  basis  of  their  conqncsts  a 
hundred  years  before,  and  which  had  entered  so  largely  into  the 
diplomacy  of  England  »nd  France,  in  the  long  contest  they  waged 
for  the  possession  of  ti.e  valley,  was  at  length  extinguished. 

In  pursuance  of  the  policy  of  the  new  government,  a  treaty  was 
held  on  the  21st  of  January,  1785,  at  Fort  M'Intosh,  between  the 
United  States,  represented  by  George  Rogera  Clark,  Eichard 
Butler  and  Arthur  Lee,  and  the  chiefs  of  the  Wyandot,  Delaware, 
Chippewa  and  Ottawa  tribes.    Its  provisions  were — 

"Three  chiefs,  one  from  the  Wyandot  and  two  *rom  among  the 
Delaware  nations,  shall  be  delivered  up  to  the  commiasioners  of 
the  United  States,  to  be  by  them  retained  till  all  the  prisoners 
taken  by  the  said  nations,  or  any  of  them,  shall  be  restored. 

"The  said  Indian  nations  do  acknowledge  themselves,  and  all 
their  tribes,  to  be  under  the  protection  of  the  United  States,  and 
of  no  other  sovereign  whatsoever. 

"The  boundary  line  between  the  United  States  and  the  Wyandot 
and  Delaware  nations,  shall  begin  at  the  moi.  a  of  the  river  Cuya- 
hoga, and  run  thence  up  the  said  river,  to  the  portage  between  that 
and  the  Tuscarawas  branch  of  the  Muskingum;  then  down  the 
said  branch  to  the  forks  at  the  crossing  place  above  Fort  Laurens ; 
then  westwardly  to  the  portage  of  the  Big  Miami,  which  runs  into 
the  Ohio,  at  the  mouth  of  which  branch  the  fort  stood  which  was 
taken  by  the  French  in  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  fitty-two; 
then  along  the  said  portage  to  the  Great  Miami  or  Ome  river,  and 
down  the  south-east  side  of  the  same  to  its  mouth  >  thence  along 
the  Bouth  shore  of  Lake  Erie  to  the  mouth  of  the  Cuyahoga,  where 
it  began. 

"The  United  States  allot  all  the  lands  contained  within  the  said 
lines  to  the  Wyandot  and  Delaware  nations,  to  live  and  to  hunt  on, 
and  to  such  of  the  Ottawa  nation  as  now  live  thereon ;  saving  and 
reserving,  for  the  establishment  of  trading  posts,  six  miles  square 
at  the  mouth  of  Miami  or  Ome  river,  and  the  same  at  the  portage 
on  that  branch  of  the  Big  Miami  which  runs  into  the  Ohio,  and 
the  same  on  the  lake  of  Sandusky,  where  the  fort  formerly  stood, 
and  also  two  miles  square  on  each  side  of  the  lower  rapids  of  San- 
dusky river;  which  posts,  and  the  lands  annexed  to  them,  shall  be 
to  the  use,  and  under  the  government  of  the  United  States. 


484 


OKDINANOS  FOR  DUPOSINa  OF  WH8TBRN   LANDS. 


1786. 


"If  any  citizen  of  the  United  States,  or  other  perar>n,  not  being 
an  Indian,  shall  attempt  to  settle  on  any  of  the  lands  allotted  to 
the  Wyandot  and  Delaware  nations,  in  this  treaty,  except  on  the 
lands  reserved  to  the  United  States  in  the  preceding  article,  such 
terson  shall  forfeit  the  protection  of  the  United  States^  and  the 
Indians  may  punish  him  as  they  please. 

**  The  Indians  who  sign  this  treaty,  as  well  in  behalf  of  all  their 
tribes  as  of  themselves,  do  acknowledge  the  lands  east,  south  and 
west  of  the  lines  described  in  the  third  article,  so  far  as  the  said 
Indians  formerly  claimed  the  same,  to  belong  to  the  United  States; 
and  none  of  their  tribes  shall  presume  to  settle  upon  the  same,  or 
any  part  of  it. 

"The  post  of  Detroit,  with  a  distnct  beginning  at  the  mouth  of 
the  river  Rosine,  on  the  west  side  of  Lake  Erie,  and  running  west 
six  miles  up  the  southern  bank  of  the  said  river,  thence  northerly, 
and  always  six  miles  west  of  the  strait,  till  it  strikes  tho  lake  St. 
Glair,  shall  also  be  reserved  to  the  sole  use  of  the  United  States. 

"  In  the  same  manner,  the  post  of  Michilimackinack,  with  its 
dependencies,  and  twelve  miles  square  about  the  same,  shall  be 
reserved  to  the  use  of  the  United  States. 

"If  any  Indian  or  Indians  shall  commit  a  robbery  or  murder  on 
any  citizen  of  the  United  States,  the  tribe  to  which  such  oftender 
may  belong  shall  be  bound  to  deliver  them  up,  at  the  nearest  peat, 
to  be  punished  according  to  the  ordinances  of  the  United  States. 

"  The  commissioners  of  the  United  States,  in  pursuance  of  the 
humane  and  liberal  views  of  Congress,  upon  the  treaty's  being 
signed,  will  direct  goods  to  be  distributed  among  the  different 
tribes,  for  their  use  and  comfort" 

Thus  were  the  first  steps  taken  for  securing  to  the  United  States 
the  Indian  titles  to  the  vast  realm  beyond  the  Ohio ;  and  a  few 
months  later,  the  legislation  was  commenced  that  was  to  determine 
the  mode  of  its  disposal,  and  the  plan  of  its  settlements. 

To  facilitate  the  entry  and  settlement  of  the  lauds  thus  pur- 
chased by  the  treaties  of  Fort  Stanwix,  and  Fort  Mcintosh,  "  an 
ordinance  for  ascertaining  the  mode  of  disposing  of  lands  in  the 
Western  Territory,"  was  passed  by  the  Congress  on  the  20th  of 
May,  1785.    Its  material  provisions  are  these : 

"  A  surveyor  from  each  State  shall  be  appointed  by  Congress,  or 
a  committee  of  the  States,  who  shall  take  an  oath  for  the  faithful 
dit4(!harge  of  his  duty,  before  the  geographer  of  the  United  States, 
who  is  hereby  empowered  and  directed  to  administer  the  same; 


1786. 


owDiiTAiroi  fOK  msposiira  ow  wibtbrh  lamni. 


486 


and  tlie  like  oatb  shall  be  administered  to  eacb  aIioin*oarrier,  by 
the  surveyor  under  whom  he  aots. 

"The  geographer,  under  whose  direction  the  surreyors' shall  aet, 
shall  occasionally  form  such  regulations  for  their  conduct,  as  be 
shall  deem  necessary;  and  shall  have  anthority  to  suspend  them  for 
misconduct  in  office,  and  shall  make  report  of  the  same  to  Con- 
gress, or  to  the  committee  of  the  States;  and  he  shall  make  report 
in  case  of  sickness,  death,  or  resigmtion,  of  any  snnreyor; 

"The  surveyors,  as  they  are  respectively  qualified,  shi^l  proceed 
to  divide  the  said  territory  into  townships  of  six  miles  square,  by 
lines  running  due  north  and  souths  and  others  crossing  these  at 
right  angles^  as  near  as  may  be,  unless  where  the  boundaries  of  the 
late  Indian  purchases  may  render  the  same  impracticabliB,  and  then 
they  shall  depart  from  this  rule  no  further  than  such  particular 
circumstances  may  require.  And  each  surveyor  shall  be  allowed 
and  paid  at  the  rate  of  two  dollars  for  every  mile  in  length  he  shall 
run,  including  the  wages  of  chain-carriers^  markers,  and>  eveiy 
other  expense  attending  the  same. 

"The  first  line  running  north  Mid  south  as  aforesaid,  shall  begin 
on  the  river  Ohio,  at  a  point  that  shall  be  found  to  be  due  north 
from  the  western  termination  of  a  tine  which  has  been  run  as  the 
southern  boundary  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania :  and  the  first  line 
running  east  and  west  shall  begin  at  the  same  point,  and  shall 
extend  throughout  the  whole  territory;  provided,  thi^  nothing 
herein  shall  be  construed  as  fixing  the  western  boundary  of  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania.  The  geographer  shall  designate  the  town- 
ships or  fractional  parts  of  townships,  by  numbers,  progressively, 
irom  south  to  north ;  always  beginning  each  range  with  No.  1 ;  and 
the  ranges  shall  be  distinguished  by  their  progressive  numbers  to 
the  westward — ^the  first  range,  extending  fh>m  the  Ohio  to  the 
Lake  Erie,  being  marked  No.  1.  The  geographer  shall  personally 
attend  to  the  running  of  the  first  east  and  west  line;  and  shall  take 
the  latitude  of  the  extremes  of  the  first  north  and  south  lin«,-and 
of  the  mouths  of  the  principal  rivers. 

"The  lines  shall  be  measured  with  ">  chain;  shall  be  plainly 
marked  by  chaps  on  trees,  and  exactly  described  on  a  plat;  whereon 
shall  be  noted  by  the  surveyor,  at  their  proper  distances,  all  mines, 
salt  springs,  salt  licks,  and  mill  seats,  that  shall  come  to  his  knowl- 
edge; and  all  water  courses,  mountains,  and  other  remarkable  and 
permanent  things,  over  or  near  which  such  lines  shall  pass,  and 
also  the  quality  of  the  land. 
"  The  phits  of  the  townships,  respectively,  shall  be  marked,  by 


486 


OBDIHAKOK  FOB  DIBPOSIHe  OF  WMTIBH  LAKDS. 


1786. 


sabdivisions,  into  lots  of  one  mile  square,  or  six  hundred  and  forty 
acres,  in  the  same  direction  as  the  external  lines,  and  numbered 
from  one  to  thirty-six;  always  be^nning  the  succeeding  range  of 
the  lots  with  the  number  next  to  that  -with  which  tho  preceding 
one  concluded.  And  where,  from  the  causes  beforementioned, 
only  a  fractional  part  of  a  township  shall  be  surveyed,  the  lots 
protracted  thereon  shall  bear  the  same  numben  as  if  the  township 
had  been  entire.  And  the  surveyors,  in  running  the  external  liues 
of  the  townships  shall,  at  the  interval  of  every  mile,  mark  comers 
for  the  lots  which  are  adjacent,  always  designating  the  same  in  a 
different  manner  from  those  of  the  townships. 

"  The  geographer  and  surveyors  shall  pay  the  utmost  attention 
to  the  variation  of  the  magnetic  needle,  and  shall  run  and  note  all 
lines  by  the  true  meridian,  certifying  with  every  plat  what  was  the 
variation  at  the  times  of  running  the  lines  thereon  noted. 

"  As  soon  as  seven  ranges  of  townships,  and  fractional  parts  of 
townships,  in  the  direction  from  south  to  north,  shall  have  been 
surveyed,  the  geographer  shall  transmit  plats  thereof  to  the  board 
of  treasury,  who  shall  record  the  same,  with  the  report,  in  well- 
bound  books,  to  be  kept  for  that  purpose.    And  the  geographer 
shall  make  similar  returns,  from  time  to  time,  of  every  seven 
ranges,  as  they  may  be  surveyed.     The  secretary  of  war  shall  have 
recourse  thereto,  and  shall  take  by  lot  therefrom  a  number  of  town- 
ships and  fractional  parts  of  townships,  as  well  from  those  to  be 
sold  entire,  as  from  those  to  be  sold  in  lots,  as  will  be  equal  to  one- 
seventh  part  of  the  whole  of  such  seven  ranges,  as  nearly  as  may 
be,  for  the  use  of  the  late  continental  army ;  and  he  shall  make  a 
similar  draught,  from  time  to  time,  until  a  sufficient  quantity  is 
drawn  to  saasfy  the  same,  to  be  applied  in  manner  hereinafter 
directed.    The  board  of  treasury  shall,  from  time  to  time,  cause  the 
remaining  numbers,  as  well  those  to  be  sold  entire  as  those  to  be 
sold  in  lots,  to  be  drawn  for,  in  the  name  of  the  thirteen  states, 
respectively,  according  to  the  quotas  in  the  last  preceding  requisition 
on  all  the  states :  provided,  that  in  case  more  land  than  its  pl*opo^ 
tion  is  allotted  for  sale  in  any  state  at  any  distribution,  a  deduction 
be  made  therefor  at  the  next. 

"  The  board  of  treasury  shall  transmit  a  copy  of  the  original 
plats,  previously  noting  thereon  the  townships  and  fractional  parts 
of  townships,  which  shall  have  fallen  to  the  several  states,  by  the 
distribution  aforesaid,  to  the  commissioners  of  the  loan  office  of  the 
several  states,  who,  after  giving  notice  of  not  less  than  two,  nor 
more  than  six  months,  by  causing  advertisements  to  be  posted  up 


1786. 


ORDIHAMOB  FOR  DIBPOSIKO  Of  WESTKRN  LANDS. 


487* 


at  the  court  houses  or  other  noted  places  in  every  coiintj,  and  to 
be  inserted  in  one  newspaper  published  in  the  states  of  their  resi- 
dence, respectively,  shall  proceed  to  sell  the  townships  or  fractional 
parts  of  townships,  at  public  vendue,  in  the  following  manner,  viz :' 
the  township  or  fractional  pa  t  of  a  township  No.  1,  in  the  first 
range,  shall  be  sold  entire ;  and  No.  2,  in  the  same  range  by  lots ; 
and  thus,  in  alternate  order,  through  the  whole  of  the  first  range. 
The  township  or  fractional  part  of  a  township  No.  1,  in  the  secoud 
range,  shall  be  sold  by  lots ;  and  No.  2,  in  the  same  range,  entire ; 
and  so,  in  alternate  order,  through  the  whole  of  the  second  range ; 
and  the  third  range  shall  be  sold  in  the  same  manner  as  the  first, 
and  the  fourth  in  the  same  manner  as  the  second ;  and  thus,  alter- 
nately, throughout  all  the  ranges :  provided,  that  none  of  the  lands 
within  the  said  territory  be  sold  under  the  price  of  one  dollar  the 
acre,  to  be  paid  in  specie  or  loan  office  certificates,  reduced  to 
specie  value  by  the  scale  of  depreciation,  or  certificates  of  liquidated 
debts  of  the  United  States,  including  interest,  besides  the  expense 
of  the  survey  and  other  charges  thereon,  which  are  hereby  rated  at 
thirty-six  doUara  the  township,  in  specie  or  certificates  as  aforesaid, 
and  so  in  the  same  proportion,  for  a  fractional  part  of  a  township 
or  of  a  lot,  to  be  paid  at  the  time  of  sales,  on  failure  of  which  pay- 
ment the  said  lands  shall  again  be  offered  for  sale. 

*' There  shall  be  reserved  for  the  United  States  out  of  every 
township,  the  four  lots,  being  numbered  8, 11,  26,  29,  and  out  cf 
every  fractional  part  of  a  township,  so  many  lots  of  the  same  num- 
bers as  shall  be  found  thereon,  for  future  sale.  There  shall  be 
reserved  the  lot  No.  16,  of  every  township,  for  the  maintenance  of 
public  schools  within  the  said  township ;  also,  one-third  part  of  all 
gold,  silver,  lead,  and  copper  mines,  to  be  sold,  or  otherwise  dis- 
posed of,  as  Congress  shall  hereafter  direct. 

'*  And  be  it  further  ordained,  That  three  townships  adjacent  to 
Lake  Erie  be  reserved,  to  be  hereafter  disposed  of  by  Congress,  for 
the  use  of  the  ofiicers,  men,  and  others,  refugees  from  Canada,  and 
the  refugees  from  Nova  Scotia,  who  are  or  maybe  entitled  to  grants 
of  land,  under  resolutions  of  Congress  now  existing,  or  which  may 
hereafter  be  made  respecting  them,  and  for  such  other  porposes  as 
Congress  may  hereafter  direct 

"  And  be  it  further  ordained,  That  the  towns  of  Gnadenhutten, 
Bchonbrun,  and  Salem,  on  the  Muskingum,  and  so  much  of  the 
lands  a^oining  to  the  said  towns,  with  the  buildings  and  improve- 
ments thereon,  shall  be  reserved  for  the  sole  use  of  the  Christian 
Indians,  who  were  formerly  settled  there,  or  the  remains  of  that 


4» 


SBTTLBMKIIV  ON  IBOIAH  LAMM  fOBBIDDBV. 


1786. 


■ocietjjr,  tm  maj,  id  the  judgment  of  the  geographer,  be  miffioient 
for  them  to  ouitivato. 

"  Saving  and  reserving  Always,  to  all  officers  and  soldiers  entitled 
to  lands  on  the  north<w«st  side  of  the  Ohio,  by  donation  or  bounty 
ftom  the  Commonwealth  of  Viiginia,  and  to  all  persons  claiming 
under  them,  all  rights  to  which  they  are  so  entitled,  under  the  deed 
of  cession  executed  by  the  delegates  for  the  State  of  Virginia,  on 
the  let  day  of  Mardi,  178 i,  and  the  act  of  Congress  accepting  the 
same :  and  to  the  end  that  the  said  rights  may  be  fully  and  effeoto> 
ally  secured,  according  to  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  the  said 
deed  of  cession  and  act  aforesaid,  be  it  ordained,  that  no  part  of  the 
land  included  between  the  rivers  called  Little  Miami  and  Scioto, 
on  the  north-west  side  of  the  river  Ohio,  be  sold,  or  in  any  manner 
alienated,  until  there  shall  first  have  been  laid  off  and  appropriated 
for  the  sMd  officers  and  soldiers,  and  persons  claiming  under  them, 
the  lands  they  are  entitled  to,  agreeably  to  the  said  deed  of  cession 
and  act  of  Congress  accepting  the  same." 

It  had  been  anticipated,  that  so  soon  as  the  treaty  of  Fort  Mclu- 
tesh  was  known,  settlers  and  speculators  would  cross  the  Ohio,  and 
to  prevent  the  evil  which  it  was  foreseen  would  follow  from  saoh 
intrusion,  by  an  order  of  Congress  of  the  16th  of  June,  1785,  the 
following  proclamation  was  published  by  the  Indian  commis- 
noners,  and  circulated  in  the  country  north  west  of  the  Ohio: 

**  Whereas,  it  has  been  represented  to  the  United  States,  in  Con- 
gress assembled,  that  several  disorderly  persons  have  crossed  the 
Ohio  and  settled  upon  their  unappropriated  lands;  and  whereai, 
it  isitheir  intention,  as  soon  as  it  shall  be  surveyed,  to  open  offices 
for  the  sale  of  a  considerable  part  thereof,  in  such  proportions  and 
under  such  other  regulations  as  may  suit  the  convenience  of  all  the 
eitizene  of  the  said  States  and  others  who  may  wish  to  become 
purchasers  of  the  same — andias  such  conduct  tends  to  defeat  the 
Abject  they  have  in  view,  is  in  direct  opposition  to  the  ordinances 
tuid  resolutions  of  Congress,  and  highly  disrespectful  to  the  federal 
authority;  they  have,  therd'ore,  thought  fit,  and  do  hereby  iaaoe 
this,  their  proclamation,  forbidding  all  such  unwarrantable  intrn- 
■ions,  and  enjoining  all  those  who  have  settled  th^oon  to  depart 
with  their  families  and  effi»cts,  without  loss  of  time,  as  they  ehiill 
answer  the  same  at  their  peril."* 


*  FMJ'on'B  Indiana,  i.  199. 


1T86. 


BIOOVD  KRNTUOKT  OONTBITTIOV. 


48r 


The  peril  to  be  apprehended  from  the 'weak  hand*  of  the  con- 
federacy might  not  have  deterred  fearlees  ricii  from  filling  the 
forbidden  land,  bat  there  were  thoee  near  l^  who  exeonted  the 
laws  they  made  in  a  manner  which  was  by  no  means  to  be  disro> 
garded ;  and,  when  four  families  fh>m  Redstone  attempted  a  settle- 
ment at  Uie  mouth  of  the  Scioto,  in  April,  1786,  they  reoeired  sndh 
a  notice  to  qnit,  from  the  natives,  in  the  shupe  of  rifle-balls,  that 
two  persons  were  killed  and  the  snrvivors  were  glad  enough  to 
abandon  their  enterprise,  and  take  refuge  at  Limestone.  Fur- 
ther wesi,  the  experiment  succeeded  better,  and  some  years  pre- 
vious to  this  time,  in  1781,  a  settlement  was  made  in  the  neighbor^ 
hood  of  the  old  French  forts,  by  emigrants  from  Western  Virginia, 
who  were  joined  during  the  present  year  by  several  other  families 
fix)m  the  same  region. 

In  Kentucky,  during  1785,  events  were  of  a  different  character 
from  any  yet  witnessed  in  the  West.  Hitherto,  to  live  and  resist 
the  savages  had  been  the  problem,  but  now  the  more  complicated 
questions  of  self-rule  and  political  power  presented  themselves  for 
discussion  and  answer.  The  convention,  which  met  late  in  1784, 
finding  a  strong  feeling  prevalent  in  Itiivor  of  separation  from  Vir- 
ginia, and  unwilling  to  assume  too  much  responsibility,  had  pro- 
posed, as  has  been  stated,  a  seemd  convention,  to  meet  in  the 
following  May.  It  met  upon  the  28d  of  that  month,  and  the  same 
spirit  of  self-dependence  being  dominant,  an  address  to  the  Assem- 
bly of  Virginia,  And  one  to  the  people  of  Kentucky,  together  with 
five  resolutions,  all  relative  to  separation,  and  in  favor  of  it,  were 
unanimously  carried.  Two  of  these  resolutions  deserve  especial 
notice ;  one  of  them  recognised,  what  the  constitution  of  Virginia 
did  not,  the  principle  of  equal  representation,  or  a  representation 
of  the  people  living  in  a  certain  territory^  and  not  the  square  miles 
contained  in  it:  the  other  referred  the  whole  matter  again  to  a 
third  convention,  which  was  to  meet  in  August,  «nd  continue  its 
seesions  by  adjoumraent  until  April,  1786. 

As  the  members  of  the  body  which  passed  this  resolve 'had  been 
chosen,  it  is  believed,  on  the  basis  of  equal  representation,  and  for 
the  very  purpose  of  considering  the  question  df  independenee,  it 
is  by  no  means  clear  wh^  this  reference  to  a  third  assembly  was 
made.  It  may  have  been  from  great  precaution,  or  it  ntay  have 
been  through  the  influence  of  James  Wilkinson,  who,  though  not 
a  member  of  the  second  convention,  exercised  great  power  in  it; 
and  who,  being  chosen  a  member  of  the  ihtrd^  became  its  leader 
and  controller,  by  the  combined  influence  of  his  manners,  elo- 


440 


MAJOR  DOUOHTY   BUILDS  fORT  HAHMAR. 


1785. 


quence,  intellect,  and  oharaoter.  This  gentlemftn,  there  Rppetn  to 
be  reMon  to  think,  deemed  the  tone  of  the  petition  to  Virginia  too 
humble,  and  wished  another  meeting,  to  speak  both  to  the  parent 
State  and  the  people  of  the  district  in  more  decided  terms. 

If  saoh  was  his  wish  it  was  gratified.  On  the  8th  of  Augast,  a 
third  convention  met,  adopted  a  new  form  of  address  to  the  Old 
Dominion,  and  called  npon  the  people  of  Kentucky  to  "  arm,  aB«o> 
date,  and  embody,"  "  to  hold  in  detestation  and  abhorrence,  and 
treat  as  enemies  to  the  community,  every  person  who  shall  with- 
hold  his  countenance  and  support  of  such  measures  as  may  be 
recommended  for  the  common  defense;"  and  to  prepare  for  offen. 
sive  movements  against  the  Indians,  without  waiting  to  b« 
attacked.* 

That  Wilkinson,  in  ^his  address  to  the  people  of  Kentucky,  some* 
what  exaggerated  the  danger  of  Indian  invasion  is  probable;  and 
the  propriety  of  his  call  upon  his  countrymen  to  invade  the  landa 
beyond  the  Ohio,  at  the  time  that  Congress  was  treating  with  the 
natives  owning  them,  and  seeking  to  put  a  stop  to  warfare,  is  more 
than  questionable:  but  still  his  expressions  of  anxiety  lest  the 
whites  should  be  found  unprepared,  were  not  wholly  without 
cause. 

But  the  proper  source  of  action  in  the  matter  at  this  time  wm 
the  confederation,  and  Wilkinson  and  his  associates,  in  proposing 
to  invade  the  north-west  territory,  should  have  sought  to  act  under 
its  sanction,  and  not  as  leaders  of  a  sovereign  power.  Nor  was 
the  confiederation  at  this  very  time  unmindful  of  the  West ;  in  the 
autumn  of  1785,  Miyor  Doughty  descended  the  Ohio  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Muskingum,  and  upon  the  point  north  of  the  former,  and 
west  of  the  latter  river,  began  Fort  Harmar. 


The  address,  or  petition,  though  the  last  name  seems  scarcely  appli- 
1786.]  cable,  which  the  third  Kentucky  convention  h|td  sent  to 
the  Assembly  of  the  parent  State,  was  by  that  body  duly  received 
and  listened  to,  and  the  reasons  for  an  early  separation  appearing 
cogent,  Virginia,  in  January,  1786,  passed  a  law  by  which  Ken- 
tucky might  claim  independence,  provided  she  were  willing  to 
accept  of  the  following  conditions,  as  explained  in  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Madison  to  Gen.  Washington,  dated  December  9th,  1785 : 

"  Kentucky  made  a  formal  application  for  independence.    Her 
memorial  has  been  considered,  and  the  terms  of  separation  fixed 


*  Amoriean  Pivovtcr,  \.,  'iC — 30,  and  frontttplvce.     BlonctU,  ii.,  222. 


786. 


1785. 


ooMTRNTioN  BiTWiiir  TimaiiriA  ivD  inrruoKT. 


441 


nto 
ktoo 
mnt 

Ut,ft 

9  Old 
asao* 
>,  and 
with- 
ay  be 
offen- 
to  U 

,8ome* 
b;  and 
I  landi 
itb  tbe 
is  more 
[est  tbe 
mthoat 

me  wu 

oposiQg 

it  under 

or  wae 

in  tbe 

motttb 

ler,  and 


^y  appU- 

1  sent  to 


Lpeanng 
Ih  Ken- 
}Ung  to 

3r  from 
[85: 
ner 

)n  fixed 


by  a  Committee  of  the  Whole.  The  eolMtAnoe  of  them  ii,  that  all 
private  rights  and  interests,  derived  from  the  laws  of  Virginia,  shall 
be  secured ;  that  the  unlooated  lands  shall  be  applied  to  the  ol^eots 
to  which  the  laws  of  Virginia  hare  appropriated  them ;  that  the 
Ohio  shall  be  a  common  highway  for  the  citiiens  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  jnrisdiotion  of  Kentucky  and  Virginia,  as  &r  as  the 
remaining  territory  of  the  latter  will  be  thereon,  be  ooncnrrent 
only  with  the  new  States  on  the  opposite  shore ;  that  the  proposed 
state  sfiall  take  its  due  share  of  our  State  debts ;  and  that  the  sepa* 
ration  shall  not  take  placl  unless  these  terms  shall  be  approved  by 
a  convention  to  be  held  to  decido  the  question,  nor  nntil  Oongre  9 
shall  assent  thereto,  and  fix  the  ^rms  of  their  admission  into  tbe 
Union.  The  limits  of  the  proposed  State  are  to  be  the  same  with 
the  present  limits  of  the  district  The  apparent  coolness  of  the 
representatives  of  Eentncky,  as  to  a  separation,  since  these  terms 
have  been  defined,  indicates  that  they  had  some  views  which  will 
not  be  favored  by  them.  They  dislike  much  to  be  hung  upon  the 
will  of  Congress." 

These  conditions  were  to  be  submitted  to  a  fourth  convention,  to 

be  held  in  the  following  September.    If  those  were  agreed  to,  tbe 

convention  was  to  select  a  day  posterior  to  September  1st,  1787, 

after  which  the  laws  of  Virginia  were  to  cease  forever  to  be  in 

force  within  the  western  district;  for  which,  meanwhile,  a  consti' 

tution  and  laws  were  to  be  prepared  by  a  Jifth  convention,  to  be 

called  for  that  purpose :  it  being  provided  that  this  act  was  to  be 

effective  only  when  in  substance  approved  by  the  United  States. 

This  act  was  not,  however,  altogether  pleasant  to  the  more  zealous 

of  tbe  advocates  of  self-rule,  and  an  attempt  was  made  by  Wilkiu* 

son  and  bis  friends  to  induce  the  people  of  the  district  to  de^^.r^ 

themselves  independent  of  Virginia  before  the  comparatively  di:;  a .  ^i; 

period  fixed  by  tbe  law  in  question.    The  attempt,  however,  was 

opposed  and  defeated.    The  election  of  members  for  the  fourth 

convention  took  place  without  disturbance,  and  in  Sept.)  mber  it 

wonld  undoubtedly  have  met  to  attend  to  the  busine:  s  'Confided  to 

it,  had  not  the  Indian  incursions  led  to  an  expedition  against  tbe 

tribes  on  tbe  Wabash,  at  tbe  very  time  appoir.ted  for  the  assembly 

at  Danville. 

Before  referring  to  this  movement  beyond  the  Ohio,  however,  it 

is  necessary  to  mention  tbe  steps  taken  by  Congress  during  tbe 

early  part  of  this  year  to  secure  and  perpetuate  peace  with  tbe 

north-western  tribes.    The  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  with  the  Iroquois, 

29 


443 


XNDIAV  TBBAVT  AT  FOBT  mmT. 


1786. 


was  upon  the  22d  of  October,  1784;  that  of  Fort  M'lntosh,  with 
the  Delawarea,  Wyandots,  &c.,  upon  the.2lBt  of  Jannaiy,  1785; 
upon  the  18th  of  Mwch  following,  it  was  resolved  that  a  treaty  be 
held  with  the  Wabash  Indians,  at  Post  Vincent,  on  the  20th  of 
June,  1786,  or  at  such  other  time  and  place  as  might  seem  best  to 
the  commissioners.*  Various  circumstances  caused  the  time  to  be 
changed  to  the  31st  of  January,  1786,  and  the  place  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Qreat  Miami,  where,  upon  that  day,  a  treaty  was  made  by 
G.  B.  Clark,  Kichard  Butler  and  Samuel  H.  Parsons ;  not,  however, 
with  the  Piankeshaws  and  others  named  in  the  original  resolution, 
but  with  the  Delawares,  Wyandots  and  Shawanese. 

The  absence  of  the  Wabash  Indians  from  this  council  was  not 
the  result  of  any  change  of  plans  on  the  part  of  the  Americans, 
but  solely  of  a  growing  spirit  of  hostility  among  the  savages,  fos- 
tered, there  is  too  much  reason  to  think,  by  the  agents  of  England. 
The  temper  of  the  Indians  who  first  met  the  commissioners,  ia 
thus  referred  to  by  General  Parsons,  in  a  letter  to  Capt  Hart,  at 
Fort  Harmar,  dated  "Fort,  Finney,"  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great 
Miami,  December  20, 1785. 

"Since  we  have  been  here,  every  measure  has  been  taken  to 
bring  in  the  Indians.  The  Wyandots  and  Delawares  are  here; 
the  other  nations  were  coming,  and  were  turned  back  by  the  Shaw- 
anese. These  at  last  sent  two  of  their  tribe  to  examine  our  sitoa- 
tion,  and  satisfy  themselves  of  our  designs.  With  these  men  we 
were  very  open  and  explicit.  We  told  them  we  were  fully  con- 
vinced of  their  designs  in  coming ;  that  we  were  fully  satisfied  with 
it;  that  they  were  at  liberty  to  take  their  own  way  and  time  to 
answer  the  purposes  they  came  for;  that  we  were  desirous  of  living 
in  peace  with  them,  and  for  that  purpose  had  come  with  offers  of 
peace  to  them,  which  they  would  judge  of,  and  whether  peace  or 
war  was  most  for  their  interest;  that  we  very  well  knew  the  mea- 
sures the  British  agents  had  taken  to  deceive  them.  That  if  they 
oame  to  the  treaty,  any  man  who  had  filled  their  ears  with  those 
stories  was  at  liberty  to  come  with  them,  and  return  in  safety.  Bat 
if  they  refused  to  treat  with  us,  we  should  consider  it  as  a  declara- 
tion of  war  on  their  part,  &c. 

«( These  men  stayed  about  us  eight  days,  and  then  told  us  they 
were  fully  convinced  our  designs  were  good ;  that  they  had  bc9n 
deceived;  that  they  would  return  home,  and  use  their  influence  to 


•  (Hd  Jowraalt,  It.  4SI. 


1786. 


nTDIAN  TRIATT  AT  TOBT  VXNNKT. 


44S 


bring  in  their  nation,  and  send  oat  to  the  other  nations.  Last 
night  we  received  a  belt  of  wampum,  and  a  twist  of  tobacco,  with 
a  message  that  they  would  be  in  when  we  had  smoked  the  tobacco. 
From  our  information,  we  are  led  to  believe  these  people  will  very 
generally  come  in,  and  heartily  concur  with  us  in  peace.  I  think 
it  not  probable  the  treaty  will  begin  sooner  than  January. 

"The  British  agents,  our  own  traders,  and  the  inhabitants  of 
Kentucky,  I  am  convinced,  are  all  opposed  to  a  treaty,  and  are 
using  every  measure  to  prevent  it.  Strange  as  this  may  seem,  I 
have  very  convincing  proofs  of  its  reality.  The  causes  I  can  as- 
sign, but  they  are  too  many  for  the  compass  of  a  letter.  Kotwith- 
standii.g  all  treaties  we  can  make,  I  am  convinced  we  shall  not 
be  in  safety  until  we  have  posts  established  in  the  upper  country."* 

The  various  tribes  of  the  north-west,  therefore,  had  been  invited 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Miami,  but  owing  to  counter  influence,  neither 
attended,  nor  took  any  notice  of  the  messages  sent  them;  but  those 
who  did  finally  attend,  came,  if  tradition  tells  truly,  in  no  amicable 
spirit,  and  but  for  the  profound  knowledge  possessed  by  Clark  of 
the  Indian  character,  and  the  high  rank  he  held  in  the  estimation 
of  the  natives,  the  meeting  of  January  81st  might  very  probably 
hiive  terminated  in  the  murder  of  the  commissioners. 

From  a  late  work  by  Judge  Hall,  the  following  passage  is  taken, 
descriptive  of  the  scene  which  is  said  to  have  taken  place.  The 
Indians  had  entered  in  a  disorderly  and  disrespectful  manner.  "The 
commissioners,  without  noticing  the  disorderly  conduct  of  the 
other  party,  or  appearing  to  have  discovered  their  meditated  treach- 
ery, opened  the  council  in  due  form.  They  lighted  the  peace-pipe, 
and  after  drawing  a  few  whifis,  passed  it  to  the  chiefs,  who  re- 
ceived it.  Colonel  Clark  then  rose  to  explain  the  purpose  for 
which  the  treaty  was  ordered.  With  an  unembarrassed  air,  witib 
the  tone  of  one  accustomed  to  command,  and  an  easy  assurance  of 
perfect  security  and  self-possession,  he  stated  that  the  commission- 
ers had  been  sent  to  offer  peace  to  the  Shawanese ;  that  the  presi- 
dent had  no  wish  to  continue  the  war;  he  had  no  resentment  to 
gratify;  and  if  the  red  men  desired  peace,  they  could  have  it  on  "^ 
reasonable  terms.  'If  such  be  the  will  of  the  Shawanese,'  he  con- 
cluded, Met  some  of  their  wise  men  speak.* 

«  A  chief  arose,  drew  up  his  tall  person  to  its  full  height,  and  as- 
aaming  a  haughty  attitude,  threw  his  eye  contemptaonsly  over  the 


•  Iie6  North  AMwiom  Rvvim^,  OaMMr^lSil)  p.  8«0. 


444 


IRBIAK  TBBATT  AT  FOBX  VUmXI. 


1786. 


commissioners,  and  their  small  retinne,  as  if  to  moMnre  their  insig< 
nificance,  in  comparison  with  his  own  namerons  train,  and  then 
stalking  to  the  tahle,  threw  upon  it  two  helts  of  wampum,  of  differ- 
ent colors— the  war  and  the  peace  belt 

"'We  come  here,' he  exclaimed,  *to  offer  you  two  pieces  of 
wampum ;  they  are  of  different  colors ;  you  know  what  they  mean: 
you  can  take  which  yon  like ! '  and  taming  upon  his  heel,  he  re- 
sumed his  seat 

"The  chiefs  drew  themselves  up,  in  the  consciousness  of  having 
hurled  defiance  in  the  teeth  of  the  white  men.  They  offered  an 
insult  to  the  renowned  leader  of  the  Long-Knives,  to  which  they 
knew  it  would  be  hard  for  him  to  submit,  while  they  did  not  sup- 
pose he  dare  resent  it.  The  council-pipe  was  laid  aside.  Those 
fierce  wild  men  gazed  intently  at  Clark.  The  Americans  saw  that 
the  crisis  had  arrived ;  they  could  no  longer  doubt  that  the  Indians 
understood  the  advantage  they  possessed,  and  were  disposed  to  use 
it;  and  a  common  sense  of  danger  caused  each  eye  to  be  turned 
on  the  leading  commissioner.  He  sat  undisturbed  and  apparently 
careless  nnlil  the  chief  who  had  thrown  the  belts  upon  the  table 
had  taken  his  seat ;  then  with  a  small  cane  which  he  held  in  his 
hand,  he  reached  as  if  playfully,  toward  the  war  belt,  entangled 
the  end  of  the  stick  in  it,  drew  it  towards  him,  and  then  with  a 
switch  of  the  cane,  threw  the  belt  into  the  midst  of  the  chiefs. 
The  effect  was  electric.  Every  man  in  the  council,  of  each  party, 
sprang  to  his  feet,  the  savage  with  a  loud  exclamation  of  astonish- 
ment, 'Hugh ! '  The  Americans  in  expectation  of  a  hopeless  con- 
flict, against  overwhelming  numbers.  Every  hand  grasped  a 
weapon. 

"Olark  alone  was  unawed.  The  expression  of  his  countenance 
changed  to  a  ferocious  sternness,  and  his  eye  flashed,  but  otherwise 
he  was  unmoved.  A  bitter  smile  was  perceptible  upon  his  com- 
preased  lips,  as  he  gazed  upon  that  savage  band,  whose  hundred 
eyes  were  bent  fleroely  and  in  horrid  exultation  upon  him,  as  they 
stood  like  a  pack  of  wolves  at  bay,  thirsting  for  blood,  and  ready 
to  rush  upon  him  whenever  one  bolder  than  the  rest  should  com- 
menoe  the  attack.  It  was  one  of  those  moments  of  indecision 
when  the  slightest  weight  thrown  into  either  scale  will  make  it 
preponderate;  a  moment  in  which  a  bold  man,  conversant  with  the 
secret  springs  of  human  aetion,  may  seize  upon  the  minds  of  all 
around  him,  and  sway  them  at  his  will. 

"  Such  a  man  was  the  intrepid  Virginian.  He  spoke  and  there 
was  no  man  bold  enough  to  gainsay  him — none  that  could  return 


iTSe. 


niDIAN  TBBATT  AT  tORT  nKNJBT. 


445 


the  fierce  glance  of  his  eye.  .^siring  his  arm,  and  waiving  his  htod 
toward  the  door,  he  exclaimed:  ^Dogs!  you  may  go!*  The  Indi- 
ans hesitated  a  moment,  and  then  rushed  tamultuously  oat  of  the 
council  room." 

Another  account  of  the  scene  is  ^ven  from  the  notes  of  an  old 
officer  who  was  present : 

"  The  Indians  came  in  to  a  treaty  at  Fort  Finney  in  the  most 
friendly  manner,  except  the  Shawanese,  the  most  conceited  and 
warlike  of  the  aborigines,  the  first  in  at  a  battle,  and  the  last 
at  a  treaty.  Three  hundred  of  their  finest  warriors,  set  off  in  all 
their  paint  and  feathers,  filed  into  the  council-house.  Their 
number  and  demeanor,  so  unusual  at  an  occasion  of  this  sort, 
was  altogether  unexpected  and  suspicious.  The  United  States' 
stockade  mustered  seventy  men.  In  the  centre  of  the  hall,  at  a 
little  table,  sat  the  commissary  general,  Clark,  the  indefatigable 
scourge  of  these  very  marauders;  General  Richard  Butler  and  Mr. 
Parsons.  There  was  also  present  a  Captain  Denny,  who,  I  believe, 
is  still  alive,  and  can  Uktest  this  story.    . 

"On  the  part  of  the  Indians,  an  old  council-sachem  ai^d  a  war 
chief  took  the  lead.  The  latter,  a  tall,  raw-boned  fellow,  with  an 
impudent  aind  villainous  look,  made  a  boisterous  and  threatening 
speech,  ^hich  operated  effectually  on  the  passions  of  the  Indians, 
who  set  up  a  prodigious  whoop  at  every  pause.  He  concluded  by 
presenting  a  black  and  white  wampum,  to  signify  they  were  prepa- 
red for  either  event,  peace  or  war.  Clark  exhibited  the  same 
unaltered  and  careless  countenance  he  had  shown  during  the  whole 
scene,  his  head  leaning  on  his  left  hand,  and  his  elbow  resting 
upon  the  table.  He  raised  his  little  cane,  and  pushed  the  sacred 
wampum  off  the  table,  with  very  little  ceremony. 

**  Every  Indian  at  the  same  time  started  from  his  seat  with  one  of 
those  sudden,  simultaneous,  and  peculiar  savage  sounds,  which 
startle  and  disconcert  the  stoutest  heart,  and  can  neither  be  de- 
scribed nor  forgotten. 

"At  this  juncture  Clark  arose.  The  scrutinizing  eye  cowered 
at  his  glance.  He  stamped  his  foot  on  the  prostrate  and  insulted 
symbol,  and  ordered  them  to  leave  the  hall.  They  did  so,  appa- 
rently involuntarily.  They  were  heard  all  that  night,  debating  in 
the  bushes  near  the  fort.  The  raw-boned  chief  was  for  war,  the 
old  sachem  for  peace.  The  latter  prevailed,  and  the  next  morning 
they  carao  back  and  sued  for  peace."* 


^Enoyolopedia  Amerioftoft,  iii.  282. 


446 


OLABX'S  UH8U00188VUL  BXPXDITIOK. 


1786. 


Th«  treaty  at  Fort  Finney,  in  addition  to  the  usual  articles,  con- 
tained the  following: 

"The  Shawanoe  nation  do  acknowledge  the  United  States  to  he 
the  sole  and  absolute  sovereigns  of' all  the  territory  cede'  to  them 
hy  a  treaty  of  peace  made  between  them  and  the  king  of  Great 
Britain,  the  fourteenth  day  of  January,  one  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  eighty-four. 

"The  United  States  do  allot  to  the  Shawanee  nation,  lands 
within  their  territory,  to  live  and  hunt  upon,  beginning  at  the 
south  line  of  the  lands  allotted  to  the  Wyandots  and  Delaware 
nations,  at  the  place  where  the  main  branch  of  the  Great  Miami, 
which  falls  into  the  Ohio,  intersects  said  line;  then  down  the  river 
Miami,  to  the  fork  of  that  river,  next  below  the  old  fort  which  was 
taken  by  the  French  in  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  fifty-two; 
thence,  due  west,  to  the  River  De  La  Pause ;  then  down  that  river, 
to  the  river  Wabash;  beyond  which  lines  none  of  the  citizens  of 
the  United  States  shall  settle,  nor  disturb  the  Shawanese  in  their 
settlement  and  possessions.  And  the  Shawanese  do  relinquish  to 
the  United  States,  all  title,  or  pretense  of  title,  they  ever  had  to 
the  lands  east,  west,  and  south  of  the  east,  west,  and  south  lines 
before  described." 

But  the  tribes  more  distant  than  the  Shawanese  were  in  no  way 
disposed  to  cease  their  incursions,  and  upon  the  16th  of  May,  the 
Governor  of  Virginia  was  forced  to  write  upon  the  subject  to 
Congress,  which  at  once  sent  two  companies  down  the  Ohio  to  the 
Falls,  and  upon  the  80th  of  June,  authorized  the  raising  of  militia 
in  Kentucky,  and  the  invasion  of  the  country  of  the  mischief- 
makers,  under  the  command  of  the  leading  United  States  officer 
in  the  district. 

"Accordingly,  a  strong  military  force  was  raised  in  Kentucky,  for 
the  purpose  of  making  simultaneous  attacks  on  the  Indian  towns 
of  the  Wabash  and  the  Shawanee  villages  in  the  country  between 
the  Big  Miami  and  the  Scioto  rivers.  About  one  thousand  men, 
under  the  command  of  General  George  Rogers  Clark,  marched 
from  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio  for  Post  Vincennes,  and  arrhv^  I  In  the 
neighborhood  of  that  place  early  in  the  month  of  October.  The 
army  then  encamped,  and  lay  in  a  state  of  inactivity  for  nine  days, 
awaiting  the  arrival  of  provisions  and  stores  which  had  been  shipped 
on  keel  boats  at  Louisville  and  Ciarksville. 

"When  the  boats  arrived  at  Post  Yinceunes,  about  one-half  of 
the  provision  was  spoiled;  and  that  part  which  had  been  moved 
by  land  was  almost  exhausted.    A  spirit  of  discontent  began  to 


1786. 


LOGAN  8  SXPBSITION  AGAINST  THB  8HAWANB8B. 


447 


manifeat  itself  in  camp,  even  before  the  arrival  of  the  boats;  and 
when  the  state  of  supplies  was  known,  this  spirit  became  more 
apparent  The  Kentucky  troops,  however,  having  been  reinforced 
by  a  considerable  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  Post  Vincenn^s, 
were  ordered  to  move  up  the  Wabash,  toward  the  Indian  towns 
that  lay  in  the  vicinity  of  the  ancient  post  of  Ouiatenon.  The 
people  of  these  towns  had  received  intelligence  of  the  approach  of 
their  enemy,  and  had  selected  a  place  for  an  ambuscade  among  the 
defiles  of  Pine  creek. 

"  On  reaching  the  neighborhood  of  the  mouth  of  Vermillion 
river,  the  army  found  that  the  Indians  had  deserted  their  villages 
on  that  stream  near  its  junction  with  the  Wabash.  At  this  crisis, 
when  the  spirits  of  the  officers  and  men  were  depressed  by  disap- 
pointment, hunger  and  fsrtigue,  some  persons  circulated  throughout 
the  camp  a  rumor  that  General  Clark  had  sent  a  flag  of  truce  to 
the  Indians,  with  the  offer  of  peace  or  war.  This  rumor,  combined 
with  a  lamentable  change  which  had  taken  place  in  the  once  tem^ 
perate,  bold,  energetic  and  commanding  character  of  Olark,  excited 
among  the  troops  a  spirit  of  insubordination  which  neither  the 
commands  nor  the  entreaties,  nor  the  tears  of  the  general  could 
subdue.  At  an  encampment  near  the  mouth  of  Vermillion  river, 
about  three  hundred  men  in  a  body  left  the  army,  and  proceeded 
on  their  way  homeward.  The  remainder  of  the  troops,  under  the 
command  of  General  Clark,  then  abandoned  the  expedition  and 
returned  to  Post  Vincennes. 

"The  expedition  which  marched  against  the  Shawanese,  who 
had  again  resumed  hostilities,  was  commanded  by  Colonel  Benja- 
min Logan.  This  officer,  at  the  head  of  four  or  five  hundred 
mounted  riflemen,  crossed  the  river  Ohio,  at  the  point  where  the 
town  of  Maysville  now  stands,  and  penetrated  the  Indian  country 
as  far  as  the  head  waters  of  Mad  river.  General  Lytle  says: 
*  Colonel  Logan  would  have  surprised  the  Indian  towns  against 
which  he  marched,  had  not  one  of  his  men  deserted  to  the  enemy, 
and  gave  notice  of  his  approach.  As  it  was,  he  burned  eight  large 
towns,  and  destroyed  many  fields  of  corn.  He  took  seventy  or 
eighty  prisoners,  and  killed  about  twenty  warriors,  and  among  the 
rest,  the  head  chief  of  the  nation.  This  last  act  caused  deep  regret, 
humiliation  and  shame  to  the  commander  of  his  troops.'  The 
murder  of  the  chief  was,  however,  perpetrated  in  direct  violation 
of  the  orders  of  Colonel  Logan.  In  the  course  of  this  expedition 
the  Eentuckians  lost  about  ten  men."  * 


"VSs 


■1%. 
«# 


>y 


'••4-    ■ 


•  Dillon's  Indiana,  p.  202. 


448 


OONTBOVSRST  ABOUT  THS  MISBIS8IPPI. 


1786. 


It  was  the  gathering  of  the  men  of  Kentucky  for  these  expedi< 
tions,  which  prevented  the  meeting  of  the  convention  that  was  to 
have  come  together  in  September.  So  many  were  absent  on 
military  duty  that  a  quorum  could  not  be  had,  and  those  who  came 
to  the  point  of  assembly,  were  forced,  as  a  committee,  merely  to 
to  prepare  a  memorial  for  the  Virginia  Legislature,  setting  forth 
the  causes  which  made  a  convention  at  that  time  impossible,  and 
asking  certain  changes  in  the  Act  of  Separation.  This  done,  they 
continued  their  meetings  by  adjournment  during  the  remainder  of 
the  year,  hoping  a  quorum  might  still  be  gathered;  which  was  not 
done,  however,  until  the  ensuing  January. 

Meanwhile,  beyond  the  Alleghenies,  events  were  taking  place 
which  produced  more  excitement  in  Kentucky  than  Indian  wan, 
or  Acts  of  Separation — ^the  Spanish  negotiations,  involving  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  In  1780,  Spain  expressed  her 
determination  to  claim  the  control  of  the  great  western  river;  in 
January,  1781,  she  attacked  the  Fort  of  St  Joseph's,  and  took 
possession  of  the  north-west  in  the  name  of  his  Catholic  Migesty; 
on  the  15th  of  the  next  month.  Congress,  at  the  instance  of  the 
Yir^nia  delegates,  instructed  Mr.  Jay,  then  at  Madrid,  not  to 
insist  on  the  use  of  the  Mississippi  by  the  Americans,  if  a  treaty 
could  not  be  effected  without  giving  it  up.  Through  1782,  the 
court  of  Madrid  labored,  not  only  to  induce  the  United  States  to 
give  up  the  stream  of  the  "West,  but  a  great  part  of  the  "West  itself, 
and  France  backed  her  pretensions;*  and  thus  matters  rested  for 
the  time. 

In  July,  1786,  Don  Diego  Gardoqui,  appeared  before  Congress, 
as  the  representative  of  Spain ;  on  the  20th  of  the  same  month, 
Mr.  Jay,  the  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  was  authorized  to 
negotiate  with  him;  and,  in  May  of  the  same  year,  negotiations 
began  between  them  were  brought  to  the  notice  of  Congress. 
This  was  done  in  consequence  of  the  fact,  that  in  these  transactions 
Mr.  Jay  asked  the  special  guidance  of  that  body,  and  explained  his 
reasons  for  doing  so  at  length.  He  pointed  out  the  importance  of 
a  commercial  treaty  with  Spain,  and  dwelt  upon  the  two  difficulties 
of  making  such  a  treaty;  one  of  which  was,  the  unwillingness  of 
Spain  to  permit  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi ;  the  other,  the 
question  of  boundaries.  Upon  the  first  point,  Mr.  Jay  was,  and 
always  had  been,  opposed  to  yielding  to  the  Spanish  claim ;  but  that 


t  Secret  Journals,  ir,  63  to  80.    Diplomttio  Correspondence. 


1786. 


VIOLKNT  M1ASUBB8  Al  VINOIinfBS. 


449 


claim  was  still  as  strenaoosly  niged,  as  in  1780 ;  and  the  ooart  of 
Madrid,  their  ambassador  sud,  would  never  abandon  it. 

Under  these  oiroumstannes,  the  interests  of  the  whole  Union 
demanding  the  oondasion  of  the  Spanish  commercial  treaty,  while 
that  treaty  could  apparently  be  secured  only  by  giving  up  thd 
right  to  navigate  the  Mieaissippi,  which  was  in  a  manner  sacrificing 
the  West.  Mr.  Jay  proposed,  as  a  sort  of  compromise,  to  form  a 
treaty  with  Spain  for  twenly-five  or  thirty  years,  and  during  that 
time  to  yield  the  right  of  using  the  Mississippi  below  the  bounda- 
ries of  the  United  States. 

To  this  proposition,  the  Southern  members  in  Congress  were 
vehemently  opposed,  and  an  attempt  was  made  by  them  to  take 
the  whole  matter  out  of  Mr.  Jay's  hands,  the  delegates  from 
Virginia  offering  a  long  and  able  argument  in  opposition  to  his 
schemd;  but  the  members  of  the  Eastern  and  Middle  States  outp 
voted  the  south,  and  the  Secretary  was  authorised  to  continue  his 
negotiations,  without  being  bound  to  insist,  at  all  hazards,  upon 
the  immediate  use  of  the  river.  * 

The  discussion  in  Congress  relative  to  the  Spanish  claims,  took 
place  during  August,  and  the  rumor  of  them,  and  of  the  Secretary's 
proposal,  in  due  time  reached  the  West;  but,  as  is  common,  the 
tale  spread  by  report  differed  from  tlie  truth,  by  representing  the 
proposition  as  much  more  positive  than  it  really  was,  and  as  being 
made  by  John  Jay,  without  any  sanction  of  Congress. 

This  story,  which  circulated  during  the  winter  of  1786-87,  pro- 
duced among  those  who  dwelt  upon  the  western  waters  great 
iadignation,  and  prepared  the  people  to  anticipate  a  contest  with 
Spain,  or  a  union  with  her,  and>  in  either  case,  action  independent 
of  the  old  Atlantic  colonies.  And  the  conduct  of  Clark,  after  the 
failure  of  the  Wabash  expedition,  was  well  calculated  to  cause 
many  to  think  that  the  leading  minds  were  already  prepared  for 
action. 

On  the  8th  of  October,  a  board  of  field  officers  at  Vincennes 
determined  to  garrison  that  point,  to  raise  supplies  by  impressment, 
and  to  enlist  new  troops.  Under  this  determination,  Spanish 
property  was  seized,  soldiers  were  embodied,  and  steps  were  taken 
to  hold  a  peace  council  with  the  natives,  all  under  the  direction  of 
General  Clark. 
Soon  after  this,  in  December,  Thomas  Green  wrote  from  Louis- 


*  Secret  Journals,  It.  81  to  182. 


460 


TBBASOHABLB  liBTTIBS. 


1786. 


▼ille  to  the  governor,  ooancil  and  legislature  of  Geoigia — which 
State  was  involved  in  the  boundary  qaarrel  with  Spain — ^that  Span- 
ish property  had  been  seized  in  the  north-west  as  a  hostile  measure, 
and  not  merely  to  procare  necessaries  for  the  troops,  which  Clark 
afterward  declared  was  the  case,  and  added,  that  the  General  was 
ready  to  go  down  the  river  with  troops  sufficient  to  take  possessioQ 
of  the  lands  in  dispute,  if  Georgia  would  countenance  him. 

This  letter  Clark  said  he  never  saw,  but  as  he  paid  equally  with 
Green  toward  the  expenses  of  the  messenger  who  was  to  take  it  to 
the  south,  it  was  natural  enough  to  think  him  privy  to  all  the  plans 
relative  to  the  disputed  territory,  whatever  they  may  have  been. 
And  what  they  were,  in  some  minds  at  least,  may,  perhapH,  be 
judged  by  the  following  extract  from  a  letter,  also  written  from 
Louisville,  professedly  to  some  one  in  New  England,  and  veiy 
probably  by  Green,  which  was  circulated  widely  in  Frankland, 
Tennessee.    It  is  dated  December  4, 1786. 

"Our  situation  is  as  bad  as  it  possibly  can  be,  therefore  eveiy 
exertion  to  retrieve  our  circumstances  must  be  manly,  eligible  and 
just.  We  can  raise  twenty  thousand  troops  this  side  the  Allegheny 
and  Apalachian  mountains,  and  the  annual  increase  of  them  by 
emigration  from  other  parts,  is  from  two  to  four  thousand. 

"  We  have  taken  all  the  goods  belonging  to  the  Spanish  mer- 
chants of  Post  Yincennes  and  the  Illinois,  and  are  determined  they 
shall  not  trade  up  the  river,  provided  they  will  not  let  us  trade 
down  it.  Preparations  are  now  making  here  (if  necessary)  to  drive 
the  Spaniards  from  their  settlements,  at  the  mouth  of  tiie  Missis* 
sippi.  In  case  we  are  not  countenanced  and  succored  by  the  United 
States,  (if  we  need  it,)  our  allegiance  will  be  thrown  o£^  and  some 
other  power  applied  to. 

"  Great  Britain  stands  ready  with  open  arms  to  receive  and  sup- 
port us.  They  have  already  offered  to  open  their  resources  for  oar 
supplies.  When  once  re-united  to  them,  'farewell,  a  long  farewell 
to  all  your  boasted  greatness.'  The  province  of  Canada  and  the 
inhabitants  of  these  waters,  of  themselves,  in  time,  will  be  able  to 
conquer  you.  You  are  as  ignorant  of  this  country  as  Great  Britain 
was  of  America.  These  are  hints  which,  if  rightly  improved,  may 
be  of  some  service;  if  not,  blame  yourselves  for  the  neglect.'"*' 

The  seizure  of  the  property  of  the  Spanish  merchants  at  Yincen- 
nes, was  an  act  of  retaliation  on  the  part  of  the  people  for  what 


*  Secret  Journals,  W.  828. 


1786.       NBW  BNOLANDBBS'  MOVBMIirr  FOE  WMTBBIT  LANDS. 


461 


they  regarded  as  a  national  ii^juatioe— the  dosing  of  the  Mississippi 
against  them. 

Wells,  Green's  messenger,  on  his  way  to  Georgia,  showed  his 
papers  to  various  persons  at  Danville ;  copies  were  at  once  taken 
of  them,  and  enclosed  in  a  letter  written  on  the  22d  of  Deoemher, 
to  the  Executive  of  Virginia,  hy  fifteen  of  the  leading  citizens  of 
Kentucky,  among  whom  was  James  Wilkinson.  In  Fehruary, 
1787,  the  Council  of  Virginia  acted  upon  the  subject,  condemned 
Qen.  Clark's  conduct,  disavowed  the  powers  assumed  by  him, 
ordered  the  prosecution  of  the  persons  concerned  in  the  seizure  of 
property,  and  laid  the  matter  before  Congress.  It  was  presented 
in  detail  to  that  body  on  the  18th  of  April,  and  on  the  24th  of 
that  month  it  was  resolved  that  the  troops  of  the  United  States  be 
employed  to  dispossess  the  unauthorized  intruders  who  had  taken 
possession  of  Bt.  Vincents.  All  these  things  naturally  tended  to 
excite  speculation,  inquiry  and  fear  throughout  the  West,  and 
though  no  action  was  had  in  reference  to  the  Mississippi  question 
beyond  the  mount&ins  until  the  next  spring,  there  was,  doubtless, 
discussiou  and  feeling  enough  in  the  interval. 

But  in  the  history  of  1786,  those  steps  which  resulted  in  the  for- 
mation of  the  New  England  Ohio  Company,  and  the  founding  of 
the  first  colony,  authorized  by  the  government,  north-west  of  the 
Ohio,  must  not  be  omitted. 

Congress,  by  the  resolutions  of  September  16, 1776,  and  August 
12, 1780,  had  promised  land  bounties  to  the  ofiicers  and  soldiers  of 
the  Revolutionary  army,  who  should  continue  in  the  service  till  the 
close  of  tiie  war,  or  until  discharged  by  Congress;  and  to  the  repre- 
sentatives of  those  who  should  be  slain  by  the  enemy.*  In  June, 
1783,  peace  having  been  proclaimed,  General  Rufus  Putnam  for- 
warded to  Washington  a  memorial  from  certain  of  those  having 
claims  under  these  resolutions ;  which  Washington  transmitted  to 
Congress,  together  with  General  Putnam's  letter. 

But  as  the  States  claiming  the  western  territory  had  not  made 
their  final  cessions.  Congress  was  forced,  on  the  29th  of  October, 
1783,  to  announce  their  inability  to  make  any  appropriation  of 
land.  From  that  time  nothing  further  was  done  until,  upon  the 
18th  of  July,  1785,  Benjamin  Tupper,  a  Revolutionary  officer  be- 
longing to  Massachusetts,  was  appointed  a  surveyor  of  western 


*  Lwid  Lavs,  887. 


4SS 


NBW  lNaLANDlB8  PBOPOII  A  LAHD  OOMPART. 


1786. 


lands,  in  the  place  of  Qeneral  Pntnam,  who  had  been  before  chosen, 
bat  was  otherwise  engaged.  He,  in  the  course  of  that  year,  visited 
the  West,  going,  however,  no  further  than  Pittsburgh,  as  the  Indian 
troubles  prevented  surveys.'* 

On  his  return  home,  he  conferred  with  his  fHend  Putnam,  as  to 
a  renewal  of  their  memorial  of  1788,  and  a  removal  westward; 
which  conference  resulted  in  a  publication,  dated  January  10, 1786, 
in  which  was  proposed  the  formation  of  a  company  to  settle  the 
Ohio  lands ;  and  those  taking  an  interest  in  the  plan  were  invited 
to  meet  in  February,  and  choose,  for  each  county  of  Massachu. 
setts,  one  or  more  delegales ;  these  delegates  were  to  assemble  on 
the  1st  of  March,  at  the  Bunch  of  Grapes  tavern  in  Boston,  there 
to  agree  upon  a  system  of  association.  On  the  day  named,  eleven 
persons  appeared  at  the  place  agreed  upon;  and  by  the  8d  of 
March,  the  outline  of  the  company  was  drawn  up,  and  subscrip. 
tions  under  it  at  once  commenced.  The  leading  features  of  that 
outline  were  these :  A  fund  of  a  million  dollars,  mainly  in  conti- 
nental certificates,  was  to  be  raised  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing 
lands  in  the  western  territory ;  there  were  to  be  a  thousand  shares 
of  one  thousand  dollars  each,  and  upon  each  share  ten  dollars  in 
specie  wore  to  be  paid,  for  contingent  expenses.  One  year's  inter- 
est was  to  be  appropriated  to  the  charges  of  making  a  settlement, 
and  assisting  those  unable  to  remove  without  aid.  The  owner!)  of 
every  twenty  shares  were  to  choose  an  agent  to  represent  them, 
and  attend  to  their  interests;  and  the  agents  were  to  choose  the 
directors.t  The  plan  was  approved,  and  in  a  year  from  that  time 
the  company  was  organized;  and,  before  its  organization,  the  last 
obstacle  to  the  purposed  grant  from  the  United  States,  was  done 
away  by  the  cession  of  most  of  her  territorial  claims  on  the  part  of 
Oonnecticut. 

Beside  the  claim  of  Virginia  to  the  north-west  previously  ceded 
to  the  confederation,  there  were  various  other,  and,  in  some 
instances,  conflicting  claims  to  the  same  region.  New  York, 
Massachusetts  and  Gonnecticnt,  in  particular,  claimed  under  their 
ancient  charters  large  tracts  of  country  west  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
north  of  the  Ohio. 

On  the  Ist  day  of  March,  1781,  James  Duane,  "William  Floyd, 
and  Alexander  McDougal,  made,  on  behalf  of  the  State  of  New 


*  Nye's  Address,  Transutions  Ohio  Historical  Society,  p.  817. 
f  Historical  Collections  of  Ohio,  Part  2. 


1786. 


NIW  TOBK  AKD  MASBAOBUIITTS  OMDM  LAHDt. 


468 


York,  a  cesBion  of  all  the  claims  of  that  State,  to  the  north-west 
territory.  By  the  terms  of  the  cession,  the  western  boundary  of 
New  York,  in  respect  both  of  jurisdiction  and  title  to  the  soil,  was 
established  by  a  line  to  be  drawn  from  the  north-eastem  corner  of 
the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  along  the  north  bounds  thereof  to  its 
north-west  comer,  continued,  if  necessary,  further  due  west  till  it 
is  intersected  by  a  meridian  line  drawn  from  the  forty-fifth  degree 
of  latitude  through  the  most  western  bent  or  inclination  of  Lake 
Ontario ;  thence,  due  north  along  that  meridian  line  to  the  forty- 
fifth  degree,  and  along  that  parallel  of  latitude.  But  if,  on  experi- 
ment, that  meridian  line  should  not  comprehend  twenty  miles  west 
from  the  most  westerly  bent  or  inclination  of  the  Niagara  river,  it 
was  provided  that  the  bouudary  line  should  be  drawn  due  west 
from  the  north-western  comer  of  Pennsylvania,  till  it  is  intersected 
by  a  meridian  line  drawn  from  the  forty-fifth  degree  through  a 
point  twenty  miles  west  of  the  most  westerly  bent  or  inclination  of 
the  Niagara  river ;  thence,  by  that  meridian  line  to,  and  thence 
along  the  forty-fifth  parallel  of  latitude.  At  that  time  the  north- 
western comer  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  was  unknown ;  and 
subsequently,  when  ascertained,  it  was  found  to  be  west  of  both 
those  lines. 

On  the  18th  of  April,  1785,  the  commonwealth  of  Massachusetts 
ceded  to  the  United  States  all  its  claims  west  of  the  same  meridian 
line,  and  along  it  till  it  intersects  the  prolongation  of  the  southern 
line  of  that  State. 

It  may  be  proper  to  refer  more  in  detail  to  the  cession  of  the 
claim  of  Connecticut. 

In  1685,  a  settlement  was  made  at  the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut, 
river,  by  John  Wenthrop  and  others,  from  the  colony  of  Massachu- 
setts bay.  Finding  themselves  without  the  chartered  limits  of  that 
colony  '.aey  associated  themselves  into  a  voluntary  political  society, 
under  the  name  of  the  colony  of  Connecticut.  In  1661,  they 
petitioned  the  crown  for  a  formal  political  organization.  In  the 
next  year,  a  charter  was  granted  to  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  in 
which  its  limits  were  described,  as 

"Bounded  on  the  east  by  Narraganset  river,  commonly  called 
Narraganset  bay,  where  the  said  river  falls  into  the  sea;  and  on  the ' 
north,  by  the  line  of  Massachusetts  plantation,  and  on  the  south, 
by  the  sea;  and  in  longitude  as  the  line  of  Massachusetts  colony, 
running  from  east  to  west,  that  is  to  say,  from  the  said  NarraganseJ; 
bay  on  the  east,  to  the  south  sea  on  the  west,  With  the  islands; 
thereto  adjoining."  "** 


464 


BMOLuno*  Of  cvnmmom  lmislatubi. 


V 


In  1664,  ft  TOjtl  obartor  wm  grmnted  to  tho  Dnko  of  York,  for  « 
Itrgt  tract  of  oonntiy  in  Amorion,  of  which  n  p«rt  wm  deiorib«d 
M  including  "  all  thnt  island  or  ialanda,  called  hy  the  seyeral  name 
or  namee  of  Mattawaoki,  or  Long  Island,  situate,  lying  and  being 
towaid  the  west  of  Oape  God  and  the  Narragansets,  abutting  od 
the  mMu  lands  between  the  two  rivers  there  called  and  known  by 
the  name  of  Oonneotiont  and  Hudson  riTsrs,  together  with  the  said 
rirer,  called  Hudson  river,  and  all  the  lands  flrom  the  west  side  of 
Oonneoticnt  river  to  the  east  side  of  the  Delaware  bay,  kc."  A 
dispute  immediately  ensued  between  the  Duke  of  York  and  the 
Oonneoticnt  colony,  in  regard  to  these  conflicting  claims  under 
their  respective  charters,  which  was  settled  by  a  royal  commiseioo, 
who  established  the  Monoromock  river,  and  a  line  north  nortb  west 
firom  tiience  to  the  line  of  Massachusetts,  to  be  the  dividing  line 
between  the  colony  of  Oonnectiout  and  the  territory  claimed  by 
the  Duke  of  York. 

In  1681,  a  charter  was  granted  to  William  Penn  for  a  territoiy, 
described  as  extending  to,  and  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  forty- 
third  parallel  of  latitude;  abd  westward  for  five  degrees  in  longi- 
tude* 

After  the  transfer  of  tho  claims  of  the  proprietaries  of  Pennsyl- 
vania to  the  commonwealth,  in  1779,  a  question  of  jurisdiction 
arose  between  the  States  of  Oonnecticut  and  Pennsylvania,  in 
regard  to  the  lands  between  the  forty-first  and  forty-second  degrees 
of  latitude,  thus  included  in  the  charters  of  both  these  States.  It 
was  tried  before  a  commission  of  Congress  in  1782,  and  a  decision 
was  rendered  in  favor  of  the  claims  of  Pennsylvania,  in  respect 
both  of  jurisdiction  and  title  to  the  soil.  But  the  decision  of  the 
commission  did  not  affect  the  clums  of  Connecticut  to  the  lands 
included  in  its  charter,  west  of  the  limits  of  Pennsylvania ;  and,  to 
assert  its  right  to  those  lands,  the  legislature  of  that  State  passed, 
in  1788,  the  following  resolution : 

"Whereas,  this  State  has  the  undoubted  and  exclusive  right  of 
jurisdiction  and  pre-emption  to  all  the  lands  lying  west  from  the 
western  limits  of  tho  State  of  Pennsylvania,  and  east  of  the  river 
Mississippi,  and  extending  throughout,  from  the  latitude  of  the 
Ibrty-first  degree  to  the  latitude  of  the  forty-second  degree  and 
two  minutes  north ;  by  virtue  of  the  charter  granted  by  King  Charles 
the  Second  to  the  late  colony,  and  now  State  of  Connecticut, 
and  bearing  date  the  28d  of  April,  1662,  which  claim  and  title  to 
make  known  for  the  information  of  all,  that  they  may  conform 
ihamselves  tliereto— 


178». 


oomrionouT  oi»m  wwmir  lamm. 


466 


**  lUatheit  That  hit  miMllraoy  tb«  Oortrnor  b«  dedrad  to  Imu* 
hii  proolMD»tion,deolMrlng  and  MMrdng  the  right  of  thii  Stat*  to 
All  the  lande  within  the  llmite  aforei»id,  and  itriotly  forbidding 
ftll  penoni  to  enter  or  settle  thereon,  without  ipeoial  lioenee 
end  anthority  fint  obtained  from  the  General  Aieemblj  of  thii 
State." 

In  oonieqaenoe  of  the  reoommendation  of  Oongreea,  in  1764, 
addraiaed  to  all  the  States  having  territorial  olaimo  in  the  West, 
asking  them  to  cede  their  lands  to  the  oonfederaoy,  to  aid  the  pay- 
ment of  the  debto  incurred  daring  the  revolution,  and  to  promote 
the  harmony  of  the  Union,  the  legislature  of  Oonneotiout  passed 
an  act  in  1786,  ceding,  "All  the  right,  title,  interest.  Jurisdiction, 
and  claim  of  the  State  of  Oonneoticnt  to  certain  western  lands, 
be^nning  at  the  completion  of  the  forty-first  degree  of  north  lati- 
tude, one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  west  of  the  western  boundary 
of  the  commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania,  as  now  claimed  by  said 
commonwealth ;  and  firom  thence  by  a  line  to  be  drawn  parallel  to 
and  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  west  of  the  said  west  line  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  to  continue  north  till  it  comes  to  forty-two 
degrees  and  two  minutes  of  north  latitude ;  where  by  all  the  right, 
titie,  interest.  Jurisdiction,  and  claim  of  the  State  of  Connecticut  to 
the  lands  lying  west  of  the  said  line,  to  be  drawn  as  aforementioned 
one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  west  of  the  western  boundary  line 
of  the  commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania,  as  now  claimed  by  said 
commonwealth,  shall  be  included,  released,  and  ceded  to  the 
United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  for  tiie  common  use  and 
benefit  of  said  States,  Connecticut  inclusive." 

On  the  14th  of  September,  1786,  the  delegates  from  Connecticut 
executed  a  deed  of  cession  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  this  act, 
which  was  accepted  by  Congress  in  behalf  of  the  United  States.* 

It  hss  been  said  that  a  minority  of  the  convention  called  in  Kentucky, 
1787.]  to  meet  in  September,  1786,  was  adjourned  from  time  to  time 
until  January  of  this  year ;  when,  at  length  a  quorum  attended.  Upon 
a  vote  being  then  taken  relative  to  sepamtion,  the  feeling  was  still, 
ss  before,  strong^  in  &vor  of  it  But  scarce  had  th\p  been  oscer- 
tuned  when  a  second  act  upon  the  subject,  passed  by  Virj^nia  in 
October,  1786,  reached  the  West,  and  the  whole  question  wae 
igaia  postponed,  to  be  laid  before  a^M  convention,  which  wae  to 


•  AumtUm  State  Ptpw*.  svl.  M. 


4Ae 


ORBAT  DISSATLSrAOTZON  IN  THB  WBBT. 


1786. 


meet  in  September;  while  the  time  when  the  htws  of  Vir^nia 
ahould  cease  to  be  of  force,  was  changed  to  the  close  of  the  year 
1778. 

There  were  m9ny,  beyond  doubt,  to  whom  this  delay  was  a 
source  of  vexation  and  anger,  but  the  people  of  the  district 
general:/  evinced  no  such  feelings.  The  elections  took  place 
in  August,  and  the  convention  assembled  upon  the  17th  of 
September,  all  in  perfect  harmony  and  quietness.  The  vote  y/es 
again  uns  nimous  in  favor  of  separation,  and  the  act  of  Virg^ia  was 
agreed  to.  To  form  a  constitution,  a  sixth  convention  was  to  be 
chosen  in  the  ensuing  April,  and  to  complete  the  work  of  inde- 
pendence. Congress  was  to  assent  to  a  formation  of  Eentucl^  into 
a  State,  before  July  4, 1788. 

Nor  was  the  spbit  of  moderation  shown  this  year  by  the  Ken- 
tttckians  in  relation  to  self-government,  confined  to  that  subject; 
in  regard  to  the  vexatious  affitir  of  the  Spanish  claims,  there  was  a 
like  temper  manifested.  Mr.  Jay,  as  already  related,  had  been 
authorized  by  Congress  to  abandon  the  right  of  using  the  Missia- 
nppi  for  a  term  of  years,  bat  not  to  yield  the  pretensions  of  the 
United  States  to  its  navigation  after  that  period  closed. 

In  October,  1788,  under  these  instructions,  he  resumed  his  nego- 
tiations with  Don  Gardoqui,  but  without  success,  as  Spain  required 
an  entire  relinquishment  of  the  American  claim.'*'  In  November 
of  that  year,  also,  Virginia  had  passed  several  resolutions  against 
giving  up  the  use  of  the  river,  even  for  a  day,  and  had  instructed 
her  I'elegates  to  oppose  every  attempt  of  the  kind.  When,  there- 
fore, the  people  of  Kentucky  met  at  Danville,  early  in  May,  1787, 
to  act  in  relation  to  the  subject — ^having  been  called  together  by 
Messrs.  Muter,  Innis,  Brown  and  Sebastian,  for  that  purpose — ^they 
found  that  little  or  nothing  was  to  be  done;  the  plan  of  the  Secre- 
tary was  not  likely  to  succeed,  and  had  been  fully  protested  against. 
The  assembly  at  Danville  having  been  informed  of  these  things, 
quietly  adjourned. 

What  connection  existed  between  this  better  spirit  of  the  people 
of  Kentucky,  and  the  absence  of  Wilkinson,  it  is  impossible  to  say, 
but  it  is  probable  that,  if  he  had  remained  at  home^  he  would,  with 
the  influence  he  was  able  and  disposed  to  exert,  have  induced  the 
convention  to  adopt  a  line  of  policy  which  would  have  made  a 
peaceable  separation  from  Virginia  impossible.    That  indeed  was 


*  Secret  JouvalB,  ir.  297-401. 


1787. 


ORKAT  DISSATISFAOnOIT  IN  THE  WEST. 


467 


the  object  to  which  he  and  his  accomplices  directed  their  schemes, 
and  to  affect  which  he  was  willing  to  sacrifice  his  own  honor,  the 
int'^grity  of  the  Union,  and  the  liberties  of  the  district.  In  fur- 
therance of  that  infamous  purpose,  and  convinced  that  he  could 
not  effect  the  disraemherment  of  the  country  without  forlign  aid, 
he  descended  the  Mississippi  in  the  summer  of  that  year,  and  en- 
tered into  a  treasonahle  conspiracy  with  the  Spanish  governor  of 
Louisiana,  to  take  advantage  of  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  people  of 
the  district,  to  transfer  their  allegiance  to  Spaic,  and  to  give  that 
power  the  possession  of  the  whole  Mississippi  valley. 

There  was  a  general  discontent  at  that  peiiod  among  the  people 
of  Kentucky,  of  which  their  Leaders  were  as  usual  ready  to  t-ake  !*d- 
vantage  for  their  own  aggrandizement.  The  desire  of  the  people 
for  a  separation  of  the  district  from  Virginia,  familiarized  theij 
minds  to  the  idea  of  a  separation  from  the  confederacy.  Harry 
Innis,  the  attorney-general  of  the  district,  in  a  letter  to  the  gover- 
nor of  Virginia,  said :  "I  am  decidedly  of  the  opinion  that  this 
western  country  will,  in  a  few  years,  act  for  itself,  and  erect  an  in- 
dependent government;"  and  the  same  opinion  was  generally 
entertained  and  freely  expressed  among  the  leading  men  of  Ken- 
tucky. 

Nor  did  the  prospect  of  the  estahlishment  of  the  Federal  Union, 
then  under  consideration,  produce  any  hetter  state  of  feeling. 
The  new  constitution  was  very  generally  circulated  through  the 
district,  hy  means  of  the  Kentucky  Gazette,  a  paper  estahlished  in 
August,  1787,  hy  John  Bradford,  at  Lexington ;  its  provisions  were 
ftilly  understood ;  and  yet,  of  fourteen  representatives  from  the  dis- 
trict of  Kentucky,  in  the  convention  called  in  1788,  to  deliberate 
on  the  question  of  adopting  it,  only  three  voted  in  favor  of  it. 

The  sole  reasons  for  this  dissatisfaction,  then  rapidly  ripening  into 
treason,  were  the  delay  of  the  state  of  Virginia  to  provide  for  the 
district  a  separate  political  organization,  and  especially  the  inahility 
of  the  general  government  to  procure  for  them  the  navigation  of 
the  Mississippi.  Mr.  Jay's  proposition,  to  surrender  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  river  for  a  term  of  years,  was  very  unfavorably  received 
in  the  West,  and  the  discontents  it  excited  were  greatly  enhanced 
by  the  discovery  that  the  leading  statesmen  of  Virginia,  including 
Washington  himself,  were  disposed  to  favor  that  policy* 
The  policy*  which  Washington  desired  to  pursue  at  that  period, 


30 


*  8oo  Sparks'  Wnshington,  vol.  ix. 


468 


wabhingtom's  policy  in  bblation  to  thk  wbst.       1784. 


with  refereuco  to  the  interests  of  the  West,  was  not  well  anderatood, 
and  was  therefore  misapprehended  by  the  people  of  Kentuotqr.  It 
was  not  at  all  his  design  to  sticrifice  the  rights  of  the  people  of  the 
West  for  the  benefit  of  those  of  the  East,  or  to  render  the  interests 
of  one  putt  of  the  confederacy  subservient  to  those  of  another.  In- 
stead of  that,  he  was  then  employed  in  devising  measures  to  secure, 
by  moans  of  a  system  of  internal  improvement,  such  a  communica- 
tion between  the  East  and  West,  as  would  inseparably  connect 
together  the  commercial,  and,  by  consequence,  the  political  inter- 
ests of  the  two  sections. 

The  formation  of  a  connection  between  the  Ohio  and  Potomac, 
for  commercial  purposes,  was  a  scheme  to  which  he  was  at  an  early 
period  &vorably  disposed.  Before  the  Revolution  he  was  the  prin- 
cipal mover  in  the  formation  of  a  company  to  extend  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  Potomac  from  tide  water  to  Wills'  creek,  with  a  view 
of  ultimately  forming  a  connection  with  the  waters  of  the  Ohio, 
but  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  and  the  jealousies  of  the  mer- 
chants of  Baltimore,  embarrassed,  and  finally  frustrated  the 
scheme. 

Immediately  after  the  Revolution  he  began  again  to  urge  upoa 
the  consideration  of  the  statesmen  of  the  country,  the  adoption  of 
a  similar  line  of  policy,  with  a  view  then,  however,  more  to  politi- 
cal than  to  commercial  results.  In  his  letter  to  Governor  Harri- 
son, in  1784,  he  strongly  urges  the  necessity  of  binding  together 
all  parts  of  the  Union,  and  especially  the  West  with  the  East,  with 
the  indissoluble  bonds  of  interest,  in  order  to  prevent  the  forma- 
tion of  commercial,  and,  in  consequence,  political  connections,  with 
either  the  Spaniards  on  the  south,  or  the  BriHth  on  Vie  north.  To 
effect  that  end  he  advised  the  immediate  survey  of  the  Potomac 
and  James  rivera,  of  the  portages  to  the  waters  of  the  Ohio,  of  the 
Muskiugi  m,  and  the  portage  from  that  river  to  the  Cuyahoga;  for 
the  puipose  of  opening  a  water  communication  for  the  commerce 
of  the  Ohio  and  the  lakes,  to  the  seaboard,  and  this  he  character- 
ized as  an  object  of  vast  commercial  and  political  importance. 

In  a  letter  to  Richard  Henry  Lee,  in  the  same  year,  he  asks: 
"  Would  it  Qot  be  worthy  of  the  wisdom  and  attention  of  Congress 
to  have  the  western  waters  well  explored,  the  navigation  of  them 
fully  ascertained  and  accurately  laid  down,  and  a  complete  and 
perfect  map  made  of  the  country,  at  leaat  as  far  westerly  as- the 
Miamis,  running  into  the  Ohio,  and  Lake  Erie,  and  to  see  how  the 
waters  of  t-iese  communicate  witli  the  river  St.  Jo3C[»li,  which 
empties  into  Lako  Michigan,  and  with  the  Wabash  ?  for  I  cannot 


1788. 


WA8HIKOI0N  S  TOPOORAPHICAL  INQUIRIES. 


46» 


forbear  observing  that  the  Miami  village*  points  to  a  very  impor- 
tant post  for  the  Union." 

In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Lee,  in  1786,  he  says:  "However  singular  the 
opinion  may  be,  I  cannot  divest  myself  of  it,  that  the  navigation  of 
the  Mississippi,  at  this  time,  ought  to  be  no  object  with  us..  On  the 
contrary,  until  we  have  a  little  time  allowed  to  open  and  make  easy 
the  ways  between  the  Atlantic  states  and  the  western  temtory, 
the  obstructions  had  better  remain.  There  is  nothing  thai  binds 
one  country  or  one  State  to  another  but  interest" 

In  order  to  further,  as  far  as  practicable,  the  policy  he  had  thus 
suggested,  Washington  made  it  an  especial  object  to  collect  all  the 
information  available  at  the  time,  in  regard  to  the  practicability  of 
opening  such  a  communication  between  the  East  and  the  "West, 
and  especially  in  regard  to  the  possibility  of  forming  an  available 
connection  between  the  waters  of  the  Ohio  and  those  of  Lake  Erid. 
His  letter  to  General  Butler,  under  date  of  January  17th,  1788,  is 
^n  exempliiication  of  his  anxiety  to  obtain  information  on  that  sub- 
ject, as  well  as  of  the  practical,  inquiring  disposition  of  his  mind: 

"I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  30th  of  November,  1787, 
accompanied  by  the  Indian  vocabulary  which  you  have  been  so 
obliging  as  to  forward  me.  I  am  so  far  from  thinking  any  apology 
necessary  on  your  part,  for  not  having  furnished  me  with  the  vocab- 
ulary at  an  earlier  period,  that  I  assure  you  it  is  a  matter  of  surprise 
to  me  to  find  that  you  have  been  able  to  complete  a  work  of  such 
difficulty  and  magnitude  as  this  appears  to  be,  in  so  short  a  time, 
under  the  pain  which  you  must  have  sufi'ered,  and_the  delays  occa- 
sioned by  your  misfortune. 

"The  pleasing  satisfaction  which  you  must  enjoy,  from  a  reflec- 
tion that  you  have  exerted  yourself  to  throw  light  upon  the  original 
histofy  of  this  country — to  gratify  the  curiosity  of  the  philosopher, 
and  to  forward  the  researches  in  the  probable  connection  and 
communication  between  the  northern  parts  of  America  and  those 
of  Asia — must  make  you  a  more  ample  compensation  for  the  labo- 
ri:u8  task  which  you  have  executed,  than  my  warmest  acknowl- 
edgments, which,  however,  I  must  beg  you  to  accept. 

"The  observations  contained  in  your  letter  respecting  the 
different  tribes  of  Indians  inhabiting  the  western  country,  the 
traditions  which  prevail  among  them,  and  the  reasoning  deduced 
therefi-om,  are  very  valuable,  and  may  lead  to  some  useful  dia- 
coveriee. 


*  Ntftr  the  pressnt  site  of  Port  Wayoe. 


460 


NEW  BKGLAND  ASSOCIATION  LAND  COMPANY  FOBMBD. 


1787. 


"  Ti>08e  works  which  are  found  upon  the  Ohio,  and  other  traces 
of  the  country  being  once  inhabited  by  a  race  of  people  more 
ingenious,  at  least,  if  not  more  civilized  than  those  who  at  present 
dwell  there,  have  excited  the  attention  and  inquiries  of  the  curious, 
to  learn  from  whence  they  came,  whither  they  are  gone,  and  some- 
thing of  their  history.  Any  clue,  therefore,  which  can  lead  to  a 
knowledge  of  these,  must  be  gratefully  received. 

•'As  you  have  had  opportunities  of  gaining  extensive  knowledge 
and  information  respecting  the  western  territory,  its  situation, 
rivers,  and  the  face  of  the  country,  I  must  beg  the  favor  of  you, 
my  dear  sir,  to  resolve  the  following  queries,  either  from  your  own 
knowledge  or  certain  information,  (as  well  to  gratify  my  own  curi- 
osity as  to  enable  me  to  satisfy  several  gentlemen  of  distinction  in 
other  countries,  who  have  applied  to  me  for  information  upon  the 
subject,)  viz: 

"  First. — What  is  the  face  of  the  country  between  the  sources, 
or  canoe  navigation,  of  the  Cuyahoga,  (which  discharges  itself 
into  Lake  Erie,)  and  the  Big  Beaver,  and  between  the  Cuyahoga 
and  the  Muskingum?" 

'*  Second. — The  distance  between  the  waters  of  the  Cuyahoga  and 
each  of  the  two  rivers  above  mentioned  ? 

"  Third. — Would  it  be  practicable,  and  not  very  expensive,  to 
cut  a  canal  between  the  Cuyahoga  and  either  of  the  above  rivers, 
so  as  to  open  a  communication  between  the  waters  of  Lake  Erie 
and  those  of  the  Ohio  ? 

*^  Fourth. — Whether  there  is  any  more  direct,  practicable,  and 
ea«y  communication  between  the  waters  of  Lake  Erie  and  those 
of  tlie  Ohio,  by  which  the  fur  and  peltry  of  the  upper  country  can 
be  transported,  than  these  ? 

"  Any  information  you  can  give  me  relative  to  the  above  queries, 
from  your  own  knowledge,  will  be  most  agreeable;  but  if  that  is 
not  sutficiently  accurate  for  you  to  decide  upon,  the  best  and  most 
authentic  accounts  of  others  will  be  very  acceptable." 


While,  south  of  Ohio,  dissatisfaction  with  the  Federal  Union  was 
spreading  openly,  as  the  necessary  consequences  of  free  and  unfet- 
tered choice,  the  New  England  associates  for  settling  the  north- 
west were,  by  degrees,  preparing  to  realize  their  plans  of  coloniza- 
tion. In  March,  1786,  it  will  be  remembered,  they  began  their 
subscription ;  on  the  8th  of  that  month,  1787,  a  meeting  of  agents 
chose  Gen.  Parsons,  Gen.  Putnam,  and  the  Rev.  Manasseh  Cutler 
directors  for  the  company,  and  these  directors  appointed  Dr.  Cutler 


1787. 


SB.  OUTLBR  NBQOTIATES  WITH  CONGBBSS  FOR  LAND. 


461 


to  go  to  New  York  and  negotiate  with  Congress  for  the  desired 
tract  of  country.  On  the  5th  of  July  that  gentleman  reached  the 
temporary  capital  of  the  Fnion,  and  then  began  a  scone  of  man- 
agement worthy  of  more  degenerate  days.  The  following  extracts 
from  Dr.  Cutler's  journal  are  given,  to  indicate  the  mode  of  proce- 
dure adopted  to  secure  the  negotiation ;  of  these,  but  a  few  para- 
graphs can  be  given.*  The  first  relates  to  the  choice  of  the  Mus- 
kingum valley  as  the  spot  for  settlement: 

"July  7.  Paid  my  respects  to  Dr.  Holton  and  several  other  gen- 
tlemen. "Was  introduced  by  Dr.  Ewings  and  Mr.  Rittenhouse  to 
Mr.  Hutchins,  Geographer  of  the  United  States.  Consulted  with 
him  where  to  make  our  location. 

"Monday,  July  9.  Waited  this  morning,  very  early,  on  Mr. 
Hutchins.  He  gave  me  the  fullest  information  of  the  western 
country,  from  Pennsylvania  to  the  Illinois,  and  advised  me,  by  all 
means,  to  make  our  location  on  the  Muskingum,  which  was  deci- 
dedly, in  his  opinion,  the  best  part  of  the  whole  western  country. 
Attended  the  committee  before  Congress  opened,  and  then  spent 
the  remainder  of  the  forenoon  with  Mr.  Hutchins. 

"Attended  the  committee  at  Congress  chamber;  debated  on 
terms,  but  were  so  wide  apart  there  appears  little  prospect  of 
closing  a  contract. 

"  Called  again  on  Mr.  Hutchins.  Consulted  him  further  about 
the  place  of  location." 

The  opinion  thus  given  by  Hutchins,  who  had  been  long  and 
familiarly  acquainted  with  the  West,  agreed  with  that  formed  by 
General  Parsons,  who  had  visited  the  Ohio  valley,  once  at  least,  if 
not  twice;  the  result  of  his  observations  will  be  found  in  the  letter 
given  at  length  in  tUe  article  of  the  North  American  Review,  of 
October,  1841,  already  quoted.  The  other  extrarii;  which  are  taken 
from  the  Doctor's  journal,  refer  to  the  "  mav.  uv.iio,  "s  he  terms 
them,  by  which  was  effected  a  contract  at  leasv  a^  jfiv  nble  to  the 
Union  as  it  was  to  the  company : 

"Colonel  Duer  came  to  me  with  proposals  from  t  m  iiv,ber  of  the 
principal  characters  in  the  city,  to  extend  our  coruio.:^  and  take  in 
another  company  ;  but  that  it  should  be  kept  a  profound  secret.  He 
explained  the  plan  they  had  concerted,  and  offered  me  generous 
conditions  if  I  would  accomplish  the  business  for  them.  The  plan 
struck  me  agreeably;  Sargent  insisted  on  my  undertaking;  and 
both  urged  me  not  to  think  of  giving  the  n)u,tt^r  up  so  soon. 


*  North  American  Review,  Octubur,  1841, 


462 


dh.  cutlfr  nkgotiatbs  with  ookoress  for  ladtd.     1787. 


"  I  was  convinced  it  was  best  for  me  to  hold  up  the  idea  of  giv. 
ing  up  a  contract  with  Congress,  and  making  a  contract  with  some 
of  tho  States,  which  I  did  in  the  strongest  terms,  and  represented 
to  the  committee  and  to  Dner  and  Sargent  the  difficulties  I  saw  in 
the  way,  and  the  improbability  of  closing  a  bargain  when  we  were 
so  far  separated ;  and  told  them  I  conceived  it  not  worth  while  to 
say  any  thing  farther  to  Congress  on  the  subject.  This  appeared 
to  have  the  effect  I  wished.  The  committee  were  mortified,  and 
did  not  seem  to  know  what  to  say ;  bat  still  urged  another  attempt. 
I  left  theru  in  this  state,  but  afterward  explained  my  views  to  Duer 
and  Sarg.  )xt,  who  fully  approved  my  plan.  Promised  Duer  to  con- 
sider his  proposals. 

•'  1  3p!3nt  tbe  evening  (closeted)  with  Colonel  Duer,  and  agreed  to 
pr.rchfiise  more  land,  if  terms  could  be  obtained,  for  another  com- 
pel'y,  v/liK'^h  will  probably  forward  tbe  negotiation. 

''  iijf'frday,  Julp  21.  Several  members  of  Congross  called  on  me 
early  ;  bin  inorning.  They  discovered  much  anxiety  about  a  contract, 
and  assured  me  that  Congress,  on  finding  I  was  determined  not  to 
accept  their  terms,  and  had  proposed  leaving  the  city,  had  discov- 
ered rt  much  more  favorable  disposition ;  and  believed,  if  I  renewed 
my  request  I  miglit  obtain  conditions  af?  reasonable  as  I  desired. 
I  was  very  indifltereut  and  talked  much  of  the  advantages  of  a 
contract  with  one  of  the  States.  This  I  found  had  the  desired 
effect.  At  length  I  told  him  that  if  Congress  would  accede  to  the 
terms  I  proposed,  I  would  extend  the  purchase  to  the  tenth  town- 
ship from  the  Ohio  to  the  Scioto  inclusively ;  by  which  Congress 
would  pay  more  than  /our  millions  of  the  public  debt ;  that  our 
intention  was,  an  actual,  large,  and  immediate  settlement  of  the  most 
robust  and  indusinous  people  in  America,  and  that  it  would  be 
made  systemat:.;ally,  which  would  instantly  advance  the  price  of 
the  Federal  laiids,  and  prove  an  important  acquieition  to  Congress. 
On  these  terms,  I  would  rent  w  the  negotiation,  if  Congress  was 
disposed  to  take  the  matter  up  a^in. 

"  I  spent  the  evening  with  7vlr,  Dane  and  Mr.  M illiken.  They 
informed  me  that  Congress  had  taken  up  my  business  again. 

"  Juljf  23.  My  friends  had  made  every  exertion,  in  private  con- 
versation, to  bring  over  my  opponents  in  Congress.  In  order  to 
get  at  some  of  them  so  as  to  work  more  powerfully  on  their  minds, 
were  obliged  to  engage  three  or  four  persons  Uefore  we  could  get 
at  them.  In  some  instances  we  engaged  one  person  who  engaged 
a  jccond,  and  he  a  third,  before  we  could  effect  our  purpose.  In 
tliese  maneuvers  I  am  much  beholden  to  Colonel  Duer  and  Major 
Sargent. 


1787. 


DR.  OUTLBR  NIOOTIATRS  WITH  C0N6RSSB  FOR  LAND. 


468 


<*  Having  fonnd  it  impossible  to  support  General  Parpont,  as  a 
candidate  for  Goremor,  after  the  interest  that  General  Arthur  St. 
Clair  had  secured,  I  embraced  this  opportunity  to  declare  that  if 
Geberal  Parsons  could  have  the  appointment  of  first  judge,  and 
Sargent  secretary,  we  should  be  satisfied;  and  that  I  heartily 
wished  his  Excellency  General  St.  Clair  might  be  the  Governor ; 
and  that  I  would  solicit  the  Eastern  members  in  his  favor.  This 
I  found  rather  pleasing  to  Southern  members. 

"  I  am  fully  convinced  that  it  was  good  policy  to  give  up  Parsons 
and  openly  appear  solicitous  that  St.  Clair  might  be  appointed 
governor.  Several  gentlemen  have  told  me  that  our  matters  went 
on  much  better  since  St.  Clair  and  his  friends  had  been  informed 
that  we  had  given  up  Parsons,  and  that  I  had  solicited  the  Eastern 
members  in  favor  of  his  appointment.  I  immediately  went  to 
Sargent  and  Duer,  and  we  now  entered  into  the  true  spirit  of 
negotiation  with  great  bodies.  Every  machine  in  the  city  that  it 
was  possible  to  work  we  now  put  in  motion.  Few,  Bingham,  and 
Kearney  are  our  principal  opposers.  Of  Few  and  Bingham  there 
is  hope ;  but  to  bring  over  that  stubborn  mule  of  a  Kearney,  I  think 
is  beyond  our  power. 

"  Friday^  July  27.  I  roae  very  early  this  morning,  and,  after 
adjusting  my  baggage  for  my  return,  for  I  was  determined  to  leave 
New  York  this  day,  I  set  out  on  a  general  morning  visit,  and  paid 
my  respects  to  all  the  members  of  Congress  in  the  city,  and  informed 
them  of  my  intention  to  leave  the  city  that  day.  My  expectations 
of  obtaining  a  contract,  I  told  them,  were  nearly  at  an  end.  I 
should,  however,  wait  the  decision  of  Congress ;  and  if  the  terms  I 
had  stated — and  which  I  conceived  to  be  very  advantageous  to 
Congress,  considering  the  circumstances  of  that  country — were  not 
jicceded  to,  we  must  turn  our  attention  to  some  other  part  of  the 
country.  N"ew  York,  Connecticut,  and  Massachusetts  would  sell 
us  lands  at  half  a  dollar,  and  give  us  exclusive  privileges  beyond 
what  we  have  asked  of  Congress. 

"The  speculating  plan  concerted  between  the  British  of  Canada, 
was  not  well  known.  The  uneasiness  of  the  Kentucky  people, 
with  respect  to  the  Mississippi,  was  notorious.  A  revolt  of  that 
country  from  the  Union,  if  a  war  with  Spain  took  place,  was  uni- 
versally acknowledged  to  be  highly  probable ;  and  most  certainly  a 
systematic  settlement  in  that  country,  conducted  by  men  thor- 
oughly attached  to  tlie  federal  government,  and  composed  of  young , 
robust,  and  hardly  laborers,  who  had  no  idea  of  any  other  than  the 
Federal  Government,  I  conceived  to  be  an  object  worthy  of  some 
attention," 


464 


DR.  OUTLBB'S  NKO0TIATIOH8  BHO. 


1787. 


This  business  was  carried  through  Oongress,  and  brought  to  a 
conclusion  in  great  haste.  At  that  time  the  fiscal  concerns  of  gov- 
ernment were  deplorable ;  the  treasury  of  the  nation  was  exhausted, 
money  could  not  be  raised  on  loan,  as  the  whole  revolutionary  debt 
was  a  terrible  incubus  on  the  national  credit,  and  the  only  alterna- 
tive was  to  sell  lands.  Dr.  Cutler's  own  journal  shows  he  managed 
the  negotiation  shrewdly,  but  not  quite  honorably. 

On  the  23d  of  July,  Congress  authorized  the  Board  of  Treasury 
to  make  the  contract ;  on  the  26th,  Messrs.  Cutler  and  Sargent 
stated,  in  writing,  their  conditions;  and  on  the  27th,  Congress  re- 
ferred their  lettev  to  the  Board,  and  an  order  of  the  same  date  was 
obtained.    Of  this,  his  journal  says : 

"By  this  ordinance  we  obtained  the  grant  of  near  five  itaillions  of 
acres  of  land,  amounting  to  three  millions  and  a  half  dollars;  one 
million  and  a  half  of  acres  for  the  Ohio  Company,  and  the  remain- 
der for  a  private  speculation,  in  which  many  of  the  principal  charac- 
ters of  America  are  concerned.  Without  connecting  this  speculation, 
similar  terms  and  advantages  could  not  have  been  obtained  for  the 
Ohio  Company." 

Messrs.  Cutler  and  Sargent,  the  latter  of  whom  the  doctor  had 
associated  with  himself  some  days  before,  at  once  closed  a  verbal 
contract  with  the  Board  of  Treasury,  which  was  executed  in  form 
on  the  27th  of  the  following  October.*  By  this  contract,  the  vast 
region  bounded  south  by  the  Ohio,  west  by  the  Scioto,  east  by  the 
seventh  range  of  townships  then  surveying,  and  north  by  a  due  west 
line  drawn  from  the  north  boundary  of  the  tenth  township  from 
the  Ohio,  direct  to  the  Scioto,  was  sold  to  the  Ohio  associates,  and 
their  secret  co-partners,  for  one  dollar  per  acre,  subject  to  a  deduc- 
tion of  one-third  for  bad  lands  and  other  contingencies. 

The  whole  tract,  however,  was  not  paid  for,  or  taken  by  the 
company — even  their  own  portion  of  a  million  and  a  half  of  acres, 
and  extending  west  to  the  eighteenth  range  of  townships,  was  not 
taken ;  and  in  1792,  the  boundaries  of  the  purchase  proper  were 
fixed  as  follows :  the  Ohio  on  the  south,  the  seventh  range  of  town- 
ships on  the  east,  the  sixteenth  range  on  the  west,  and  a  line  ou 
the  north  so  drawn  as  to  make  tHe  grant  seven  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  (750,000)  acres,  besides  reservations;  this  grant  being  the 
portion  which  it  was  originally  agreed  the  company  might  enter  into 
possession  of  at  once.  In  addition  to  this^  two  hundred  and  fourteen 
thousand  two  hundred  and  eighty-five  (214,285)  acres  of  land  were 


*E:oe  Land  Laws,  262  to  264.— Old  Joaruala,  it.    Appendix,  17,  18. 


1786. 


OHANOB  or  DlVISIOir  OV  H0RTH-WBS1*  TIRBITORT. 


466 


granted  as  army  bounties,  under  the  resolutions  of  1779  and  1780; 
and  one  hundred  thousand  (100,000)  as  bounties  to  actual  settlers; 
both  of  the  latter  tracts  being  within  the  original  grant  of  1787, 
and  adjoining  the  purchase  as  above  defined. 

While  Dr.  Cutler  was  preparing  to  press  his  suit  with  Congress, 
that  body  was  bringing  into  form  an  ordinance  for  the  political  and 
social  organization  of  the  territory  beyond  the  Ohio.  Virginia 
made  her  cession  March  1, 1784,  and  during  the  month  following 
a  plan  for  the  temporary  government  of  the  newly  acquired  terri- 
tory came  under  discussion.  On  the  19th  of  April,  Mr.  Spaight, 
of  Korth  Carolina,  moved  to  strike  from  that  plan,  which  had  been 
reported  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  a  provision  for  prohibiting  slavery 
north-west  of  the  Ohio,  after  the  year  1800 — and  this  motion  pre- 
vailed. From  that  day  till  the  28d,  the  plan  was  debated  and 
altered,  and  then  passed  unanimously,  with  the  exceptiou  of  South 
Carolina.'^  By  this  proposition  the  territory  was  to  have  been  di- 
vided into  States,  by  parallels  of  latitude  and  meridian  lines  ;t  this, 
it  was  thought)  would  have  made  ten  States,  wk'ch  were  to  have 
been  named  as  follows,  beginning  at  the  north-west  corner,  and 
going  southwardly: — Sylvania,  Michigania,  Chersonisus,  Assenis- 
pia,  Metropotamia,  lUinoia,  Saratoga,  Washington,  Polypotamia, 
and  Pelisipia.!  Surely  the  hero  of  Mount  Yeruon  must  have  shud- 
dered to  find  himself  in  such  company. 

But  a  more  serious  difficulty  existed  to  this  plan  than  its  cata- 
logue of  names — namely,  the  number  of  States  which  it  was 
proposed  to  form,  and  their  boundaries.  The  root  of  this  evil  was 
in  the  resolution  passed  by  Congress,  October  10th,  1780,  which 
fixed  the  size  of  the  States  to  be  formed  from  the  ceded  lands,  at 
one  hundred  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  square ;  and  the  terms 
of  that  resolution  had  been  referred  to,  both  by  Virginia  and 
Massachusetts  in  their  grants,  bo  as  to  make  further  legislation,  at 
least,  by  the  former,  needful  to  change  them.  Upon  the  7th  of 
July,  1786,  this  subject  was  taken  up  in  Congress,  and  a  resolution 
passed  in  favor  of  a  division  of  not  less  than  three  nor  more  than 
five  States,  to  which  resolution*  Virginia,  at  the  close  of  1788, 
assented.  On  the  29th  of  September,  1786,  Congress,  having  thus 
changed  the  plan  for  dividing  the  north-western  territory  into  ten 


•Old  Journals,  W.  880.  f  Old  JouriiuU,  iv.  379;  Land  Laws,  317. 

X  Spark's  Washington,  ix.  48. 


466 


ORDIIfANOB  70K  WORTB>WHiTmir  TKHltnORT. 


1787. 


St»tM,  proceeded  again  to  comider  the  terms  of  an  ordinance  for 
the  goremment  of  that  region ;  and  this  was  taken  up  from  time 
to  time,  until  July  18th  of  this  year,  when  it  was  finally  passed, 
having  been  somewhat  changed  just  before  its  passage,  at  the 
suggestion  of  Dr.  Cutler.  It  is  inserted  entire,  as  it  is  the  corner* 
stone  of  the  constitutions  of  our  north-western  States: 


customs  no 


"  Be  it  ordained  hy  the  ITnited  States  in  Congress  assembled, 
That  the  said  territory,  for  the  purposes  of  temporary  government, 
bo  one  district,  subject,  however,  to  be  divided  into  two  districts, 
as  future  circumstances  may,  in  the  opinion  of  Congress,  make  it 
expedient 

'*  Be  it  ordained  by  the  authority  aforesaid.  That  the  estates, 
both  of  resident  and  non-resident  proprietors  in  said  territory,  dying 
intestate,  shall  descend  to,  and  be  distributed  among  their  children, 
and  the  descendants  of  a  deceased  child,  in  equal  parts ;  the  descend- 
ants of  a  deceased  child,  or  grand-child,  to  take  the  share  of  their 
deceased  parent  in  equal  parts  among  them :  And  where  there  shall 
be  no  children  or  descendants,  then  in  equal  parts  to  the  next  of 
kin  in  equal  degree ;  and,  among  collaterals,  the  children  of  a 
deceased  brother  or  sister  of  the  intestate  shall  have,  in  equal  parte 
among  them,  their  deceased  parents'  share;  and  there  shall,  in  no 
0086,  be  a  distinction  between  kindred  of  the  whole  and  half-blood; 
saving,  in  all  casus,  to  the  w^dow  of  the  intestate,  her  third  part  of 
the  real  estate  for  life,  and  one-third  part  of  the  personal  estate; 
and  this  law,  relative  to  descents  and  dower,  shall  remain  in  full 
force  until  altered  by  the  legislature  of  the  district. 

^'^.nd,  until  the  governor  and  judges  shall  adopt  laws  as  herein- 
after mentioned,  estates  in  the  said  territory  may  be  devised  or 
bequeathed  by  wills  in  writing,  signed  and  sealed  by  him  or  her, 
in  whom  the  estate  may  be,  (being  of  fiill  age,)  and  attested  by 
throe  witnesses;  and  real  estates  may  be  cotiveyed  by  lease  and 
release,  or  bargain  and  sale,  signed,  sealed  and  delivered,  by  the 
person,  being  of  full  age,  in  whom  the  estate  may  be,  and  attested 
by  two  witnesses,  provided  such^  wills  be  duly  proved,  and  such 
conveyances  be  acknowledged,  or  the  execution  thereof  duly  proved, 
and  be  recorded  within  one  year  after  proper  magistrates,  coorte, 
and  registers,  shall  be  appointed  for  that  purpose ;  and  personal 
property  may  be  transferred  by  delivery,  saving,  however,  to  the 
French  and  Canadian  inhabitants,  and  other  settlers  of  the  Easkas- 
kias.  St.  Vincents,  and  the  neighboring  villages  who  have  hereto- 
fore professed  themselves  citizens  of  Virginia,  their  laws  and 


1787. 


ORDINAirOI!  FOR  irORTR-WBSTERy  TBRRITOllT. 


m 


customs  now  in  force  among  them,  relative  to  the  descent  tud 
conveyance  of  property. 

*'Be  it  ordained  by  tho  authority  aforesaid,  That  there  shall  be 
appointed,  from  time  to  time,  by  Congress,  a  governor,  whose 
commission  shall  continue  in  force  for  three  years,  unless  sooner 
revoked  by  Congress ;  he  shall  reside  in  the  district,  and  have  a 
freehold  estate  therein  in  one  thousand  aoree  of  land,  while  in  the 
exercise  of  his  office. 

"  There  shall  be  appointed,  from  time  to  time,  by  Congress,  a 
secretary,  whose  commission  shall  continue  in  force  for  four  years, 
unless  sooner  revoked ;  he  shall  reside  in  the  district,  and  have  a  free- 
hold estate  therein  in  five  hundred  acres  of  land,  while  i  r  ^ '  exercise 
of  his  office ;  it  shall  be  his  duty  to  keep  and  preserve  acts  and 
laws  passed  by  the  legislature,  and  the  public  records  of  the  district, 
and  the  proceedings  of  the  governor  in  his  executive  department^ 
and  transmit  authentic  copies  of  such  acts  and  proceedings,  every 
six  months,  to  the  secretary  of  Congress:  There  shall  also  be 
appointed  a  court  to  consist  of  three  judges,  any  two  of  whom  to 
form  a  court,  who  shall  have  a  common  law  jurisdiction,  and  reside 
in  the  district,  and  have  each  therein  a  freehold  estate  in  five  hun- 
dred acres  of  land  while  in  the  exercise  of  their  offices ;  and  their 
commissions  shall  continue  in  force  during  good  behavior. 

"The  governor  and  judges,  or  a  m^yority  of  them,  shall  adopt 
and  publish  in  the  district  such  laws  of  the  original  States,  criminal 
and  civil,  as  may  be  necessary,  and  best  suited  to  the  circumstances 
of  the  district,  and  report  them  to  Congress  from  time  to  time; 
which  laws  shall  be  in  force  in  the  district  until  the  organization 
of  the  General  Assembly  therein,  unless  disapproved  of  by  Con- 
gress; but,  afterward,  the  legislature  shall  have  authority  to  alter 
tbem  as  they  shall  think  fit. 

"  The  governor,  for  the  time  being,  shall  be  commander-in-chief 
of  the  militia,  appoint  and  commission  all  officers  in  the  samci 
below  the  rank  of  general  officers;  all  general  officers  shall  be 
appointed  and  commissioned  by  Congress. 

"Previous  to  the  organization  of  the  General  Assembly,  the 
governor  shall  appoint  such  magistrates  and  other  civil  officers,  in 
each  county  or  township,  as  he  shall  find  necessary  for  the  preser- 
vation of  the  peace  and  good  order  in  the  same.  After  the  General 
Assembly  shall  be  organized,  the  powers  and  duties  of  magistrates 
and  other  civil  officers  shall  be  regulated  and  defined  by  the  said 
Assembly;  but  all  magistrates  and  other  civil  officers,  not  herein 
otherwise  directed,  shall,  during  the  continuance  of  this  temporary 
government,  be  appointed  by  the  governor. 


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OBDXNAJiqi  VOB  V^QJ^M-mmOOf  TIBBZVORT. 


1787. 


JjITor  the  prevention  of  orimes  and  i^jaries,  the  lawt  to  be 
M^ed  or  made  shall  have  force  in  all  parts  of  the  diBtrict*  and  for 
the  execution  of  process,  criminal  and  civil,  tlie  governor  shall 
make  proper  divisions  thereof;  and  he  shall  proceed  from  time  to 
time,  as  circumstance^  may  require,  to  lay  out  the  parts  of  the  dis- 
trict, in  which  the  Indian  titles  shall  have  been  extinguished,  into 
counties  and  townships,  subject,  however,  to  such  alterations  as 
may  thereafter  be  made  by  the  legislature. 

"  So  soon  as  there  shall  be  five  thousand  free  male  inhabitants, 
of  full  age,  in  the  district,  upon  giving  proof  thereof,  to  the 
governor,  they  shall  receive  authority,  with  time  and  place,  to  elect 
representatives  firom  their  counties  or  townships  to  represent  them 
in  the  General  Assembly:  Provided,  That,  for  every  five  hundred 
free  male  inhabitants,  there  shall  be  one  representative,  and  so  o& 
progressively  with  the  number  of  free  male  inhabitants,  shall  the 
right  of  repre^ontation  increase,  until  the  number  of  representa- 
tives shall  amount  to  twenty-five ;  after  which,  the  number  and 
proportion  of  representatives  shall  be  regulated  by  the  legislature : 
Provided^  That  no  person  be  eligible  or  qualified  to  act  as  a  repre- 
sentative unless  he  shall  have  been  a  citizen  of  one  of  the  United 
States  three  years,  and  be  a  resident  in  the  district,  or  unless  he 
shall  have  resided  in  the  district  three  years :  and,  in  either  case, 
shall  likewise  hold  in  his  own  right,  in  fee  simple,  two  hundred 
acres  of  land  within  the  same :  Providedy  ahOy  That  a  freehold  in 
fifty  acres  of  land  in  the  district,  having  been  a  citizen  of  one  of 
the  States,  and  being  resident  in  the  district,  or  the  like  freehold 
and  two  years'  residence  in  the  district,  shall  be  necessary  to  qualify 
a  man  as  an  elector  of  a  representative. 

"  The  representatives  thus  elected,  shall  serve  for  the  term  of  two 
years:  and,  in  case  of  the  death  of  a  representative,  or  removal 
from  office,  the  governor  shall  issue  a  writ  to  the  county  or  town- 
ship for  which  he  was  a  member,  to  elect  another  in  his  stead,  to 
serve  for  the  residue  of  the  term. 

"  The  General  Assembly,  or  Legislature,  shall  consist  of  the 
Governor,  Legislative  Council,  and  a  House  of  Bepresentativea. 
The  Legislative  Council  shall  consist  of  five  members,  to  continue 
in  office  five  years,  unless  sooner  removed  by  Congress;  any  three 
of  whom  to  be  a  quorum :  and  the  members  of  the  council  shall  be 
noqjinatedand  appointed  in  the  following  manner,  to  wit :  As  soon 
as  representatives  shall  be  elected,  the  governor  shall  appoint  a 
time  and  place  for  them  to  meet  together ;  and  when  met  they  shall 
nominate  ten  persons,  residents  in  the  district,  and  each  possessed 
of  a  freehold  in  five  hundred  acres  of  landi  and  return  their  names 


1787. 


OBDIKAVOl  FOB  ITOBTH-WBSTBRN  TBBBXTOBT. 


469 


to  Congress ;  five  of  whom  Congress  shatl  appoint  and  commii 
to  serve  as  aforesaid;  and  whenever  a  vacancy  shall  happen 
council,  by  death  or  removal  fr6m  office,  the  House  of  Rep? 
lives  shall  nominate  two  persons,  qualified  as  aforesaid,  for  each 
vacancy,  and  return  their  names  to  Gongrecn;  one  of  whom  Con- 
gress ^all  appoint  and  conmiission  for  the  residue  of  the  term, 

"  Atd  every  five  years,  four  months  at  least  before  the  ea^iration 
of  the  time  of  service  of  the  members  of  the  council,  the  said 
House  shall  nominate  ten  persons,  qualified  as  aforesaid,  and  return 
their  names  to  Congress ;  five  of  whom  Congress  shall  appoint  And 
commission  to  serve  as  members  of  the  council  five  years  unless 
sooner  removed.  And  the  Governor,  Legislative  Council,  and 
House  of  Representatives,  shall  have  authority  to  make  laws  in  all 
cases,  for  the  good  government  of  the  district,  not  repugnant  to  the 
principles  and  articles  in  this  ordinance  established  and  deduvd. 
And  all  bills,  having  passed  by  a  majority  in  the  House,  and  by  ft 
minority  in  the  Council,  shall  be  referred  to  the  Governor  for  his 
assent;  but  no  bill,  or  legislative  act  whatever,  shall  be  of  any  force 
without  his  assent.  The  governor  shall  have  power  to  convene, 
prorogue,  and  dissolve  the  G^eneral  Assembly,  when,  in  his  opinion, 
it  shall  be  expedient. 

"The  Governor,  Judges,  Legislative  Council,  Secretary,  and 
such  other  officers  as  Congress  shall  appoint  in  the  district  shall 
take  an  oath  or  affirmation  of  fidelity  and  of  office — ^the  Governor 
before  the  President  of  Congress,  and  all  other  officers  before  the 
Qovernor.  As  soon  as  a  Legislature  shfdl  be  formed  in  the  district, 
the  Council  and  House  assembled  in  one  room,  shall  have  authority, 
by  joint  ballot,  to  elect  a  delegate  to  Congress,  who  shall  have  a 
seat  in  Congress,  with  a  right  of  debating,  but  not  of  voting,  during 
this  temporary  government. 

"And  for  extending  the  fundamental  principles  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty,  which  form  the  basis  whereon  these  republics, 
their  laws  and  constitutions  are  erected ;  to  fix  and  establish  those 
principles  as  the  basis  of  all  laws,  constitutions,  and  governments, 
which  forever  hereafter  shall  be  formed  in  the  said  territory;  to 
provide  also  for  the  establishment  of  States,  and  permanent  govern- 
ment therein,  and  for  their  admission  td  a  share  in  the  federal 
councils  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  orig^al  States,  at  as  early 
periods  as  may  be  consistent  with  the  general  interest : 

"It  is  hereby  ordained  and  declared  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  the  following  articles  shall  be  considered  as  articles  of 
compact  between  the  original  States  and  the  people  and  States  in 


470 


oja>uiA3sc»  ros  irosTQ-wmnuui  tibbxxort. 


ITW. 


tlie  said  territory,  an4  forever  reoMiin   nni^terable,  xuxXem  by 
ooHmon  consent,  to  wit: 

"Ko  pergon,  deiaeaning  himftelf  in  »  peacealiile  and  orderly 
manner,  shall  ever  be  molested  on  Aoconnt  of  bis  mode  <^  worship 
or  religious  sentiments,  in  tbf  said  teirritoiy. 

"The  inhabitants  of  the  said  temtoiy  shall  always  be  entitled  to 
the  benefits  of  the  writ  of  AoAmm  eorpiu,  and  of  the  trial  l»y  jury, 
of  a  propcHTtioni^  representation  of  the  people  in  the  Legislatare; 
and  of  judicial  proceedings  according  to  the  conrse  of  eommon 
law.  AU  persons  shall  be  bailable,  unless  for  capital  offence?, 
where  the  proof  shall  be  evident  or  tbe  presumption  great.  All 
fines  shall  be  moderate;  and  no  cruel  or  unusual  punishments  shi^U 
be  inflicted.  No  man  shall  be  deprived  of  his  liberty  or  property, 
but  by  the  judgment  of  his  peers  or  the  law  of  the  land;  an4, 
should  the  pubUo  exigencies  make  it  necessary,  for  the  common 
preservation,  to  take  any  person's  iwoperty,  or  to  demand  his 
particalar  services,  fall  compensation  shall  be  made  for  the  same. 
And,  in  the  just  preservation  of  rights  and  property,  i^  i*  under- 
stood and  declared,  that  tio  law  ought  ever  to  be  m^de,  or  have 
force  in  tiie  said  territory,  that  shall,  in  any  manner  whatever 
interfere  with  or  affect  private  contracts  or  engagements,  bona  fide, 
<imd  without  fraud,  previously  fi>rmed. 

"Reli^on,  morality  and  koowledge  being  necessary  to  goo4 
government  and  the  happiness  of  mankind,  schools  and  the  means 
of  education  shall  forever  be  encouraged.  The  utmost  good  futh 
shall  always  be  observed  toward  the  Indians;  their  lands  and 
property  shall  never  be  taken  from  them  without  their  consent; 
and,  in  their  property,  rights  and  liberty,  they  shall  never  be 
invaded  or  disturbed,  unless  in  just  and  lawfhl  wars  authorized  by 
Congress;  but  laws  founded  in  justice  and  humanity,  shall,  froip 
time  to  time,  be  made  for  preventing  wrongs  being  done  to  them, 
%nd  for  preserving  peace  and  friendship  with  them. 

**  The  said  territory,  and  the  States  which  may  be  formed  therein, 
shall  forever  remain  a  part  of  this  confederacy  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  subjept  to  the  articles  of  confederation,  and  to  sach 
^Iterations  therein  as  shall  be  constitutionally  madis;  and  to  all  the 
acts  and  ordinances  of  the  United  6t«^tes  in  Comjpress  iissemblei}, 
Opnformable  thereto.  The  inhabitants  and  Sj9tl£)iii  in  the  mi 
territory  shall  be  subject  to  pay  i^  part  of  tbe  ffBt^eral  debts  con- 
tnicted,  or  to  be  contraioted,  «nd.»  proportional  part  af  lih^  expenses 
ftf  government,  to  be  appprtionnd  pn  ibi9i»  by  Qmgff^  WQoniipif 
to  tbe  same  common  rule  i^d  vm/iWi  It^^  wbiph  i^rtionffl^ents 


178T. 


OBOIVAHOa  lOa  VOlUCH-WlSVnUI  XlBaSKAT. 


471 


thereof  shall  l>e  made  on  the  o^er  St»tes;  »nd  the  taaeei,  for  payinif 
their  proportion,  ehall  b^  laid  imd  levied  hy  tke  iHithori^|||4 
diredioo  of  the  I«^gial«tares  ci  the  district  or  diatriota,  or  pkw 
Statea,  as  in  the  original  States,  within  the  time  a^pmed  upon  by 
the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled.  The  liO^latiues  of 
those  distriets  or  new  States,  shall  never  interfere  with  llie  primary 
dispoaal  of  the  soil  by  the  ITnited  States  in  Oon£^»sB  assembled* 
nor  with  any  rcgalations  Congress  may  find  necessaiy  for  seonring 
the  tiitiie  in  sooh  soU  to  the  bona  fide  parchasers. 

"Ho  tax  shall  be  imposed  on  lands  the  pzoperlgr  of  the  United 
States;  and,  in  no  case,  shaU  non-resident  proprietors  be  taxed 
higher  than  residents.  The  navigable  waters  leadmg  into  tlvs 
Mississippi  and  St.  liawrence,  and  the  carrying  places  between  the 
same,  shall  be  common  highways,  and  forever  free,  as  well  to  the 
inhabitants  of  the  said  territory  as  to  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  and  those  of  any  other  States  that  may  be  admitted  into 
the  confederacy,  without  any  tax,  impost  or  dnty,  therefor. 

"There  shall  be  formed  in  the  said  territory,  not  less  than  thr«e 
nor  more  than  fivo  States;  and  the  boundaries  of  the  Stftt^  as 
soon  as  Virginia  shall  alter  her  act  of  cession,  and  consent  to  the 
game,  shall  become  fixed  and  established  as  follows,  to  wit:  The 
western  State  in  the  said  territory,  shall  be  bounded  by  the  Miasia- 
tvpjA,  the  Ohio,  and  Wabash  riven;  a  direct  line  drawn  &om  the 
Walwsh  and  Post  St  Yincent'a  due  north,  to  the  territorial  line 
between  the  United  States  and  Cimada;  and,  by  the  said  territorial 
line,  to  the  Lake  oi  the  Woods  and  Mississippi. 

"The  middle  State  shall  be  bounded  by  the  said  direct  line,  the 
Wabash  fi»m  Post  St  Vincent's  to  the  Ohio;  by  the  Ohio^  by  4 
direct  line  drawn  due  north  from  the  mouth  of  the  0re^  MiaiOU, 
to  the  said  territorial  line.  The  eastern  State  shall  be  bounded  by 
the  last  mentioned  direct  line,  the  Ohio,  Pennaylvania^  and  the 
Bwd  territorial  Moe:  Frwidedf  Aoicener,  wd  it  is  liirtber  understood 
and  declared,  that  the  boundaries  of  these  three  Stales  i^all  bi) 
subject  so  far  to  be  altered,  that  if  Congress  shall  JtAriMlter  finfl  i| 
expedient,  they  ahall  have  authoriliy  to  form  one  jqx  two  Statos  in 
that  part  of  the  aa»d  territory  whioh  lies  north  <^  an  ^ast  and 
vest  line  4hwiin  thnongh  ti^e  spnth^ly  band  sff  oKti^me  of  IhaIqi 
liiehigao. 

"4iid»  whena«ar  mf  of  thesaid  StatoishftU  h#y^  ilxly  thoniand 
free  inhabitants  therein,  such  State  shall  be  admitted,  by  its 
delegates,  into  the  Congress  of  tiie  United  States  on  an  equid 
footing  with  the  original  Sti^tes  in  all  respects  whatever,  and  ahall 


BTMHIB  APPLIB8  TO  OONOEISS  fOB  LAHD. 


1787. 


eftt  liberty  tb  form  a  permsnent  constitution  and  State  govern, 
m^t:  Pronidedf  the  constitntion  and  goyemment  so  to  be  formed, 
shall  be  republican,  and  in  oonfbrmitf  to  the  principles  contained 
in  these  articles;  and  so&r  as  it  can  be  consistent  with  the  general 
interest  of  the  confederacy,  snch  admission  shall  be  allowed  at  an 
earlier  period,  and  when  there  may  be  a  less  number  of  free 
inhabitants  in  the  State  than  sixiry  thousand. 

"There  shall  be  neither  slavery  or  involuntary  servitude  in  the 
said  territory,  otherwise  than  in  tho  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof 
^ie  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted  *  Provided^  always^  That 
any  person  escaping  into  the  same,  ftr^.  whom  labor  or  service  is 
lawfblly  claimed  in  any  one  of  the  ori^nal  States,  such  fugitive 
may  be  lawfully  reclaimed  and  conveyed  to  the  person  claiming 
his  or  her  labor  or  services  as  aforesaid. 

"Be  it  ordained  by  the  authority  aforesaid :  That  the  resolutions 
of  the  28d  of  April,  1784,  relative  to  the  subject  of  this  ordinance, 
be,  and  the  same  are  hereby  repealed  and  declared  null  and  void. 
Done,  &c."* 

The  passage  of  this  ordintoce,  and  the  grant  to  the  New  England 
associates,  was  soon  followed  by  an  application  to  government  by 
John  Oleve  Symmes  of  New  Jersey,  for  the  country  between  the 
Miamis.  f  l^his  gentleman  had  been  led  to  visit  that  region  by  the 
representations  of  Benjamin  Stites,  of  Redstone,  (Brownsville,) 
who  had  examined  the  valleys  of  the  Shawanese  soon  after  the 
treaty  of  January,  1786.  Symmes  found  them  all,  and  more  than 
all  they  had  been  represented  to  be,  and  upon  the  29th  of  August, 
1787,  wrote  to  the  President  of  Congress,  asking  that  the  Treasury 
Board  might  be  empowered  to  contract  with  him  for  the  district 
above  named.  This  petitionj  on  the  2d  of  October,  was  referred 
to  the  Board,  with  power  to  act,  and  a  contract  was  concluded  the 
next  year.  Upon  the  18th  of  the  month  last  named,  another 
application  was  made  by  Boyal  Flint  and  Joseph  Parker,  for  lands 
upon  the  Wabash  and  Mississippi;  this  was  also  referred  to  ths 
Board  of  Treasury. 

During  the  autumn  of  the  same  year,  the  New  England  company 
were  employed  in  making  arrangements  for  the  settlement  of  the 
lands  they  had  purchased  on  the  Ohio.  At  a  meeting  of  the 
directors,  immediately  after  the  completion  of  the  contract,  a 
Msolntion  was  adopted,  to  reserve  out  of  the  purchase,  a  tract  of 


•  LmhI  Lkws,  p.  85G.      f  Burnet's  letters  Sn  the  Ohio  Uistoricftl  TrftDSMtioBS. 


1787. 


»BW  BKOLANMRB  MUWJLAtM  WMT. 


% 


five  thoQiand  aeveu  hundred  and  sixty  aoras  of  land  near  tiie 
oonflaenoe  of  the  Ohio  and  Muskingam  rivera,  for  a  city  Ind 
commons ;  and  resolntious  were  adopted  to  provide  houses  for  the 
use  of  settlers,  and  to  encourage  the  erection  of  mills. 

<'At  a  meeting  of  the  directors  of  the  Ohio  Company,  at 
Bracket's  tavern  in  Boston,  November  28d,  1787,  it  was  ordered 
that  four  surveyors   be   employed  under  the  direction  of  the 
superintendent  Jiereinafter  named;   that  twenty-two  men  shall 
attend  the  surveyors;  that  there  be  added  to  this  number,  twenty 
men,  including  six  boat-builders,  four  house-carpenters,  one  black- 
smith, and  nine  common  workmen — ^in  all  forty-eight  men.    That 
the  boat-builders  shall  proceed  on  Monday  next,  and  the  surveyors 
shall  rendezvous  at  Hartford  the  Ist  day  of  January  next,  on  Ijieir 
way  to  the  Muskingum;  that  the  boat-builders  and  men  with  the 
surveyors,  be  proprietors  in  the  company;  their  tools,  and  one 
axe,  and  one  hoe,  to  each  man,  and  thirty  pounds  weight  of 
baggage,  shall  be  carried  in  the  company's  wagons,  and  that  the 
subsistence  of  the  men  on  their  journey  be  furnished  ;  that  upon 
their  arrival  at  the  place  of  destination,  and  entering  upon  the 
bosiuess  of  their  employment,  the  men  shall  be  subsisted  by  the 
company  and  allowed  wages  at  the  rate  of  four  dollars  each,  p«r 
month,  until  discharged;  that  they  shall  be  held  in  the  company's 
service  until  the  Ist  of  July  next,  unless  sooner  discharged;  and 
if  any  of  the  persons  employed  shall  leave  the  service  or  willful^ 
injure  the  same,  or  disobey  the  orders  of  the  superintendent  or 
oUiers  acting  under  him,  the  person  so  offending  shall  forfeit  all 
claim  to  wages ;  that  their  wages  shall  be  paid  the  next  autumn  in 
cash,  or  lands  upon  the  same  terms  as  the  company  purchased 
them;  that  each  man  furnish  himself  with  a  good  small-arm, 
bayonet,  six  flints,  a  powder-horn  and  pouch,  priming  wire  and 
brush,  half  a  pound  of  powder,  one  pound  of  balls,  and  one  pound 
of  buck-shot    The  men  so  engaged  shall  be  sutyect  to  the  orders 
of  the  superintendent,  and  those  he  mi^  appoint,  as  aforesaid ;  in 
any  kinds  of  business  they  shall  be  employed  in,  as  well  for  boatr 
building  and  surveying,  as  for  building  houses,  erecting  defenses, 
clearing  land,  and  planting,  or  otherwise  for  promoting  the  settle- 
ment   And  as  there  is  a  possibility  of  interruption  fnnn  enemiefl, 
they  shall  bo  sul^ect  to  orders,  as  aforesaid,  in  military  command, 
during  the  time  of  th^r  employment    That  tihe  surveyorariiall  be 
allowed  twenty-seven  dollars  per  month  and  subsistence,  while  in 
actual  service ;  to  commence  on  their  arrival  at  the  Muskingum ; 
that  Colonel  Ebeneaer  Sproat,  from  Rhode  Island ;  Mr.  Ansehn 
SI 


r 


REV.  DAKIBL  8T0BT  APPOnfTED  TSAOBBR  tOt,  OOLONT.       1787.  ■ 


Tapper  and  Mr.  John  Matthews,  fh>in  Massachusetts;  and  Oolonel 
B.  J.  Meigs,  from  Oonneotioat,  be  the  surveyors ;  that  General 
Bttfbs  Patnam  be  the  saperintendent  of  all  the  bnsiness  aforesaid, 
and  he  is  to  be  obeyed  and  respected  accordingly ;  that  he  be 
allowed  for  his  services  forty  dollars  per  month  and  his  expenses, 
to  commence  from  the  time  of  his  leaving  home."  * 

At  the  same  meeting  a  committee  was  appointed  to  consider  and 
i«port  on  "  the  expediency  of  employing  some  suilable  person  as  a 
pablio  teacher,  at  the  settlement  on  the  Ohio."  They  reported 
<(tbat  the  directors  be  requested  to  pay  as  early  attention  as 
possible,  to  the  edacation  of  youth,  and  tiie  promotion  of  public 
worship  among  the  first  setUers;  and  that  for  these  important 
purposes,  they  employ,  if  practicable,  an  instructor,  eminent  for 
literary  aooomplishmeats  and  the  virtue  of  his  character,  who  shall 
also  superintend  the  first  scholastic  institutions  and  direct  the 
manner  of  instruction ;  and  to  enable  the  directors  to  cany  into 
execution  the  intentions  expressed  in  this  resolution,  the  proprietors 
and  others  of  benevolent  /^linds,  are  earnestly  requested  to  con- 
tribute by  voluntary  donation  to  the  fonning  a  fund  to  be  solely 
appropriated  thereto."  In  accordance  with  this  resolution,  ths 
Bev.  Daniel  Story  was  appointed  and  sent  in  the  next  year  as 
the  first  New  England  missionary  to  Ohio. 

When  Clark  took  his  unauthorized  possession  of  Yincennes,  in 
1788.]  October,  1786,  he  had  asked  the  savages  of  the  north-west 
to  meet  him  in  council  in  November;  they  replied  that  it  was  too 
late  in*  the  year,  and  the  proposed  meeting  was  postponed  till 
April.  Of  this  meeting,  Messrs.  Marshall,  Muter,  and  others, 
when  writing  to  Virginia,  gave  information,  and  suggested  that 
the  government  should  take  Glark's  place  in  it.  The  council  of 
Virig^nia  coincided  with  the  suggestion,  and  recommended  to  Con- 
gress, James  Wilkinson,  Richard  G.  Anderson,  and  Isaac  Shelby, 
as  commissioners  on  behalf  of  the  United  States.  Congress,  how- 
ever, received  notice  of  Clark's  movements  too  late  for  the  proposed 
treaty,  and  nothing  seems  to  have  been  done  until  July  2l8t,  when 
the  superintendent  of  Indian  affitirs  in  the  north,  or,  if  he  could 
not  go.  Colonel  Harmar,  was  instructed  to  proceed  to  Yincennes, 
or  some  other  convenient  place,  and  there  hold  a  council  with  the 
Wabasb  Indian?  and  Shawanese,  for  the  purpose  of  putting  an  end 
to  the  waifare. 


*  ilildreth'a  Pionew  Hiatmrjr,  202. 


1787-8. 


MIW  nrOLANDKRB  AT  TOUOniOOHBKT. 


47^ 


Fftvorable  notice  was  also  taken  of  a  oonnoil  which  had  heon 
held  at  the  month  of  Detroit  river,  in  December,  1786,  by  the  Iro> 
qaois,  Wyandott  and  others,  the  purpose  of  which  was  pacific,  and 
firom  which  an  address  relative  to  the  Indian  troubles  had  been 
sent  to  Oongress.  This  was  considered,  and  on  the  6th  of  October, 
it  was  resolved  that  a  treaty  should  be  held  early  in  the  year  1788, 
with  these  tribes,  by  the  governor  of  the  new  territory,  who  was 
instmcted  on  t|iii  subject,  on  the  26th  of  the  month  last  mentioned. 
At  the  same  time,  however,  that  measures  were  thus  taken  to  pre* 
serve  peace,  troops  were  placed  at  Venango,  Fort  Pitt,  Fort  Mcln> 
tosh,  the  Mnsking^m,  the  Miami,  Vincennes,  and  Louisville,  and 
the  governor  of  Virginia  was  requested  to  have  the  militia  of  Ken- 
tucky in  readiness  for  any  emergency. 

All  these  measures,  however,  produced  no  results  during  1788; 
the  Indians  were  neitlier  overawed,  conquered  nor  satisfied;  ftom 
Miay  until  the  middle  of  July,  they  were  expected  to  meet  the 
whites  upon  the  Muskingum,  but  the  point  which  had  been  selected, 
and  where  goods  had  been  placed,  being  at  last  attacked  by  the 
Chippewas,  it  was  thought  best  to  adjourn  the  meeting  and  hold 
it  at  Fort  Harmar,  where  it  was  at  length  held  in  Januaty,  1789. 

The  hostile  attitude  of  the  Indians,  however,  did  not  deter  the 
New  England  associates  from  the  prosecution  of  their  enterprise. 
In  the  winter  of  1787,  General  Rufhs  Putnam,  with  fortynseven 
pioneers,  advanced  to  the  Toughiogheny  river,  and  commenced 
building  a  boat  for  their  transportation  down  the  river  in  the  spring. 
In  allusion  to  their  pilgrim  fathers,  their  boat  was  named  the  May- 
flower.   She  w  I"  forty-five  feet  long,  and  twelve  feet  wide,  with  an 
estimated  burther  of  fifty  tons.    Her  bows  were  raUng,  or  curved 
like  a  galley,  strongly  timbered;  her  sides  were  made  bullet  proof, 
and  she  was  covered  with  a  deck  roof.    Captain  Devol,  the  first 
ship  builder  in  the  West,  was  placed  in  command.    On  the  2d  of 
April,  she  was  launched,  and  the  band  of  pioneers  sailed  down  the 
Monongahela  and  Ohio,  and  on  the  7th,  landed  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Muskingum.    There,  opposite  Fort  Harmar,  they  chose  the 
location  of  their  settlement,  moored  their  boat  at  the  shore  for  a 
temporary  shelter,   and   commenced   to  erect  houses  for  their 
oeonpation. 

About  the  1st  of  July,  the  colony  was  reinforced  by  another 
company  ftom  Massachusetts.  They  had  been  nine  weeks  on  their 
way,  had  traveled  by  land  with  their  wagons  and  stock  to  Wheeling, 
and  thence  passed  down  the  river  in  flat  boats  to  the  settlement 


♦76 


KBW  ■irOLAHDBBi  NAM!  TBlIft  •RTLIMIMT. 


ntt. 


At  Bt  OltAtt  who  bad  been  appoiotid  governor  the  praoading 
October,  had  not  arrived,  it  became  neoenarj  to  eveot  a  temporary 

tvernment  for  their  internal  leoarity ;  for  which  piirpo«e  •  set  of 
va  waa  paaMd,  and  pnbliahed  bj  being  nailed  to  a  tree  in  the 
village,  and  Return  Jonathan  Meige  waa  appointed  to  administer 
them.  It  ia  a  itrong  evidence  of  the  good  habits  of  the  peojde  of 
the  colony,  that  daring  three  months,  bat  one  di^renoe  ocoarred, 
And  that  was  compromised.*  Indeed,  a  better  set  oftmen  altogether, 
eoald  aearae  have  been  selected  for  the  purpose,  than  Patnam'k 
little  hand.  Washington  might  wall  say,  ''no  colony  in  America 
was  ever  settled  ander  sncb  fav(»«I»le  auq>ioes  as  that  which  has 
first  commenced  at  the  Muskingum.  Information,  propaiiiy,  and 
strength  will  be  its  charactcristios.  I  know  many  of  the  eettlen 
personally,  and  there  never  were  men  better  eakuJated  to  promote 
the  welfare  <^  such  a  commwiity." 

On  tiio  2d'  of  Jaly,  a  meeting  of  the  directors  and  agents  wis 
held  on  the  banks  of  the  Maskingum,  for  the  purpose  of  naming 
the  new  bom  city  and  its  public  squares.  As  yet  the  settlement 
had  been  merely  "The  MnsUngum,"  but  the  name  Marietta  was 
now  formally  given  it,  in  honor  of  Marie  AntoiaHte;  the  square 
upon  which  the  block-houses  stood  was  named  Campus  Martm ; 
the  square  No.  19,  OapittMum;  the  square  No.  01,  Ceettim;  and  the 
great  road  through  the  covert  way,  Sotra  Vm,f 

Ou  the  4th  oi  July  an  oration  was  delivered  by  Jaiaes  M.  Ya^ 
nora»  who,  with  H.  S.  Parsons  and  John  Armstnmg,  had  been 
appointed  to  the  judicial  bench  of  tiie  territoiy,  on  the  16th  of 
October,  1787.  Five  days  after^  the  governor  ilrrived  and  the 
colony  began  to  assame  form.  The  ordinance  of  17OT,  provided 
two  distinct  grades  of  government  for  the  north-west  lerritoiy, 
ander  the  first  of  which  the  whole  power  was  in  the  haudi  of  the 
governor  and  the  three  judges,  and  this  form  was  at  once  oi^ganissd 
upon  the  governor's  arrival.  The  firat  law,  whi<A  was  «for  rfgu- 
Igting  and  establishing  the  militia,"  was  published  npon  the  S6(h 
of  July ;  and  the  next  day  aj^ared  the  following  pioobuiiation  of 
the  governor,  ereotiog  all  tiie  oouofti^  that  bad  bemi  eaded  by  the 
..{ndians  east  of  the  Scioto  river  into  the  county  of  WMhington. 

**  To  all  persons  to  whom  these  preeeirts  shjdl  aooie,  greeting: 
Whereas,  by  the  ordinance  of  Congress,  of  the  18th  of  iIu^lfAT, 
^r  tha  g(»iremment  of  the  teniloiiy  of  the  l^iladftatai  naflli-«rest 


« vitttm  uomhiy  ^at/^^H^9, 198a,  mu  i.  p.«M. 


,'Vab'ifw:|^ill- 


iTsa 


FIRM  OOUIT  HILD  IM  OHIO. 


4TT 


of  the  iiv«r  Ohi(s  it  U  directed  that  for  the  dne  exeoutioB  of  pro* 
eoM)  oivil  Mid  erimiBal,  the  governor  ahall  nieke  proper  divisiont 
of  the  Mid  territory,  and  proceed  from  time  to  time,  as  ciroaagb 
itanoei  may  require,  to  lay  out  the  part  of  the  ume,  where  the 
Indian  title  haa  heen  eztingniHhed,  into  ooanties  and  townshipSi 
•otijeet  to  future  alteration!  as  therein  specified.  Now,  know  ye, 
that  it  i^[»pearing  to  me  to  he  necessary,  for  the  purposes  above 
mentioned,  that  a  county  should  immediately  be  laid  out,  I  have 
ordMned  and  ordered,  and  by  these  presents  do  ordain  and  order» 
that  all  and  singular  the  lands  lying  and  being  within  the  follow* 
ing  boundaries,  vis :  Beginning  on  the  bank  of  the  Ohio  river, 
where  the  western  boundary  line  of  Pennsylvania  crosses  it,  and 
running  with  that  line  to  Lake  Erie ;  thence  along  the  southern 
shore  of  the  said  lake  to  the  mouth  of  the  Cuyahoga  river;  thence 
up  said  river  to  the  portage  between  that  and  the  Tuscarawas 
branch  of  the  Muskingum ;  thence  down  the  branch  to  the  forks, 
•t  the  crossing  place  above  Fort  Laurens ;  thence  with  a  line,  to  be 
drown  westerly  to  the  portage  of  that  branch  of  the  Big  Miami,  on 
which  the  fort  stood  that  was  taken  by  the  French  in  1762,  until  it 
meets  the  road  from  the  lower  Shawanese  town  to  the  Sandusky; 
thence  south  to  the  Scioto  river;  thence  with  that  river  to  the 
mouth,  and  thence  up  the  Ohio  river  to  the  place  of  beginning; 
■ball  be  a  county,  and  the  same  is  hereby  erected  into  a  county, 
Darned  and  to  be  called  heref^^r  th^  county  of  Washington ;  and 
the  said  county  of  Washington  shall  have  and  ei^oy  all  and  sin* 
galar,  the  jurisdiction,  rights,  liberties,  privileges,  and  immunities 
whatever  to  a  county  belonging  and  appertaining,  and  which  any 
other  county,  that  may  hereafter  be  erected  and  l(ud  out,  ahall  or 
ought  to  enjoy,  conforiAably  to  the  ordinance  of  Congress  before 
mentioned.  lu  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and 
caused  the  seal  of  the  territory  to  be  affixed,  this  twenty-sixth  day 
of  July,  in  the  thirteenth  year  of  the  independence  of  the  United 
States,  and  in  the  year  of  our  Lord,  one  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  eighty-^ght" 

From  that  time  forward,  notwithstnuding  the  doubt  yet  existing 
a»  to  the  Indians,  all  at  Marietta  went  on  prosperously  and  plea^ 
santly.  On  the  2d  of  September  the  first  court  was  held,  with 
bscomiug  ceremonies. 

"  The  pmcession  was  formed  at  the  Point,  (where  most  of  the 
eettlers  resided,)  in  the  following  order :  the  high  sherifiT,  with  his 
drawn  sword;  the  citizens;  the  officers  at  the  garrison  at  Fort 
Harmar;  the   members  of  the  bar;   the  supreme  judges;   the 


f 


471 


rivM  THOUSAMD  MiroaAim  DMomo  onio. 


1788. 


gofemor  Mid  oleigyiuMi ;  tb«  newly  appointed  JndgM  of  the 
court  of  oonunon  pleM,  Gonorab  RoAu  Pntnun  nnd  Bei^jamin 

^««They  mnralied  np  »  path  that  had  been  cot  and  cleared  through 
the  forest  to  Oampns  If  aKins  Hall,  (stockade,)  where  the  whole 
ooQnto^marohed,  and  the  Judges,  (Putnam  and  Tapper,)  took  their 
seats.  The  deigyman.  Rev.  Dr.  Outler,  then  invoked  the  divine 
blessing.  The  sheri£^  Colonel  Bbeneser  Sproat,  proclaimed  with 
his  solemn  *0  yes,  that  a  court  is  open  foir  the  administration  of 
even-handed  justice,  to  the  poor  and  the  rich,  to  the  guilty  and  the 
innocent,  without  respect  to  persons ;  none  to  be  punbhed  without 
a  trial  by  their  peers,  and  then  in  pursuance  of  the  laws  and 
evidence  in  the  case.' 

** Although  this  scene  was  exhibited  thus  early  in  the  settlement 
<tf  the  State,  few  ever  equaled  it  in  the  dignity  and  exalted  charac- 
ter of  its  principal  participators.  Many  of  Uiem  belonged  to  the 
history  of  our  country,  in  the  darkest  as  well  as  the  most  splendid 
periods  of  the  Revolutionary  war.  To  witness  this  spectacle,  a 
large  body  of  Indians  was  collected,  from  the  most  powerful  trihes 
then  occupying  the  almost  entire  West  They  had  assembled  for 
the  purpose  of  making  a  treaty.  Whether  any  of  them  entered 
the  hall  of  justice,  or  what  were  their  impressionB,  we  are  not  told."* 

"The  progress  of  the  settlement,"  says  a  letter  from  Maskin- 
gum,  "is  sufficiently  rapid  fo»the  first  year.  We  are  continually 
erecting  houses,  but  arrivals  are  foster  than  we  can  possibly  provide 
convenient  covering.  Our  first  ball  was  opened  about  the  middle 
of  December,  at  which  were  fifteen  ladies,  as  well  accomplished  in 
the  manners  of  polite  circles,  as  any  I  have  ever  seen  in  the  old 
Sta^s.  I  mention  this  to  show  the  progress  of  society  in  this  new 
world;  where  I  believe  we  shall  vie  with,  if  not  excel,  the  old 
Stetes,  in  every  accomplishment  necessary  to  render  life  agreeable 
and  happy." 

The  emigration  westward,  even  at  this  time,  was  very  great;  the 
commandant  at  Fort  Harmar  reporting  four  thousand  five  hundred 
persons  as  having  passed  that  post  between  February  and  June, 
1788 ;  many  of  whom  would  have  stopped  on  the  purchase  of  the 
Associates,  had  they  been  ready  to  receive  them. 

During  the  following  year,  and  indeed  until  the  Indians,  who,  in 
spite  of  treaties,  had  been  committing  depredations  all  the  time, 


*  Am«rioui  PioB««r,  L  165. 


1T88. 


■TMUn'  AMOOIATM  AT  TBI  MIAMIM. 


4T» 


fteftling  horiM  and  sinking  boats,  went  fairly  and  openly  to  wai^ 
tlie  settlement  on  the  Maskingnm  grew  slowly,  bnt  steadily,  and 
to  good  purpose;  the  first  attack  made  by  Indians  on  the  MinUi|| 
gam  settlements  began  January  2d,  1791. 

Nor  were  Symmes  and  his  New  Jersey  fViends  idle  during  this 
year,  though  his  purchase  was  far  more  open  to  Indian  depreda* 
tions  than  that  of  the  Massachusetts  men.  Uis  first  proposition  had 
been  referred,  as  before  mentioned,  to  the  Board  of  Treasury,  with 
power  to  contract,  upon  the  2d  of  October,  1787. 

Upon  the  26th  of  the  next  month,  Bymmes  issued  a  pamphlet, 
addressed  "to  the  respectable  public,"  stating  the  terms  of  his  con- 
tract, and  the  scheme  of  sale  which  ho  proposed  to  adopt  This 
was,  to  issue  his  warrants  for  not  less  than  a  quarter  section,  (an 
hundred  and  sixty  acres,)  which  might  be  located  anywhere,  ex* 
cept,  of  course,  on  reservations,  and  spots  previously  chosen.  No 
section  was  to  be  divided,  if  the  warrant  held  by  the  locater  would 
cover  the  whole.  The  price  was  to  be  sixty  cents  and  two-thirds 
per  acre,  till  May,  1788;  then  one  dollar  till  November;  and,  after 
that  time,  was  to  be  regulated  by  the  demand  for  land. 

Every  locater  was  bound  to  begin  improvements  within  two 
years,  or  forfeit  one-sixth  of  his  purchase  to  whoever  would  settle 
thereon,  and  remain  seven  years.  Military  bounties  might  be  taken 
in  this  as  in  the  purchase  of  the  associates.  For  himself,  Symmes 
retained  one  township,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Miami,  on 
whieh  he  proposed  to  build  his  great  city ;  to  help  the  growth  of 
which  he  offered  each  alternate  lot  to  any  one  that  would  build  a 
house,  and  live  therein  three  years. 

As  Continental  certificates  were  rising,  in  consequence  of  the 
great  land  purchases  then  making  with  them,  and  as  difficulty  was 
apprehended  in  procuring  enough  to  make  his^  first  payment, 
Symmes  was  anxious  to  send  forward  settlers  early,  that  the  true 
value  of  his  purchase  might  become  known  at  the  east.  He  had, 
however,  some  difficulty  in  arranging  with  the  Board  of  Treasury 
the  boundaries  of  the  first  portion  he  was  to  occupy.* 

In  January,  1788,  Mathias  Denman,  of  New  Jersey,  took  an 
interest  in  Symmes'  purchase,  and  located  among  other  tracts  the 
sectional  and  fractional  section  upon  which  Cincinnati  has  been 
built     Retaining  one-third  of  this  particular  locality,  he  sold 


*Miinuscript  Letters  ut  Sjmmos.     Soc  Darnut'u  Letter?,  13(1. 


480 


LOSANTiyfLlI  AT  OIXOIHNATI  LAIB  OUT. 


17«8. 


another  third  to  Robert  PnttereoD,  and  the  remainder  to  Jolm  FiK 
son ;  and  the  three,  aboat  August,  1788,  agreed  to  lay  out  a  town 
qia  the  spot,  which  was  demgnated  as  being  opposite  Licking  river, 
to  the  month  of  which  they  proposed  to  have  a  road  cut  from 
Lexington,  Kentucky,  to  be  connected  with  the  northern  shore 
by  a  ferry. 

Mr.  Filson,  who  had  been  a  schoolmaster,  was  appointed  to  name 
the  town ;  and,  in  respect  to  its  situation,  and  as  if  with  a  prophetic 
perception  of  the  mixed  races  that  were  in  after  days  to  inhabit 
there,  he  named  it  Losantiville,  which,  being  inteirpreted,  means 
viUe,  the  town ;  atUiy  opposite  to ;  os,  the  mouth ;  £,  of  Licking. 
This  may  well  put  to  the  blush  the  Campus  Martim  of  the  Marietta 
scholars,  and  the  Fort  Solon  of  the  Spaniards. 

Meanwhile,  in  July,  Symmes  got  thirty  people  and  eight  fouN 
horse  wagons  under  way  for  the  West.  These  reached  Limestone 
(now  Maysville)  in  September,  where  they  found  Mr.  Stitcs  witb 
several  persons  from  Redstone.  But  the  mind  of  the  chief  puN 
ehaser  was  full  of  trouble.  He  had  not  only  been  obliged  to  relin- 
quish  his  first  contract,  which  was  expected  to  embrace  two  millions 
of  acres,  but  had  failed  to  conclude  one  for  the  single  million  which 
he  now  proposed  taking.  This  arose  from  a  difference  between 
him  and  the  government,  he  wishing  to  have  the  whole  Ohio  from 
between  the  Miamies,  while  the  Board  of  Treasury  wished  to  con- 
fine him  to  twenty  miles  upon  the  Ohio. 

This  proposition,  however,  he  would  not  for  a  long  time  agree 
to,  as  he  had  made  sales  along  nearly  the  whole  Ohio  shore.  Leav- 
ing the  bargain  in  this  unsettled  state.  Congress  considered  itself 
released  from  its  obligation  to  sell ;  and,  but  for  the  representations 
of  some  of  his  friends,  our  adventurer  would  have  lost  his  bargain, 
his  labor,  and  his  money.  Nor  was  this  all.  In  February,  1778, 
be  had  been  appointed  one  of  the  judges  of  the  north-west  territorj, 
in  place  of  Mr.  Armstrong,  who  declined  serving.  This  appoint- 
ment gave  offense  to  some,  and  others  were  envious  of  the  great 
fortune  which  it  was  thought  he  would  make. 

Some  of  his  associates  complained  of  him,  also,  probably  of 
bis  endangering  the  contract  to  which  they  had  become  parties. 
With  these  murmurs  and  reproaches  behind  him,  he  saw  before 
him  danger,  delay,  suffering,  and,  perhaps,  ultimate  failure  and 
ruin,  and,  although  hopeful  by  nature,  apparently  he  felt  dis- 
couraged and  sad.  However,  a  visit  to  his  purchase,  where  he 
landed  on  the  22d  of  September,  revived  his  spirits,  and  upon  his 
return  to  Maysville,  he  wrote  to  Jonathan  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey, 


1789; 


DISAPPOINTMBNTS  AVD  TBOUBLIS  01  STMMBS. 


481 


who  had  become  interested  with  him,  that  he  thought  some  of  the 
laud  near  the  Oreat  Miami  "positively  worth  a  silver  dollar  the 
acre  in  its  present  state."  .  ;^ 

It  may  he  well  to  give  here  a  sketch  of  the  changes  made  in 
Symmes'  contract.  His  first  application  was  for  all  the  country 
between  the  Miamies,  running  up  to  the  north  line  of  the  Ohio 
Company's  purchase,  extending  due  west.  On  the  22d  of  October, 
1787,  Congress  resolved  that  the  Board  of  Treasury  bo  authorized 
to  contract  with  any  one  for  tracts  of  not  less  than  a  million  acres 
of  western  lands,  the  front  of  which,  on  the  Ohio,  Wabash  and 
other  rivers,  should  not  exceed  one-third  the  depth. 

On  the  15th  of  May,  1788,  Dayton  and  Marsh,  as  Symmes'  agents, 
concluded  a  contract  with  the  Commissioners  of  the  Treasury  for 
two  millions  of  acres,  in  two  equal  tracts.  In  July,  Symmes  con- 
cluded to  take  only  one  tract,  but  differed  with  the  Comm.i>sioneni 
on  the  grounds  stated  in  the  text  After  much  negotiation,  upon 
the  15th  of  October,  1788,  Dayton  and  Marsh  concluded  a  contract 
with  the  government,  bearing  date  May  1 5th,  for  one  million  of  acres, 
beginning  twenty  miles  up  the  Ohio  from  the  mouth  of  the  Great 
Miami,  and  to  run  back  for  quantity  between  the  Miami  and  a  line 
drawn  from  the  Ohio,  parallel  to  the  general  course  of  that  river. 
In  1791,  Symmes  found  this  would  throw  his  purc;hase  too  far  back 
from  the  Ohio,  and  applied  to  Congress  to  let  him  have  all  between 
the  Miamies,  running  back  so  as  to  include  a  million  acres,  which 
that  body,  on  the  12th  of  April,  1792,  agreed  to  do. 

When  the  lands  between  the  Miamies  were  surveyed,  however, 
!t  was  found  that  the  tract  south  of  a  line  drawn  from  the  head  of 
the  Little,  due  west  to  the  Great  Miami,  would  include  less  than 
Bix  hundred  thousand  acres ;  but  even  this  Symmes  could  not  pay 
for,  and  when  his  patent  issued,  upon  the  30th  September,  1794t 
it  gave  him  and  his  associates  but  two  hundred  and  forty-eight 
thousand  five  Landred  and  forty  acres,  exclusive  of  reservations, 
which  amounted  to  sixty-three  thousand  one  hundred  and  forty- 
two  acres.  This  tract  was  bounded  by  the  Ohio,  the  two  Miamies, 
and  a  due  east  and  west  line,  run  so  as  to  comprehend  the  deured 
quantity.  As  Symmes  made  no  further  payments  after  this  time^ 
the  rest  of  his  purchase  reverted  to  the  United  States,  who  gave 
those  that  had  bought  under  Symmes  ample  pre-emption  rights.* 
About  this  time  the  Indians  were  threatening.  "In  Kentucky," 
rays  Symmes, "  they  are  perpetually  doing  mischief;  a  man  a  week, 


tt  Land  Umb,  p.  272-«82. 


482 


DISAPPOINTJIBNTS  AND  TBOCBLBS  OF  8TMMB8. 


1789. 


I  believe,  falls  bj  their  hands."  Bat  still  the  government  gave  him 
little  help  toward  defending  himself;  for,  while  three  hundred  men 
were  stationed  at  Muskingum,  he  had  "  but  one  ensign  and  seven- 
teen men  for  the  protection  and  defense  of  'the  slaughter-house,'" 
as  the  Miami  valley  was  called  by  the  dwellers  upon  the  "  dark  and 
bloody  ground"  of  '^Kentucke."  And  when  Gapt.  Kearney  and 
forty-five  soldiers  came  to  Maysville  in  December,  they  came  with- 
out provisions,  and  but  made  bad  worse. 

Kor  did  their  coming  answer  any  purpose;  for  when  a  little 
band  of  settlera  were  ready  to  go,  under  their  protection,  towards 
the  mouth  of  the  Miami,  to  the  grand  city  of  Symmes  that  was  to 
be,  tlie  ice  stove  their  boats,  their  cattle  were  drowned,  and  their 
provisions  lost;  and  so  the  settlement  was  prevented.  But  the 
fertile  mind  of  a  man  like  Symmes  could,  even  under  these  circum- 
stances, find  comfort  in  the  anticipation  of  what  was  to  come.  In 
the  words  of  Return  Jonathan  Meigs,  who  was  probably  the  first 
Ohio  poet — 

"To  him  glad  Fataoy  brightest  prospects  shows, 
Rejoicing  Nature  all  around  him  glows; 
Where  late  the  savage,  hid  in  ambush,  lay. 
Or  roamed  the  uncultured  valloys  for  his  prey, 
Her  hardy  gifts  rough  Industry  extends. 
The  groves  bow  down,  the  lofty  forest  bends; 
And  see  the  spires  of  towns  and  cities  rise, 
And -domes  and  temples  swell  unto  the  skies." 


But  alas !  so  far  as  his  pet  city  was  concerned,  "glad  fancy"  proved 
but  a  gay  deceiver,  for  there  came  "an  amazing  high  freshet,"  and 
the  site  of  his  city, was  covered  with  water. 

Before  Symmes  left  Maysville,  which  was  on  the  29th  of  Januar}*, 
1789,  two  settlements  had  been  made  within  his  purchase.  The 
first  was  by  Mr.  Stites,  the  original  projector  of  the  whole  plan, 
who,  with  other  Redstone  people,  had  located  themselves  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Little  Miami,  where  the  Indians  had  been  led,  by  the 
great  fertility  of  the  soil,  to  make  a  partial  clearing.  To  this 
point,  on  the  18th  of  November,  1788,  came  ♦wenty-six  persons, 
who  built  a  block-house,  named  theirtown  Columbia,  and  prepared 
for  a  winter  of  want  and  hard  fighting.  The  land  at  this  point 
was  so  fertile,  that  from  nine  acres  were  raised  nine  hundred  and 
sixty-three  bushels  of  Indian  com. 

But  they  were  agreeably  disappointed;  the  Indians  came  to  them, 
and  though  the  whites  answered,  as  Symmes  says,  "in  a  black- 
guarding manner,"  the  savages  sued  for  peace.    One,  at  whom  a 


1789. 


DBVASTATINa  TLOOD  OF  THB  OHIO. 


488 


rifle  was  presented,  took  off  his  cap,  trailed  his  gun,  and  held  oat 
his  right  hand,  hy  which  pacific  gestures  he  induced  the  Americans 
to  consent  to  their  entrance  into  the  block-houses.  In  a  few  days 
this  good  understanding  ripened  into  intimacy ;  the  "  hunters  fre- 
quently taking  shelter  for  the  night  at  the  Indian  camps,"  and  the 
red  men  and  squaws  *' spending  whole  days  and  nights"  at  Colum- 
bia, '*  regaling  themselves  with  whislqr." 

This  friendly  demeanor  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  was  owing  to 
the  kind  and  just  conduct  of  Symmes  himself,  who,  during  the 
preceding  September,  when  examining  the  country  about  the 
Great  Miami,  had  prevented  some  Kentuckians  who  were  in  his 
company  from  injuring  a  band  of  the  savages  that  came  within 
their  power ;  which  proceeding,  he  says,  "  the  Kentuckians  thought 
unpardonable." 

The  Columbia  settlement  was,  however,  like  that  proposed  at 
the  bend,  upon  land  that  was  under  water  during  the  high  rise  in 
January,  1789.  "  But  one  house  escaped  the  deluge."  The  soldiers 
were  driven  from  the  ground-floor  of  the  block-house  into  the  loft, 
and  from  the  loft  into  the  solitary  boat  which  the  ice  had  spared 
them. 

This  flood  deserves  to  be  remembered;  for,  while  it  demonstrated 
the  dangers  to  which  the  three  chosen  spots  of  all  Ohio,  to  wit: 
Marietta,  Columbia,  and  Symmes  city,  near  the  point,  must  be  ever 
exposed,  it  also  proved  the  safety,  ana  led  to  the  rapid  settlement 
of  Losantiville.  The  great  recommendation  of  the  spot  upon 
which  Denmau  and  his  comrades  proposed  to  build  their  "  Mosaic" 
town,  as  it  has  been  called,  appears  to  have  been  the  fact,  that  it 
lay  opposite  the  Licking;  the  terms  of  Denman's  purchase  having 
been,  that  his  warrants  were  to  be  located,  as  nearly  as  possible, 
over  against  the  mouth  of  that  river;  though  the  advantage  of  the 
noble  and  high  plain  at  that  place  could  not  have  escaped  any  eye. 
But  the  freshet  of  1789  placed  its  superiority  over  other  points 
more  strongly  in  view  than  anything  else  could  have  done. 

John  Filson  was  killed  by  the  Indians  in  the  Miami  valley  in 
the  autumn  of  1788. 

As  nothing  had  been  paid  upon  his  third  of  the  plat  of  Losanti- 
ville, bis  heirs  made  no  claim  upon  it,  and  it  was  transferred  to 
Israel  Ludlow,  who  had  been  Symmes'  surveyor.  This  gentleman, 
with  Colonel  Patterson,  one  of  the  other  proprietors,  and  well 
known  in  the  Indian  wars,  with  about  fourteen  others,  loft  Mays- 
ville  upon  the  24th  of  December,  1788,  "to  form  a  station  and  lay 
oflf  a  town  opposite  Licking."    The  river  was  filled  with  ice  "  from 


484 


WRANOLIHa  BSTWIBN  KIRTUCXT  AND  VIRGINIA. 


1788. 


#r 


■hore  to  shore;"  but,  says  Symmes,  in  May,  1789,  "  peraeverano* 
triumphing  over  difficulty,  they  landed  «afe  on  a  most  delightful 
high  bank  of  the  Ohio,  where  they  founded  the  town  of  Losantiville, 
which  populates  considerably." 

The  settlers  of  Losantivillo  built  a  few  log  huts  and  block- 
houses, and  proceeded  to  improve  the  town ;  though  they  placed 
their  dwellings  in  the  most  exposed  situation,  yet,  says  Symmes, 
'*  they  suffered  nothing  from  the  freshet" 

It  is  a  curious  fact,  that  the  date  of  the  settlement  of  Cincinnati 
is  unknown,  even  though  the  testimony  of  the  very  men  that  made 
the  settlement  is  on  record.  Judge  Symmes  says  in  one  of  his 
letters:  "On  the  24th  of  December,  1788,  Colonel  Patterson,  of 
Lexington,  who  is  concerned  with  Mr.  Denman  in  the  section  at 
the  mouth  of  Licking  river,  sailed  from  Limestone,"  &c.  Some, 
supposing  it  would  take  about  two  days  to  make  the  voyage,  bave 
dated  the  being  of  the  Queen  City  of  the  West,  from  December 
26th.  This  is  uncertain,  however;  for,  as  the  river  was  full  of  ice, 
it  might  have  taken  ten  days  to  have  gone  the  sixty-five  miles  from 
Maysville  to  Licking.  But,  in  the  case  in  chancery,  to  which 
reference  has  been  made,  the  evidence  of  Patterson  and  Ludlow 
sets  forth  that  they  landed  opposite  the  Licking  *'  in  the  month  of 
January,  1789;"  while  William  McMillan  testifies  that  he  '*was 
one  of  those  who  formed  the  settlement  of  Cincinnati  on  the  28th 
day  of  December,  1788." 

There  were,  as  has  been  seen,  twO'  main  causes  of  the  dissatisfac- 
tion of  the  people  of  Kentucky;  the  unwillingness  of  the  State  of 
Virginia  to  relinquish  her  jurisdiction  over  the  district,  and  the 
failure  of  the  Continental  Congress  to  secure  for  them  the  free 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  That  dissatisfaction  ripened  in 
many  minds  into  a  wish  to  throw  off  the  authority  of  the  con- 
federation, and  to  frame  an  independent  government  The 
inconvenience  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Virginia,  exercised  at  the  dis- 
tance of  several  hundred  miles  from  her  capital,  the  difficulties  she 
interposed  in  the  way  of  a  separate  organization  of  the  district,  and 
the  delay  of  Congress  in  providing  for  that  organization,  were 
causes  that  influenced  the  movements  of  the  party  of  independence, 
as  they  called  themselves ;  the  hope  of  securing  the  trade  of  Loui- 
siana, through  an  alliance  with  Spain,  was  the  true  motive  that  in- 
cited their  desire  for  separation.  The  profits  of  a  trade  was  a 
sufficient  motive  to  induce  those  men  to  dismember  a  union  just 
formed  with  such  great  exertions  and  saorificea,  and  to  relinquish  • 


1788, 


FACTIOnS  m  KlIITVOKY  AKB  THBIR  OBJECTS. 


48ft 


ii  .edom  just  purchased  by  so  much  blood  and  suffering.  Tet, 
though  united  in  their  desire  of  a  dismembennent  of  the  federal 
union,  they  were  by  no  means  unanimous  in  their  plans  for  accom* 
plishing  their  object    There  were  five  factions  among  them.* 

The  first  was  in  fkvor  of  the  formation  of  a  new  republic,  inde- 
pendent of  the  United  States,  and  in  close  alliance  with  9pain. 

The  second  was  willing  to  separate  from  the  Union,  and  to  place 
the  district  under  the  government  of  Spain. 

The  third  desired  a  war  with  Spain,  and  the  seizure  of  Louisiana. 

The  fourth  sought,  by  a  show  of  hostility,  to  extort  the  opening 
of  the  Mississippi  from  the  Spanish  government. 

The  fifth  aimed  to  solicit  France  to  procure  a  retrocession  of  Lou- 
isiana, and  to  extend  her  authority  over  Kentucky. 

Miro,  governor  of  Louisiana,  and  Guardoqui,  minister  of  Spain,  ' 
at  Philadelphia,  both  saw  their  opportunity,  and  both  sought  to  use 
the  popular  discontent  existing  in  the  West,  to  further  tbe  scheme  of 
the  extension  of  the  Spanish  authority  over  Kentucky.  Their  want 
of  concert,  arising  from  mutual  jealousy  or  ambition,  led  them  to 
oounteract  each  other,  and  in  the  end  ruined  the  aehemes  of  both. 
The  agent  through  whom  they  sought  to  accomplish  their  purposes, 
the  leader  of  the  first  party  of  disunion,  and  the  '\rch  conq^rator  in 
the  first  treason  in  our  history,  was  James  Wilkwson.t 

The  better  to  serve  his  ulterior  purposes,  Wilkinson  went  down 
the  Mississippi  in  Juno,  1787,  in  the  character  of  a  merchant,  with 
a  cargo  of  tobacco,  -flour,  butter,  and  bacon.  According  to  the 
Spanish  laws,  the  cargo  was  confiscated.  Wilkinson  obtained  an 
iuterview  with  Miro,  and  secured  from  him,  not  only  the  restora- 
tion of  his  property,  but  the  privilege  of  free  trade  widi  New  Or- 
leaos,  on  his  own  account.  To  cover  his  real  designs,  he  presented 
to  the  governor  a  written  opinion  in  respect  to  the  policy  Spain 
ought  to  pursue  in  regard  to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
of  the  danger  to  be  apprehended  from  a  joint  invasion  of  Louisi- 
ana, by  the  Kentuckians  and  the  British,  in  the  case  the  trade  of 
the  Mississippi  should  be  elosed  against  them.  At  the  same  time 
he  presented  another  secret  memorial  to  Miro,  the  tenor  of  which 
is  best  explained  by  his  Bubseqnent  course.  After  spending  three 
months  at  New  Orleans,  in  intimate  intercourse  with  Miro,  he 
auled  to  Phikdelphia,  and  returned  to  the  West  in  the  spring  of 
the  next  year. 


*  Mtftin's  liUtorjr  Af  Lo«i«hum.        f  O'^yarre''  8paBi!di  (tonuttatim  in  fioaiiiMUk. 


486 


WILKINSON   OBTAINS  PRIVILBOB  Of  FRBB  TRADE. 


1788. 


1788. 


In '  the  meantime,  Qaardoqui,  in  pursaance  of  his  plan  of  dis- 
memberment,  dispatched  D'Arges  to  the  West,  to  excite  emignu 
W  tion  to  the  Spanish  colony.  For  this  end  he,  in  conformity  with  his 

instmctions,  invited  the  people  of  Kentucky  to  settle  in  Louisiana, 
promising  them  the  gift  of  land,  the  free  introduction  of  stock,  and 
the  privilege  of  importing  merchandise,  on  payment  of  a  duty 
of  fifteen  per  cent  On  his  arrival  at  New  Orleans,  Miro  was 
greatly  perplexed.  He  feared  *to  trust  D'Arges  with  the  secret  of 
his  intrigues  with  Wilkinson,  lest  his  jealousy  might  prompt  him 
to  betray  them.  He  feared  lest  the  commercial  privileges  D'A^ 
ges  offered,  would  take  Rway  the  great  motive  the  Eentuckians 
might  have  to  submit  to  the  Spanish  domination,  which,  he  averred, 
Wilkinson  was  pledged  to  secure ;  and  in  that  belief,  under  various 
pretexts,  he  detained  D'Arges,  and  interposed  all  the  obstacles  he 
dared,  to  the  success  of  his  schemes. 

Wilkinson,  in  the  meanwhile,  was  prepared  on  his  return,  to  ex- 
hibit a  plausible  statement  of  the  nature  of  his  connection  with  the 
Spanish  government,  and  o(  the  mode  in  which  he  succeeded  in 
securing  for  himself  the  monopoly  of  the  trade  of  the  Mississippi. 
The  statement  of  Daniel  Clark,  the  nephew  of  Wilkinson's  agent, 
of  the  same  name,  furnishes  in  detail  the  pretexts  under  which  the 
arch  traitor  concealed  his  designs : 

'*  About  the  middle  of  the  year  1787,  the  foundation  of  an  inter- 
course with  Kentucky  and  the  settlements  on  the  Ohio  was  laid, 
which  daily  increased.  Previous  to  that  time,  all  those  who  ven- 
tured on  the  Mississippi  had  their  property  seized  by  the  first  com- 
manding ofilcer  they  met,  and  little  or  no  communication  was  kept 
up  between  the  two  countries.  Now  and  then  an  emigrant  who 
wished  to  settle  in  Natchez,  by  dint  of  entreaty,  and  solicitation  of 
frieYids  who  had  interests  in  New  Orleans,  procured  permission  to 
remove  there  with  his  family,  slaves,  cattle,  furniture,  and  fanning 
utensils;  but  was  allowed  to  bring  no  other  property,  except 
cash. 

"  An  unexpected  incident,  however,  changed  the  face  of  things, 
and  was  productive  of  a  new  line  of  conduct.  The  arrival  of  a 
boat,  belonging  to  General  Wilkinson,  loaded  with  tobacco  and 
other  productions  of  Kentucky,  was  announced  in  town,  and  a 
g^ard  was  immediately  sent  on  board  of  it.  The  general's  name 
had  hindered  this  being  done  at  Natchez,  as  the  commandant  was 
fearful  that  such  a  step  might  be  displeasing  to  his  superiors,  who 
might  wish  to  show  some  respect  to  the  property  of  a  general 
officer;  at  any  rate,  the  boat  was  proceeding  to  Orleans,  and  they 


1788. 


WILKINSON  OBTAINS  PRIVILEGE  OV  FRBB  TRADE. 


487 


would  then  resolve  on  what  measures  they  ought  to  pursue,  and 
put  into  execution. 

"The  government,  not  much  disposed  to  show  any  mark  of 
respect  or  forbearance  toward  the  general's  property,  he  not  having 
at  tiiat  time  arrived,  was  about  proceeding  itt  the  usual  way  of  con- 
fiscation, when  a  merchant  in  Orleans,  who  had  considerable  influ- 
ence there,  and  who  was  formerly  acquainted  with  the  general, 
represented  to  the  governor  that  the  measures  taken  by  the  Intend* 
ant  would  very  probably  give  rise  to  disagreeable  events ;  that  the 
people  of  Kentucky  were  already  exasperated  at  the  conduct  of  the 
Spaniards  in  seizing  on  the  property  of  all  those  who  navigated 
the  Mississippi ;  and  if  this  system  was  pursued,  they  would  very 
probably,  in  spite  of  Congress  and  the  Executive  of  the  United 
States,  take  upon  themselves  to  obtain  the  navigation  of  the  river 
by  force,  which  they  were  well  able  to  do;  a  measure  for  some  time 
before  much  dreaded  by  this  government,  which  had  no  force  to 
resist  them,  if  such  a  plan  was  put  in  execution. 

"  Hints  were  likewise  given  that  Wilkinson  was  a  very  popular 
man,  who  could  influence  the  whole  of  that  country ;  and  probably 
that  his  sending  a  boat  before  him,  with  a  wish  that  she  might  be 
seized,  was  but  a  snare  at  his  return  to  influence  the  minds  of  the 
people,  and,  having  brought  them  to  the  point  he  wished,  induce 
them  to  appoint  him  their  leader,  and  then,  like  a  torrent,  spread 
over  the  country,  and  carry  fire  and  desolation  from  one  end  of  the 
province  to  the  other. 

**  Oovernor  Miro,  a  weak  man,  unacquainted  with  the  American 
government,  ignorant  even  of  the  position  of  Kentucky  with 
respect  to  his  own  province,  but  alarmed  at  the  very  idea  of  an 
irruption  of  Kentucky  men,  whom  he  feared  without  knowing 
their  strength,  communicated  his  wishes  to  the  Intendant  that  the 
guard  might  be  removed  from  the  boat,  which  was  accordingly 
done;  and  a  Mr.  Patterson,  who  was  the  agent  of  the  general,  was 
permitted  to  take  charge  of  the  property  on  board,  and  to  sell  it, 
free  of  duty. 

"  The  general,  on  his  arrival  in  Orleans,  some  time  after,  was 
informed  of  the  obligation  he  lay  under  to  the  merchant  who  had 
impressed  the  government  with  such  an  idea  of  his  importance  and 
influence  at  home,  waited  on  him,  and,  in  concert  with  him,  formed 
s  plan  for  their  future  operations.  In  his  interview  with  the  gov- 
ernor, that  he  might  not  seem  to  derogate  from  the  character  given 
of  him,  by  appearing  concerned  in  so  trifling  a  business  as  a  boat- 
load of  tobacco,  hams,'  and  butter,  ho  gave  him  to  understand  that 


488 


WILKINSON  OBTAINS  PRIVILfiOB  OF  FRBK  TRADB. 


1788. 


the  property  belonged  to  many  citizens  of  Kentucky,  who,  availing 
themselves  of  his  return  to  the  Atlantic  States,  by  way  of  Orleans, 
wished  to  make  a  trial  of  the  temper  of  this  government,  as  he,  on 
his  arrival,  might  inform  his  own  what  steps  had  been  pursued 
uudor  his  eye,  that  adequate  measures  might  be  afterward  taken  to 
procure  satisfbction. 

"He  acknowledged  with  gratitude  the  attention  and  respect 
manifested  by  the  governor  toward  himself,  in  the  favor  shown  to 
his  agent;  but  at  the  same  time  mentioned  that  he  would  not  wish 
the  governor  to  expose  himself  to  the  anger  of  his  court  by  refrain- 
ing from  seizing  on  the  boat  and  cargo,  as  it  was  but  a  trifle,  if 
such  were  the  positive  orders  from  the  court,  and  he  had  not  the 
power  to  relax  them  according  to  circumstances.  Convinced  by 
this  discourse  that  the  general  rather  wished  for  an  opportunity  of 
embroiling  affairs,  than  sought  to  avoid  it,  the  governor  became 
more  alarmed.  For  two  or  three  years  before,  particularly  since 
the  arrival  of  the  commissioners  from  Georgia,  who  had  come  to 
Natchez  to  claim  that  country,  he  had  been  fearful  of  an  invasion 
at  every  annual  rise  of  the  waters,  and  the  nev/s  of  a  few  boats 
being  seen  was  enough  to  alarm  the  whole  province. 

<<  He  revolved  in  his  mind  what  measures  he  ought  to  pursue, 
(consistent  with  the  orders  ho  had  from  home  to  permit  the  free 
laavigaliou  of  the  river,)  in  order  to  keep  the  Kentucky  people 
quiet;  and,  in  his  succeeding  interviews  with  Wilkinson,  having 
procured  more  knowledge  than  he  had  hitherto  acquired  of  their 
eharacter,  population,  strength,  and  disposition,  he  thought  he 
eould  do  nothing  better  than  hold  out  a  bait  to  Wilkinson  to  use 
his  influence  in  restraining  the  people  from  an  invasion  of  this 
province  till  he  could  give  advice  to  his  court,  and  require  further 
instructions.  This  was  the  point  to  which  the  parties  wished  to 
bring  him ;  and,  being  iuforined  that  in  Kentucky  two  or  three 
crops  were  on  hand,  for  which,  if  an  immediate  vent  was  not  to 
be  found,  the  people  could  not  be  kept  within  bounds,  he  made 
Wilkinson  the  offer  of  a  permission  to  import,  on  his  own  account, 
to  New  Orleans,  free  of  duty,  all  the  productions  of  Kentucky, 
thinking  by  this  means  to  conciliate  the  good  will  of  the  people, 
without  yielding  the  point  of  navigation,  as  the  commerce  carried 
on  would  {^pear  the  effect  of  an  indulgence  to  an  individual,  which 
oould  be  withdrawn  at  pleasure. 

"  On  consultation  with  his  friends,  who  well  knew  what  further 
cfMicessions  Wilkinson  would  extort  fc^m  the  fears  of  tha^aoiards, 
Ipiy  the  promise  of  his  good  oflELces  in  preachiqg  peaoQt  harmony, 


1788. 


TRADI  OniNlD  WITH  NIW  0RIIAK8. 


489 


and  good  nnderstanding  with  hii  government,  until  arrangements 
were  made  between  Spain  and  America,  he  was  advised  to  insist 
that  tho  governor  should  insure  him  a  market  for  all  the  flour  and 
tobacco  he  might  send,  as  in  the  event  of  au  unfortunate  shipment, 
he  would  be  ruined  whilst  endeavoring  to  do  a  service  to  Louisiana. 
This  was  accepted.  Flour  was  always  wanted  in  New  Orleans,  and 
the  king  of  Spain  had  given  orders  to  purchase  more  tobacco  for 
the  supply  of  his  manufiMtories  at  home  than  Louisiana  at  that 
time  produced,  and  which  was  paid  for  at  about  99«fiO  per  cwt.  In 
Eeutucky  it  cost  but  92,  and  the  profit  was  immense.  In  oonse- 
quenoe,  the  general  had  appointed  his  firiend,  Daniel  Clark,  his 
agent  here,  returned  by  way  of  Charleston  in  a  vessel,  with  a  par- 
ticular permission  to  go  to  the  United  States,  even  at  the  very  mo- 
ment of  Gardoqui's  information ;  and,  on  his  arrival  in  Kentucky, 
bought  up  all  the  produce  he  could  collect,  which  he  shipped  and 
disposed  of  as  before  mentioned;  and  for  some  time  all  the  trade 
for  the  Ohio  was  carried  on  in  his  name,  a  line  from  him  sufficing 
to  ensure  the  owner  of  the  boat  every  privilege  and  protection." 

A  report  such  as  this,  of  Wilkinson's  success  in  opening  the 
market  of  New  Orleans,  was  well  calculated  to  encourage  the 
Spanish  party  in  Kentucky,  on  which  he  relied  to  carry  out  his 
scheme  of  treason ;  and  to  lead  them  to  believe  that  the  freedom  of 
the  Mississippi  could  certainly  be  secured,  either  by  an  alliance  or 
a  war  with  Spain.  Accordingly  they  looked  forward  with  greater 
eagerness  to  the  ratification  of  the  act  of  separation,  by  the  conti- 
nental Congress,  as  the  first  step  towards  the  accomplishment  of 
their  wishes.  That  ratification  was  looked  to  as  a  matter  of  course; 
the  desire  of  the  people  of  Kentucky  had  been  often  expressed,  and 
the  State  of  Virginia  had  given  its  consent  by  the  passage  of  the 
act  of  separation.  When  John  Brown,  who  had  been  sent  as  a 
delegate  to  Congress  in  1787,  brought  up  the  subject  of  the  admis- 
sion of  Kentucky  into  the  confederacy,  it  was  believed  the  matter 
would  soon  be  disposed  of.  But  the  question  of  the  adoption  of 
the  constitution  was  under  discussion,  final  action  on  the  application 
of  Kentucky  was  delayed  until  after  its  ratification,  and  th^n  referred 
to  the  new  government  in  the  next  year. 

On  the  28th  of  July  the  sixth  Convention  met  at  Danville,  to 
proceed  with  the  business  of  making  a  Oonstdtntion,  when  newa^ 
reached  them  that  their  meeting  was  premature,  as  the  Legislature 
of  the  Union  had  not  given  the  necessary  sanction  to  the  act  of 
Virginia.  This  intelligence  amazed  and  irritated  them,  and  being 
accompanied  or  followed  by  intimations  from  Mr.  Brown,  that. 
82 


490 


ortns  or  spaih  to  ebhtuokt. 


1788. 


Spain  wonld  make  easy  terms  with  Uie  West,  were  the  Wect  once 
her  own  mistrefls ;  snrely,  it  is  not  strange,  that  the  leaders  of  the 
"Independence  "  party  were  disposed  to  act  with  decision  and  show 
8  spirit  of  self-reliance.  Wilkinson,  on  the  one  hand,  could  speak 
of  his  vast  profits  and  the  ftiendly  temper  of  the  south-western 
mlers,  while  Brown  wrote  home  thus : 

'<  The  eastern  States  would  not,  nor  do  I  think  they  ever  will 
assent  to  the  admission  of  the  district  into  the  Union,  as  an  inde- 
pendent State,  unless  Vermont,  or  the  province  of  Maine,  is  brought 
forward  at  the  same  time. 

"The  change  which  has  taken  place  in  the  general  government  is 
made  the  ostensible  objection  to  the  measure ;  but,  the  jealousy  of 
the  growing  importance  of  the  western  country,  and  an  unwilling- 
ness to  add  a  vote  to  the  southern  interest,  are  the  real  causes  of 
opposition.  The  question  which  the  district  will  now  have  to 
determine  upon,  will  be— whether,  or  not,  it  will  be  more  expedient 
to  continue  the  connexion  with  the  State  of  Virginia,  or  to  declare 
their  independence  and  proceed  to  frame  a  constitution  of  govern- 
ment? 

"  In  private  conferences  which  I  have  had  with  Mr.  Gardoqai, 
the  Spanish  minister,  at  this  place,  I  have  been  assured  by  him  in 
the  most  explicit  terms,  that  if  Kentucky  will  declare  her  independ- 
ence, and  empower  some  proper  person  to  negotiate  with  him,  that 
he  has  authority,  and  will  engage  to  open  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi,  for  the  exportation  of  their  produce,  on  terms  of  mutaal 
advantage.  But  that  this  privilege  never  can  be  extended  to  them 
while  part  of  the  United  States,  by  reason  of  commercial  treatiea 
existing  between  that  court  and  other  powers  of  Europe* 

"  As  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  the  sincerity  of  this  declaration, 
I  have  thought  proper  to  communicate  it  to  a  few  confidential 
friends  in  the  district,  with  his  permission,  not  doubting  but  that 
they  will  make  a  prudent  use  of  the  information — ^which  is  in  part 
confirmed  by  dispatches  yesterday  received  by  Congress,  from  Mr. 
Mr.  Oharraichal,  our  minister  at  that  court,  the  contents  of  which 
I  am  not  at  liberty  to  disclose."  * 

But  even  under  the  excitement  produced  by  such  prospects 
offered  from  abroad,  and  such  treatment  at  the  hands  of  their 
fellow-citizens,  the  mooibers  of  the  July  convention  took  no  hasty 
or  mischievous  steps.    Finding  their  own  powers  legally  at  an  end 


•i8m  MuiliBU't  Hittmy  of  Kmtaoky,  i.  p.  806, 


1788. 


A  SBVBNTB  OOXVBNTIOir  OALLBD  VM  KXNTUOKT. 


4tl 


in  oonsequenoe  of  the  course  panued  by  Oongreae,  thej  determined 
to  ac^ourn,  and  in  doing  so,  advised  the  calling  of  a  severUh  oonven* 
tion,  to  meet  in  the  following  November,  and  oonUnae  in  existence 
notil  January,  1790,  with  full  power — 

*'  To  take  such  roeaaures  for  obtaining  admission  of  the  district, 
as  a  separate  and  independent  member  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  and  the  navigation  of  the  Missisuppi,  as  may  appear  most 
conducive  to  those  important  purposes ;  and  also  to  form  a  consti< 
tution  of  goveniraent  for  the  district,  and  organise  the  same  when 
they  shall  judge  it  necessary;  or  to  do  and  accomplish  whatsoever, 
on  a  consideration  of  the  state  of  the  district,  may  in  their  opinion 
promote  its  interests." 

These  terms,  although  they  contain  nothing  necessarily  implying 
a  separation  from  Virginia  against  her  wish,  or  directly  authorizing 
the  coming  convention  to  treat  with  Spain,  were  still  supposed  to 
have  been  used  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  or  even  inviting  that 
body  to  take  steps,  however  much  against  the  letter  of  the  law; 
and  as  Mr.  Brown's  letters  showed  that  strong  temptations  were 
held  out  to  the  people  of  the  district  to  declare  themselves  inde- 
pendent, and  then  enter  into  negotiations  with  Spain,  George 
Muter,  Chief  Justice  of  the  District,  on  the  16th  of  October,  pub- 
lished a  letter  in  the  Kentucky  Qasette,  calling  attention  to  the 
£»ct  that  a  separation  without  legal  leave  from  the  parent  State, 
would  be  treason  against  that  State,  and  a  violation  of  the  Federal 
GoDstitution  then  just  formed. 

This  letter,  and  the  efforts  of  the  party  who  favored  strict 
adherence  to  legal  proceedings,  were  not  in  vain.  The  elections 
took  plaoe,  and  on  the  4th  of  November  the  Convention  met;  the 
contest  at  once  began,  but  the  two  parties  being  happily  balanced, 
both  in  and  out  of  the  convention,  the  greatest  caution  was  observed 
by  both,  and  all  excess  prevented. 

An  address  to  the  people  of  the  district  was  proposed  by  Wil- 
kinson, the  purpose  of  which  was  to  test  their  dispoeitions  as  to 
the  contested  points  of  illegal  independence  and  negotiation  with 
Spain — ^but  the  plan  of  issuing  such  a  paper  was  afterward  dropped, 
Congress  was  memorialized  respecting  the  Mississippi,  Virginia 
was  again  asked  for  an  act  of  separation,  and  the  Oonvention 
qaietly  adjourned  until  the  1st  Monday  of  the  following  August. 

It  is  not  improbable  that  one  tranquilizing  influence  was,  the  oor- 
tradietion  by  members  of  Congress,  of  tii«  report  that  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  Mississippi  was  to  be  relinquished  by  the  United  States. 
This  contradiction  had  been  anthoiized  on  tbe  18tk  of  Beptetnbor. 


OOimOLLT't  PLAir  Of  TMIAIOV. 


17S8. 


Boring  the  ftntnmn  of  thit  Mm«  year,  John  OonnoUj,  formerlj  of 
Pittabnrgh,  ^jpeared  agi^n  in  Ktntnolgr.  The  following  ttiitement 
■ent  bj  Colonel  Thonuu  Manhell,  to  General  Wathington,  in  the 
month  of  February,  1789,  details  hie  pnipoiee  and  movemente: 

"About  this  time,  (November,  1788,)  arrived  ftom  Canada  the 
infomoui  Doctor  (now  Colonel)  Connolly:  hit  oetensible  busineM 
wae  to  inquire  after,  and  re-poiseas  himielf  of,  some  lands  he 
formeriy  held  at  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio ;  but  I  believe  his  real  buei- 
nese  was  to  sound  the  dispositions  of  the  leading  men  of  this  dii. 
trict  respeoting  this  Spanbh  business.  He  knew  that  both  Colonel 
Muter  and  myself  had  given  it  all  the  opposition  in  convention  we 
were  able  to  do,  and  before  he  left  the  district  paid  us  a  visit, 
though  neither  of  us  had  the  honor  of  the  least  acquaintance  with 
him. 

"He  was  introduced  by  Colonel  John  Campbell,  his  old  co- 
purchaser  of  the  land  at  the  Falls,  formerly  a  prisoner  taken  by  the 
Indians,  and  confined  in  Canada,  who  previously  informed  us  of 
the  proposition  he  was  about  to  make.  He  (Connolly)  presently 
entered  upon  his  subject,  ui^d  the  great  importance  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi  most  be  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  western  waters, 
^owed  the  absolute  necessity  of  ouf  possessing  it,  and  concluded 
with  assurances  that  were  we  disposed  to  assert  our  right  respecting 
that  navigation.  Lord  Dorchester,  (formerly  Bir  Guy  Carlton,)  waa 
cordially  disposed  to  give  us  powerihl  assistance;  that  his  lordship 
had  (I  think  he  said)  four  thousand  British  troops  in  Canada, 
beside  two  re^ments  at  Detroit,  and  could  furnish  us  with  arms, 
ammunition,  clothing  and  money;  that,  with  this  assistance,  we 
might  possess  ourselves  of  New- Orleans,  fortify  the  Balise  at  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  and  keep  possession  in  spite  of  the  utmost 
efforts  of  Spain  to  the  contrary. 

"He  made  very  confident  professions  of  Lord  Dorchester's  wishes 
to  cultivate  the  most  friendly  intercourse  with  the  people  of  this 
country,  and  of  his  own  desire  to  become  serviceable  to  us,  and 
with  so  much  seeming  sincerity,  that  had  I  not  before  been 
aoquunted  with  his  oharaoter  as  a  man  of  intrigue  and  artftil 
addresa,  I  should  in  all  probability  have  j^ven  him  my  confidence. 

"I  told  him  that  the  minds  of  the  people  of  this  countiy  were 
so  strongly  prqndiced  against  the  British,  not  only  from  ci^ 
cumstances  attending  the  late  war,  but  from  a  persuasion  that  the 
Indians  w6re  at  this  time  stimukted  by  them  against  us,  and  tiiat 
so  long  as  those  savages  continued  to  commit  such  horrid  omeltiei 
oa  oar  d^naeless  frontiers,  and  were  received  as  friends  and  allies 


1789. 


WILKIMIOll'l  TBMAMMABLB  LlVTm. 


by  tho  British  ftt  Detroit,  it  would  be  impoeaible  for  ttiem  to  bt 
oonvinoed  of  the  linoerity  of  Lord  Doroheiter'a  offers,  let  bit 
pKyfeieioni  be  ever  so  stroDg ;  and,  that  if  hie  lordihip  would  have 
as  beliere  him  really  disposed  to  be  oar  Mend,  he  roust  begin  by 
showing  his  disapprobation  of  the  ravages  of  the  Indians. 

"He  admitted  the  Justioe  of  my  observation,  and  said  he  had 
urged  the  same  to  his  lordship  before  hie  left  Canada.  He  denied 
that  the  Indians  are  stimulated  against  us  by  the  British,  and  says, 
Lord  Doroh«§ter  observed,  that  the  Indians  are  free  and  indepen- 
dent nations,  and  have  a  right  to  make  peace  or  war  as  they  think 
fit,  and  that  he  could  not  with  propriety  interfere.  He  promised, 
however,  on  his  return  to  Canada  to  repeat  his  arguments  to  his 
lordship  on  the  subject,  and  hopes,  he  says,  to  succeed.  At  taking 
his  leave  he  begged  very  politely  the  favor  of  our  correspondence; 
we  both  promised  him,  providing  he  would  begin  it,  and  devise  a 
means  of  carrying  it  on.  He  did  not  tell  me  that  he  was  au^ 
thoriaed  by  Lord  Dorchester  to  make  us  these  offers  in  his  name, 
nor  did  I  ask  him ;  but  General  Scott  informs  me  that  he  told  him 
that  his  lordship  had  authorized  him  to  use  his  name  in  this 
business." 

While  Connolly  was  thus  engaged  in  the  attempt  to  seduce  the 
people  of  Kentucky  from  their  allegiance  to  the  Union,  and  to 
attach  them  to  the  British  interest,  Wilkinson  was  employed  in 
the  execution  of  his  treasonable  scheme  of  reducing  them  to 
condition  of  vassals  of  Spain.  A  letter  addressed  by  him  to  Miro, 
on  the  12th  of  February,  1789,  details  at  great  length  the  purposes 
he  entertained,  the  plaus  he  and  his  accomplices  were  pursuing, 
and  the  depths  of  degradation  into  which  they  had  plunged 
themselves.  It  is  worthy  of  insertion,  as  the  record  of  the  most 
infamous  episode  in  the  history  of  the  west.'*' 

^'Immediately  after  having  sent  you  my  dispatch  by  Miyor 
Dunn,  I  devoted  all  my  faculties  to  our  political  designs,  and  I  have 
never  since  turned  aside  from  the  pursuit  of  the  important  object 
we  have  in  view.  If  subsequent  events  have  not  come  up  to  our 
expectations,  still  I  conceive  that  they  are  such  as  to  inspire  us 
with  flattering  hopes  of  success  in  due  time,  and,  although  in  the 
conjectural  opinions  which  I  presented  to  you  and  Navarro,  I  may, 
in  some  particulars,  have  been  deceived,  you  will  yet  see  that,  in 
the  main,  I  expressed  myself  with  a  prophetic  spirit,  and  that  im- 


*See  Oftjarre's  Spanish  domination  in  Louisiana,  p.  228. 


494 


Wilkinson's  triasonablb  lhttkb. 


1789. 


portant  events  have  occurred,  to  confirm  the  accnracj  of  my  sen- 
timents. 

"When  Miyor  Dunn  left  Kentucky,  I  had  opened  myself  only  to 
the  Attorney-General  Innis,  and  to  Colonel  Bullitt,  who  fevor  our 
designs,  and  indirectly  I  had  sounded  others,  whom  I  also  found 
well  disposed  to  adopt  my  ideas.  But,  haying  made  a  more  strict 
examination,  I  discovered  that  the  proposed  new  government  of 
the  United  States  had  inspired  some  with  apprehensions,  and 
others  with  hopes — so  much  so  that  I  saw  that  this  circumstance 
would  be  a  cause  of  some  opposition  and  delay.  I  also  perceived 
that  all  idea  that  Kentucky  would  subject  itself  to  Spain,  must  be 
abandoned  for  the  present,  and  that  the  only  feasible  plan  to  the  exe- 
cution of  which  I  had  to  direct  my  attention,  was  that  of  a  separation 
from  the  United  States,  and  an  alliance  with  Spain,  on  conditions 
which  could  not  yet  be  defined  with  precision.  I  considered  that, 
whatever  be  the  time  when  the  separation  should  be  brought  about, 
this  district  being  then  no  longer  under  the  protection  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  Spain  might  dictate  her  own  terms ;  for  which  reason, 
I  embraced  without  delay  this  last  alternative. 

"  The  question  of  separation  from  the  United  States,  although 
discussed  with  vehemence  among  the  most  distinguished  inhabi- 
tants of  .this  section  of  the  country,  had  never  been  mentioned,  in 
a  formal  manner,  to  the  people  at  large,  but  now  was  the  time  for 
making  this  important  and  interesting  experiment,  and  it  became 
my  indispensable  mission  to  do  so.  I  had  to  work  on  a  ground 
not  yet  prepared  for  the  seed  to  be  deposited  in  it,  and  I  felt  that, 
to  produce  a  favorable  impression,  I  had  to  proceed  with  reserve, 
and  avoid  with  the  utmost  care,  any  demonstration  which  might  be 
calculated  to  cause  surprise  or  alarm.  For  these  motives,  I  gave 
an  equivocal  shape  to  the  expression  of  my  design,  speaking  of  it 
in  general  terms,  as  being  recommended  by  eminent  politicians  of 
the  Atlantic  coast,  with  whom  I  had  conversed  on  this  affair,  and 
thus,  by  indirect  suggestions  and  arguments,  I  inspired  the  people 
with  my  own  views,  without  presenting  them  as  such,  because  it 
would  have  been  imprudent  in  me  to  divulge  them  under  the  exist- 
ing circumstances,  and  I  can  give  you  the  solemn  assurance,  that  I 
found  all  the  men  belonging  to  the  first  class  of  society  in  the  dis- 
trict, with  the  exception  of  Colonel  Marshall,  our  surveyor,  and 
Colonel  Muter,  one  of  our  judges,  decidedly  in  favor  of  separation 
from  the  United  States,  and  of  an  alliance  with  Spain.  At  first, 
these  two  men  had  expressed  this  same  opinion  with  warmth,  but 
now  their  feelings  have  taken  a  different  direction,  from  private 


1789. 


•WILKINSON'S  TBBASONABLB  LBTTBB. 


49S 


motives  of  interest  and  personal  pique ;  for  which  reasons  I  have 
very  little  to  dread  from  their  influence ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  I 
foresaw  that  they  would  avail  themselves  of  the  opposition  made  by 
some  literary  demagogues,  who  were  under  the  influence  of  fear 
and  prejudice.  Nevertheless,  I  determined  to  lay  the  question 
before  our  Convention,  and  I  took  the  necessary  measures  ac- 
cordingly. 

"I  was  thus  occupied  until  the  28th  of  July,  on  which  day  our 
Convention  met  at  Danville,  in  conformity  with  the  ordinance  you 
saw  in  the  Gazette,  which  I  sent  you  by  Major  Dunn.  The  Hon- 
orable Samuel  M'Dowell,  President  of  the  Convention,  had,  the 
day  before,  received  a  packet  from  the  Secretary  of  Congress,  con- 
taining an  account  of  the  proceedings  of  that  body  on  the  subject 
which  excited  our  solicitude — ^that  is,  our  intended  separation  from 
the  State  of  Virginia. 

"  You  will  remember  that,  in  my  memorial,  I  was  of  opinion 
that  the  Atlantic  States  would  not  consent  to  the  admission  of  this 
district  into  the  Union,  as  an  independent  State,  but,  on  my  return 
from  New  Orleans,  I  was  induced  to  alter  my  opinion,  from  the  in- 
formation which  I  received  through  persons  of  the  highest  authority, 
and,  under  that  qew  impression,  I  wrote  you  by  Mtgor  Dunn.  Thus 
we  were  not  prepared  for  an  unexpected  event,  of  which  we  could 
have  received  no  premonition.  You  will  at  first  sight  discover,  on 
perusing  the  aforesaid  paper.  No.  1,  that  this  Act  of  Congress  was 
passed  with  the  intention  to  gain  time,  amuse  tnd  deceive  the  people 
of  this  district,  and  make  them  believe  that  they  could  rely  on  the 
good  dispositions  of  the  Atlantic  States,  until  the  formation  of  the 
new  government,  when  our  opponents  flatter  themselves  that  it  will 
be  able  to  check  our  designs.  Unfortunately,  this  artifice  produced 
but  too  much  effect  on  the  members  of  this  Convention,  and  con- 
firmed the  apprehensions  of  others. 

"From  this  proceeding  of  Congress  it  resulted,  that  the  Conven- 
tion was  of  opinion,  that  our  proposed  independence  and  separation 
from  Virginia  not  being  ratified,  its  mission  and  powers  were  at  an 
end,  and  we  found  ourselves  in  the  alternative,  either  of  proceed- 
ing to  declare  our  independence,  or  of  waiting,  according  to  the 
recommendation  of  Congress.  This  was  the  state  of  affairs,  when 
the  Honorable  Caleb  Wallace,  one  of  our  Supreme  Judges,  the 
Attorney-General  Innis,  and  Benjamin  Sebastian,  proposed  a 
prompt  separation  from  the  American  Union,  and  advocated  with 
intrepidity  the  necessity  of  the  measure.  The  artifice  of  Congress 
was  exposed,  its  proceedings  reprobated,  the  consequences  of  de- 


4W 


WILKINSON'S  TRBASONABLK  LBTTBR. 


1789. 


pending  on  a  body  whose  interests  were  opposed  to  ours,  were 
depicted  in  the  most  vivid  colors,  and  the  strongest  motives  were 
set  forth  to  justify  the  separation. 

"  The  arguments  used  were  unanswerable,  and  no  opposition  was 
manifested  in  the  course  of  the  debates.  It  was  unanimously  con- 
ceded that  the  present  connection  was  ii\jurious  to  our  interests, 
and  that  it  could  not  last  any  length  of  time.  Nevertheless,  sir, 
when  the  question  was  finally  taken,  fear  and  folly  prevailed  against 
reason  and  judgment.  It  was  thought  safer  and  more  convenient 
to  adhere  to  the  recommendation  of  Congress,  and,  in  consequence, 
it  was  decided  that  the  people  be  advised  to  elect  a  new  convention, 
which  should  meet  in  the  month  of  November,  in  conformity  with 
the  ordinance  which  yon  will  find  in  the  Gazette,  No.  2. 

"I  am  afraid  of  fatiguing  you  with  these  details,  but  I  felt  that 
it  is  my  duty,  in  an  affair  of  so  much  importance,  to  relate  facta  as 
they  have  occurred.  You  may  also  blame  me  for  having  raised 
this  question  so  soon,  and  at  a  time  when  I  had  grounds  to  doubt 
of  its  being  decided  favorably,  but  I  flatter  myself  that  my  inten- 
tions justify  my  course  of  action. ' 

"  To  consolidate  the  interests  and  confirm  the  confidence  of  our 
friends,  to  try  our  strength,  to  familiarize  the  people  with  what  we 
aim  at,  to  dissipate  the  apprehension  which  important  innovations 
generally  produce,  and  to  provoke  the  resentment  of  Congress, 
with  a  view  to  stimulate  that  body  into  some  invidious  political 
act,  which  might  excite  the  passions  of  the  people ;  these  are  the 
motives  which  infiuenced  me,  and  on  which  I  rely  for  my  justifica- 
tion. 

''The  last  convention  was  legally  elected,  and  met  at  Danville  in 
the  month  of  November,  in  conformity  with  the  decree  above 
mentioned.  Marshall  and  Muter  had,  in  the  meantime,  been  scat- 
tering distrusts  and  apprehensions  calculated  to  do  injury  to  our 
cause.  It  is  evident,  however,  that  it  has  acquired  considerable 
force;  but,  in  order  to  elicit  an  unequivocal  proof  of  the  disposi- 
tions of  that  assembly,  I  submitted  to  its  examination  my  original 
memorial  and  the  joint  answer  of  yourself  and  Navarro.  I  received, 
in  the  terms  which  you  will  find  in  the  Gazette,  No.  3,  the  unani- 
mous thanks  of  that  body,  in  token  of  its  approbation  of  my  conduct 
on  that  occasion.  Some  of  our  friends  urged  me  to  avail  myself 
of  this  opportunity  to  revive  the  great  question,  but  I  thought  that 
it  was  more  judicious  to  indulge  those  who,  for  the  moment,  wish 
only  that  a  new  application  be  made  in  relation  to  the  independ- 
ence and  separation  of  Kentucky  from  Virginia,  and  that  a  memo- 


1789. 


Wilkinson's  trbasonablb  lbttbb. 


m 


rial  be  addressed  to  Congress  on  the  necessity  of  obtaining  the 
free  use  of  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  I  assented  to  these 
last  propositions  the  more  readily,  that  it  was  unanimously  resolved 
that,  should  any  of  them  be  rejected,  then  the  people  would  be 
invited  to  adopt  all  the  measures  necessary  to  secure  for  themselves 
a  separate  government  from  that  of  the  United  States,  because  it 
would  have  become  evident  that  Congress  had  neither  the  will  nor 
the  power  to  satisfy  their  hopes.  I  determined,  therefore,  to  Wiait 
for  the  effects  which  will  result  from  the  disappointment  of  those 
hopes,  and  on  which  I  rely  to  unite  the  couutry  into  one  opinion. 
This  is  the  basis  on  which  the  great  question  now  rests,  and  the 
convention  has  adjourned  to  the  next  month. 

"  Thus,  sir,  if  we  review  the  policy  favored  by  the  inhabitants  oi 
Kentucky,  we  see  that  the  most  intelligent  and  the  wealthiest  relish 
oar  designs,  which  are  opposed  by  only  two  men  of  rank,  who, 
controlled  by  tlieir  fean^of  silly  demagogues,  and  filling  their  fol- 
lowers with  hopes  from  the  expected  action  of  the  new  Congress, 
have  caused  the  suspension  of  the  measures  we  had  in  view  to 
unite  the  people,  and  thus  to  secure  the  success  of  our  plans  with- 
out  involving  the  country  in  violent  civil  commotion. 

"There  are  three  conditions  which  are  requisite  to  perpetuate 
the  connection  of  this  section  of  the  country  with  the  Atlantic 
States.  The  first,  and  the  most  important,  is  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi;  the  second,  which  is  of  equal  consequence,  is  the 
admission  of  this  district  into  the  Union  as  an  independent  State, 
and  on  the  same  footing  with  the  others ;  the  third,  and  the  last, 
which  is  of  less  moment,  is  the  exemption  from  taxes  until  the 
befalling  of  the  two  events  previously  mentioned.  Now,  Sir,  as 
two  of  these  conditions  are  inadmissible,  either  by  the  Atlantic 
States  or  by  Spain,  can  any  one  hesitate  to  declare  what  will  be 
the  consequences  ?  With  due  deference,  I  say,  No ;  because,  as  it 
is  not  rational  to  suppose  the  voluntary  casting  away  of  property, 
that  another  may  profit  by  it,  so  it  is  not  to  be  presumed  that  the 
Eastern  States,  which  at  present  have  the  balance  of  power  in  their 
favor  in  the  American  gpvernment,  will  consent  to  strip  themselves 
of  this  advantage,  and  increase  the  weight  of  the  Southern  States, 
by  acknowledging  the  independence  of  this  district  and  admitting 
it  to  be  a  member  of  the  Federal  Union.  That  the  people  of 
Kentucky,  as  soon  as  they  are  certain  of  their  being  refused  what 
they  claim,  will  separate  from  the  United  States,  is  proclaimed 
even  by  Marshall,  Muter,  and  their  more  timid  followers. 


498 


WILKUrSON'S  TBSASOKABIil  LIRIB. 


1789. 


*'The  same  effect  will  be  prodaced  by  the  saspenBion  of  the 
navigatiou  of  the  Missiflsippi,  which  lies  entirely  in  the  power  of 
Spain,  and  which  must  reduce  this  section  of  the  country  to  miseiy 
and  ruin ;  and  as  it  has  been  stipulated  that  the  operations  of  the 
Federal  Government  shall  be  uniform,  the  new  Congress  will  have 
to  lay  taxes,  without  exception  whatever,  over  the  whole  country 
submitted  to  its  jurisdiction.  The  people  here,  not  having  the 
means  of  paying  those  taxes,  will  resist  them,  and  the  authority  of 
the  new  government  will  be  set  at  naaght,  which  will  produce  a 
civil  war,  and  result  in  the  separation  of  the  West  from  the  East. 

"  This  event  is  written  in  the  book  of  destiny.  But  if,  to 
produce  it,  we  trust  solely  to  the  natural  effect  of  political  measures, 
we  shall  experience  some  delay.  It  is  in  the  power  of  Spain, 
however,  to  precipitate  its  accomplishment  by  a  judicious  co-opera* 
tion ;  and  permit  me  here  to  illustrate  the  observations  which  I 
presented  some  time  ago  to  yourself  and  Navarro,  in  my  answer  to 
your  inquiries  as  to  the  nature  of  that  co-operation. 

"As  long  as  the  connection  between  the  Americans  of  the  East 
and  of  the  West  on  this  side  of  the  Appalachian  mountains  shall 
produce  reciprocal  benefits,  and  an  equal  security  to  their  common 
interests  and  happiness,  the  Union  will  maintain  itself  on  a  solid 
foundation,  and  will  resist  any  effort  to  dissolve  it ;  but,  as  soon  as  it 
shall  be  ascertained  that  one  section  of  the  confederacy  derives  from 
the  Union  more  advantages  than  the  other,  and  that  the  blessings 
of  a  good  government — such  as  peace  and  protection— cannot  be 
equally  distributed,  then  harmony  will  cease,  and  jealousies  will 
arise,  producing  discord  and  disunion.  In  order  to  aid  the  favor- 
able dispositions  of  Providence,  to  foment  the  suspicions  and 
feelings  of  distrust  already  existing  here,  and  inflame  the  animosity 
between  the  Eastern  and  Western  States,  Spain  must  resort  to 
every  artifice  and  other  means  which  may  be  in  her  power. 

<'  I  have  stated  that  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  its 
admission  as  an  independent  State  and  a  member  of  the  Union,  are 
rights  claimed  by  the  people  of  this  part  of  the  country,  and  con- 
stituting one  of  the  principal  conditions  un^er  which  its  connection 
with  the  Atlantic  States  is  to  continue.  Hence  it  follows,  that 
every  manifestation  of  the  power  of  Spain  and  of  the  debility  of 
the  United  States,  every  evidence  of  the  resolution  of  the  former 
to  retain  exclusively  for  herself  the  right  of  navigation  on  the 
Mississippi,  and  every  proof  of  the  incapacity  of  the  latter,  will 
facilitate  our  views.    Every  I'rcumstance  also  that  will  tend  to 


1789. 


WILKIHSON'B  TBBASOVABLl  UrtTBB. 


490 


impede  our  admission  as  kn  independent  State,  will  loosen  the 
attachment  of  many  individuals,  increase  the  discontent  of  the 
people,  and  fitvor  the  execution  of  our  plan. 

"  Until  I  devoted  myself  entirely  to  the  afiair  in  which  we  are 
engaged,  I  confess  that  I  could  not  discover  the  aim  of  the  first 
treaty  proposed  hy  Qardoqni  to  Congress,  hut  it  seems  to  me  now 
that  I  can  penetrate  its  policy.  I  consider  it  as  profoundly  judicious, 
and  I  am  of  opinion  that  it  ought  to  be  renewed  and  vigorously 
carried  on,  until  its  objects  be  attained,  cost  what  it  may,  because, 
besides  that  the  proposed  relinquishment  of  the  right  of  navigating 
the  Mississippi  would  immediately  disrupt  the  Union,  and  separate 
forever  the  West  from  the  East,  tbe  sanction  of  the  treaty  by  Con- 
gress would  make  our  situation  so  truly  desperate,  that  Great  Bri-. 
tain  would  not  venture  to  intervene  in  our  favor,  and  all  our  hopes 
would  rest  on  the  liberality  of  Spain. 

"Whilst  this  affair  is  pending,  Spain  ought  to  consider  the  navi- 
gation of  the  Mississippi  as  one  of  the  most  precious  jewels  of  her 
crown.  For,  whatever  power  shall  command  that  navigation,  will 
control  all  the  country  which  is  watered  by  that  river  and  by  those 
streams  which  fall  into  it.  This  control  will  be  as  effective  and 
complete  as  that  of  the  key  upon  the  lock,  or  that  of  the  citadel 
over  the  exterior  works  which  it  commands.  The  grant  of  this 
boon  ought  to  be  looked  upon  as  the  price  of  our  attachment  and 
gratitude,  and  I  beg  leave  to  be  permitted  to  repeat,  that  there 
must  be  known  no  instance  of  its  being  extended  to  any  other 
than  those  who  understand  and  promote  the  interests  of  Spain  in 
this  part  of  the  country.  I  entreat  you,  sir,  to  believe,  that  this 
question  of  navigation  is  the  main  one  on  which  depends  the  union 
of  the  West  and  East,  and  that,  if  Congress  can  obtain  the  free  use 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  if  Spain  should  cede  it  without  condition, 
it  would  strengthen  the  Union,  and  would  deprive  Spain  of  all  its 
influence  on  this  district. 

"  The  sanguine  spirit  of  an  American  impels  him  to  construe  in 
his  favor  every  thing  that  is  left  doubtful,  and  therefore  Spain  can- 
not act  with  too  absolute  precision  on  this  important  question. 
Tou  must  not  forget,  sir,  that  such  was  my  first  impression,  in 
which  I  have  been  daily  confirmed  by  subsequent  observations  and 
experience.  The  concessions  of  the  Americans  will  be  in  propor- 
tion to  the  energy  and  power  exhibited  by  Spain ;  but  were  she  to 
yield,  she  would  lose  much  in  dignity  and  consideration,  and  she 
would  breed  in  the  Americans  a  spirit  of  pride  and  self-importance 
quite  incompatible  with  our  designs.    Thus,  the  privileges  con- 


600 


vilxinsoh's  tbbasomablb  lbttib. 


1789. 


ceded  to  emigrants  are  an  obstacle  in  the  way  of  our  great  under- 
taking, because,  aa  they  were  bestowed  before  they  were  asked  for, 
and  as  they  were  entirely  unexpected,  they  have  been  considered 
here  by  many  as  the  effects  of  fear,  and  as  a  prelude  to  the  removal 
of  all  restrictions  whatever  on  our  commerce. 

"  The  generality  of  our  population  are  constantly  discussing  and 
fostering  these  ideas,  and  as  long  as  the  hopes  they  have  conceived 
on  this  subject  are  kept  up,  it  is  a  circumstance  which  will  militate 
in  favor  of  the  Union,  and  will  delay  the  eftect  of  my  operations. 

^'  With  due  deference  I  may  be  permitted  to  say,  that  to  people 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi  with  Americans  ought  to  be  an  object 
of  secondary  importance  to  the  interests  of  his  Oatholic  Majesty, 
because  there  is  no  necessity  to  transplant  a  population  which  can 
be  controlled  and  governed  on  the  soil  where  it  grows  naturally. 
The  engrafted  branch  retains  the  primitive  qualities  of  the  parent 
trunk.  Moreover,  if  Spain  can  establish  colonies  of  Americans  on 
the  Mississippi,  there  is  no  reason  why  she  should  not  have  them 
also  on  the  Ohio.  It  is  an  incontestible  fact,  worthy  of  your  atten- 
tion, that  the  emigrants  who  have  come  down  the  Ohio,  in  order 
to  settle  in  Louisiana,  are  insolvent  debtors  and  fugitives  from  jas- 
tice,  and  are  poor  and  without  principles.  Such  people  are  not 
only  unworthy  vassals,  but  also  ought  to  be  looked  upon  as  dan- 
gerous characters,  against  whom  it  is  prudelit  to  be  on  one's 
guard. 

"But,  sir,  should  unforeseen  events  produce  results  contrary  to 
my  wishes,  to  my  logical  deductions  and  to  my  hopes,  should  an 
obstinate  resistance  to  forming  a  connection  with  Spain,  or  should 
an  unexpectedly  hostile  disposition  manifest  itself  in  these  settle- 
ments, then  the  true  policy  would  be  to  make  of  emigration  the 
principal  object  to  be  obtained,  and  Spain  would  always  have  the 
power,  through  some  agents  of  an  eminent  rank  here,  to  draw  to 
her  the  most  respectable  portion  of  the  population  of  this  district 
Hundreds  have  applied  to  me  on  this  subject,  who  are  determined 
to  follow  my  example,  and  I  do  not  deceive  myself,  nor  do  I  de- 
ceive you,  sir,  when  I  affirm  that  it  is  in  my  power  to  lead  a  large 
body  of  the  most  opulent  and  most  respectable  of  my  fellow- 
citizens  whither  J  shall  go  myself  at  their  head,  and  I  flatter  my- 
self that,  after  the  dangers  I  have  run  and  the  sacrifices  which  I 
have  made,  after  having  put  my  honor  and  my  life  in  your  hands, 
you  can  have  no  doubts  of  my  favorable  dispositions  toward  tho 
interests  of  his  Catholic  Migesty,  as  long  as  my  poor  services  shall 
be  necessary. 


1789. 


WHKIRSOR'S  TBBAfONABLl  LlRIBi 


501 


"  After  having  read  these  remarks,  yon  will  be  surprised  at  being 
informed,  tljat  lately  I  have,  jointly  with  Bevera^  gentlemen  of  this 
country,  applied  to  Don  Diego  Giutloqni  for  a'conoession  of  land, 
in  order  to  fbrm  a  settlement  on  the  river  Yasoo.  The  motive  dT 
this  application  is  to  procure  a  place  of  refiige  for  myself  and  my 
adherents,  in  case  it  should  become  necessary  tbr  us  to  retire  from 
this  country,  in  order  to  avoid  the  resentment  of  Oongress.  It  is 
true  that  there  is  not,  so  far,  the  slightest  appearance  of  it,  but  it  is 
judicious  to  provide  for  all  possible  contingencies. 

"  These  observations  are  sincere  and  well  meant,  and  although 
I  still  continue  to  be  without  any  answer  froin  the  Spanish  minis- 
tty,  I  consider  myself  bound  in  honor  to  proceed  in  my  under- 
taking  until  I  obtain  favorable  results.  Ardent  are  my  wishes  and 
strong  are  my  hopes,  but  may  not  both  be  illusive?  Is  it  not  pos- 
sible that  Great  Britain  may  have  accomplished  her  desires,  by 
exchanging  Gibralbr  for  the  two  Floridas  and  the  Island  of  New 
Orleans  ?  It  is  a  rumor  which  is  afloat  in  America,  and  I  must 
confess  that  it  fills  me  with  anxiety;  for  I  have  a  very  recent  proof 
that  that  power  turns  its  attention  to  this  country  with  the  utmost 
earaestness,  and  sets  in  motion  eveiy  sort  of  machinery  to  secure 
its  aim,  because,  whilst  William  Eden  is  negotiating  in  Madrid 
with  his  Excellency  the  Count  of  Florida  Blanca,  Lord  Dorchester, 
the  Governor  of  Canada,  scatters  his  emissaries  in  this  district,  to 
win  over  the  people  to  the  interests  of  Great  Britain.  The  docu- 
ment No.  4  contains  an  authentic  copy  of  the  letter  of  General  St. 
Glair,  governor  of  the  northern  portion  of  the  territory  of  Ohio,  to 
Miyor  Dunn.  That  letter,  sir,  is  the  proof  that  the  part  which  I 
play  in  our  great  enterprise,  and  the  dangers  to  which  I  am  exposed 
for  the  service  of  his  Catholic  Miyesty,  are  known;  and  it  will 
serve  at  the  same  time  to  evidence  the  correctness  of  the  informa- 
tion which  I  gave  in  my  memorial  in  relation  to  the  designs  of 
Great  Britain.  Whence  and  how  General  St.  Clair  has  acquired 
any  knowledge  of  the  views  of  Spain,  I  cannot  guess,  unless  iio 
should  have  inferred  them  from  the  indiscreet  zeal  of  Don  Diego 
Oardoqui,  which  may  have  hurried  that  gentleman  into  coutiden- 
tial  communications  to  persons  unworthy  of  that  trust,  and  even 
to  strangers,  as  must  have  been  demonstittted  to  you  by  the  extract 
of  his  letter  to  Colonel  Morgan,  which  you  will  find  in  the  paper 
marked  No.  5,  and  which  is  now  circulating  over  the  whole  of  this 
district  So  far  as  I  am  concerned,  having  shared  in  this  impor- 
tant affitir,  I  will  endeavor  to  discharge  with  fidelity  the  part 
SMigued  to  me,  without  being  deteired  by  the  fear  of  consequeuueS) 


wk 


WXUCniBOIl'B  TBBASONABLI  UtXm* 


1T8». 


alwajs  relying  on  the  generosity  of  his  migesty,  who  will  indem- 
nify me  or  my  fiunily  for  whatever  loss  of  fortune  I  may  incur. 

"The  British  Golonel  Oonnolly,  who  is  mentioned  in  General 
St.  Clair's  letter,  arrived  at  Louisville  in  the  beginning  of  October, 
haviug  traveled  from  Detroit  through  the  woods,  to  the  mouth  of 
the  river  Big  Miami,  from  which  he  came  down  the  Ohio  in  a 
boat  My  agent  in  that  town  (Louisville)  gave  me  immediate 
information  of  that  fact,  and  of  the  intention  which  Oonnolly  had 
to  visit  me.  Suspecting  the  nature  of  the  negotiation  he  had  on 
hand,  I  determined,  in  order  to  discover  his  secret  views,  to  be 
beforehand  with  him,  and  to  invite  him  here.  Consequently  he 
came  to  my  house  on  the  8th  of  November.  I  received  him 
courteously,  and,  as  I  manifested  fovorable  dispositions  toward  the 
interests  of  his  Britannic  Migesty,  I  soon  gained  his  confidence— 
so  much  so,  that  he  informed  me  that  Great  Britain,  desiring  to 
assist  the  American  settlers  in  the  West,  in  their  efforts  to  open 
the  navigation  of  the  MissisMppi,  would  join  them  with  ready  zeid, 
to  dispossess  Spain  of  Louisiana.  He  remarked  that  the  forces  in 
Canada  were  not  sufficient  to  send  detachments  of  them  to  us,  bat 
that  Lord  Dorchester  would  supply  us  with  all  the  implements  of 
war,  and  with  money,  clothing,  &c.  .  .  .  to  equip  ten  thousand 
men,  if  we  wished  to  engage  in  that  enterprise.  He  added  that, 
as  soon  as  our  plan  of  operation  should  be  agreed  upon,  these 
articles  would  be  sent  from  Detroit,  through  Lake  Erie,  to  the 
the  river  Miami,  and  thence  to  the  Wabash,  to  be  transported  to 
any  designated  point  on  the  Ohio,  and  that  a  fleet  of  light 
vessels  would  be  ready  at  Jamaica  to  teke  possession  of  the  Balize, 
at  the  same  time  that  we  should  make  an  attack  from  above.  He 
assured  me  that  he  was  authorized  by  Lord  Dorchester  to  confer 
honors  and  other  rewards  on  the  men  of  influence,  who  should 
enter  on  that  enterprise,,  and  that  all  those  who  were  officers 
in  the  late  continental  army,  should  be  provided  with  the  same 
grade  in  the  service  oi  Great  Britain.  He  urged  me  much  to  favor 
his  designs,  offering  me  what  rank  and  emoluments  I  might  wish 
for,  and  telling  me  at  the  same  time  that  he  was  empowered  to 
grant  commissions  for  the  raising  of  two  regiments  which  he  hoped 
to  form  in  Kentucky.  After  having  pumped  out  of  him  all  that 
I  wished  to  know,  I  began  to  weaken  his  hopes  by  observing  that 
the  feelings  of  animosity  engendered  by  the  late  revolution  were 
■0  recent  in  the  hearts  oi  tiie  Americans,  that  X  considered  it 
impossible  to  entice  them  into  an  alliance  with  Great  Britun ;  tha^ 
la  thia  district,  particakrly  in  thiU  fari  of  it  where  the  iuhabitantt 


1789. 


wilkivson's  niAiONABLi  Limm. 


Ml 


bad  snfibred  ao  much  ftom  the  barbarons  hostilities  of  the  IndianS) 

which  were  attributed  to  British  inflaenoe,  the  resentment  of  erery 

individoal  was  much  more  intense  and  implacable.    In  order  to 

justify  this  opinion  of  mine  and  induce  him  to  go  back,  I  employed 

a  hunter,  who  feigned  attempting  his  life.    The  pretext  assumed 

by  the  hunter  wae  the  avenging  of  the  death  of  his  son,  murdered 

by  the  Indians  at  the  supposed  instigation  of  the  English.    As  I 

hold  the  commission  of  a  Civil  Judge,  it  was,  of  course,  to  be  my 

duty  to  protect  him  against  the  pretended  murderer,  whom  I 

caused  to  be  arrested  and  held  in  custody.    I  avfdled  myself  of 

this  circumstance  to  communicate  to  Connolly  my  fiear  of  not  being 

able  to  answer  for  the  security  of  his  person,  and  I  expressed  my 

doubts  whether  he  could  escape  widi  life.     It  alarmed  him  so 

much,  that  he  begged  me  to  give  him  an  escort  to  conduct  him  out 

of  our  territory,  which  I  readily  assented  to,  and  on  the  20th  of 

November,  he  recrosaed  ibe  Ohio  on  his  way  back  to  Detroit.    I 

did  not  dismiss  him  without  having  previously  impressed  upon 

him  the  propriety  of  informiug  me,  in  as  short  a  time  as  possible, 

of  the  ultimate  design  of  Lord  Dorchester.     As  this  man  was 

under  the  protection  of  the  laws  of  nations,  and  as  he  carefully 

avoided  to  commit  any  offence  against  our  government,  I  con> 

eidered  the  measure  I  had  resorted  to  as  the  most  appropriate  to 

destroy  his  hopes  with  regard  to  this  country,  and  I  think  that  the 

relation  he  will  make  on  his  return  to  Canada  will  produce  the 

desired  effect.    But  should  the  British  be  disposed  to  renew  the 

same  attempt,  as  it  may  very  well  turn  out  to  be  the  case,  I  shall 

be  ready  to  oppose  and  crush  it  in  the  bud. 

"Thus,  sir,  yon  see  realized  the  opinions  I  expressed  in  my 
memorial  relatively  to  the  views  which  Great  Britain  had  on  this 
part  of  the  country.  But  whilst  I  reveal  to  you  the  designs  of  thMt 
power,  permit  me  a  few  reflections  on  the  conduct  of  France  with 
regard  to  these  settlements.  I  know  that  the  family  compact  will 
compel  her  to  assist  Spain  against  any  hostility  whatever.  May 
not  Spain,  however,  be  exposed  to  suffer  from  the  subtile  policy 
and  machinations  of  the  most  intriguing  and  the  craftiest  of  all 
nations?  It  is  to  my  knowledge  that  the  Court  of  Versailles  has, 
for  years  past,  been  collecting  every  sort  of  information  on  this 
district,  and  that  it  would  give  a  great  deal  to  recover  its  posses- 
Bions  on  the  Mississippi.  In  the  year  1785,  a  Knight  of  St.  Louis, 
named  D'Arges,  arrived  at  the  falls  of  the  Ohio,  gave  himself  out 
for  a  naturalist,  and  pretended  that  his  object  was  to  inquire  into 
the  enrious  iM*oductiioiMi  of  this  country ;  bat  his  manner  of  living 


fiO« 


WILIUniOM'S  TBIAIOHABUI  LBRIR. 


1789. 


oontmdioted  His  Msertlon.  He  made  few  ftoquaintanoes,  lived  veiy 
retired,  and  daring  one  year  that  he  remained  here,  he  never  went 
ont  of  Looiiville,  where  he  resided,  ftirther  than  six  miles.  On  his 
pernsing  the  first  memorial  which  the  people  of  this  district  pre- 
sented to  the  Legislature  of  Vii^nia  on  the  qnestion  of  separation, 
he  expressed  his  admiration  that  there  should  be  in  so  new  a  coun- 
try a  writer  capable  of  framing  such  a  composition;  and,  after 
having  made  some  reflections  on  the  progresrive  importance  of  our 
settlements,  he  exclaimed,  with  enthusiasm,  **0ood  God/  my  country 
has  been  bUnd,  Imt  Ua  eyes  shall  soon  be  open  I"  The  coniidential 
fiiend  of  this  gentleman  was  a  Mr.  Tardiveau,  who  had  resided 
many  years  in  Kentucky.  D'Arges  used  to  draw  drafts  on  M.  de 
Marfoois,  then  Consul  of  France  at  New  Tork,  and,  finally,  he 
lived  as  one  who  belonged  to  the  family  of  Count  de  Moustier,  the 
French  minister,  and  I  am  informed  from  a  good  source,  that  he 
presented  to  thia  fame  Count  de  Moustier  a  very  elaborate  memo- 
rial on  these  settlements,  which  was  forwarded  to  the  Court  of 
France. 

**■  Perhaps,  sir,  you  will  think  this  information  frivolous,  but  I  am 
sure  yon  will  believe  that  it  proceeds  from  my  devoted  zeal  for  the 
interests  of  Spain.  Please  remember  that  trifles  as  light  as  nir 
frequently  are,  for  the  faithful  and  the  zealous,  proofs  as  strong  as 
th«.9^of  iHoly  Writ. 

"Before  closing  this  letter,  I  shall  take  the  liberty  to  observe 
that,  in  order  to  secure  the  success  of  our  schemes,  the  most  entire 
confidence  must  be  reposed  in  your  agent  here,  because,  without  it, 
his  representations  will  be  received  with  suspicion,  and  his  recom- 
mendations disregarded,  or  executed  with  tardy  precaution — which 
is  capable  of  defeating  the  most  ably  devised  plan.  Whether  I 
possess  that  confidence  or  not,  is  what  I  am  ignorant  of,  but  the 
Almighty,  who  reads  the  hearts  of  all  men,  knows  that  I  deserve  it, 
because  nobody  ever  undertook  a  cause  with  more  honest  zeal  and 
devotion  than  I  have  this  one.  You  may  therefore  conceive  the 
Mixiety  which  I  feel  on  account  of  the  silence  of  your  government 
on  my  memorial,  and  I  infinitely  regret  that  some  communication, 
in  relation  to  this  part  of  the  country,  should  not  be  transmitted 
through  Louisiana,  because  I  know  that  the  negotiations  may  bo 
conducted  through  that  channel  with  more  secrecy,  and  with  bet- 
ter results. 

"I  deem  it  useless  to  mention  to  a  gentleman  well  versed  in  po- 
litical history,  that  the  great  spring  and  prime  mover  in  all  negoti- 
ations is  money.    Although  not  being  authorized  by  you  to  do  so, 


1788. 


OOLONIL  MOKOAH  RIMOTIM      u  LOVIR     il. 


605 


yet  I  foand  it  iiecessaiy  to  use  this  le\ .  r,  in  orde..-  to  confirm  some 
of  oar  most  eminent  oitisens  in  their  ftMatshmenf  to  our  oanse,  and 
to  supply  others  with  the  means  of  operating  with  vigor.  For  these 
ohjeots  I  have  advanced  five  thousand  dollars  out  of  my  own  funds, 
and  half  of  this  sum,  applied  opportunely,  would  attract  Marshall 
and  Muter  on  our  side,  but  it  is  now  impossible  for  me  to  dis- 
burse it 

"I  shall  not  write  you  again  before  the  month  of  May,  unless 
some  unexpected  event  should  require  it  At  that  time,  I  will 
inform  you  of  the  decision  of  Virginia,  and  of  Congress,  on  our 
last  application,  and  I  do  not  doubt  but  that  our  affiiirs  will  soon 
assume  a  smiling  aspect" 

While  the  intrigue  of  Wilkinson  and  Miro  was  in  progress, 
Gardoqui,  in   ignorance   of   the   plot,  was  seeking  in   another 
way  to  turn  the  discontents  of  the  West  to  the  advantage  of 
Spain.     He  had  not  fathomed  the  policy  so  strongly  urged  by 
Wilkinson,  to  hold  the  navigation  of  the  river,  and  the  enjoyment 
of  commercial  privilege,  as  the  price  of  disunion ;  and  was  seeking 
to  serve  the  same  end,  by  holding  out  inducements  to  Americans 
disaatisfied   with  the  government,  to  emigrate  to  the  Spanish 
dominions.   Ool.  George  Morgan,  qf  New  Jersey,  was  sent  to  New 
Tork  by  a  land  company  in  that  State,  to  negotiate  the  purchase 
of  a  large  tract  of  land  in  Illinois,  from  the  continental  Congress. 
While  there  he  became  acquainted  with  the  inducements  Qardoqui 
was  ofiTering  to  emigrants  from  the  United  States,  and  determined 
to  transfer  his  negotiations  from  the  confederacy  to  Spain.  Accord- 
ingly he  addressed  a  memorial  to  Gardoqui,  setting  forth  at  length 
the  advantages  that  would  accrue  to  Spain  from  a  settlement  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Ohio,  and  asking  for  a  grant  of  twenty  miles  square, 
for  the  purpose  of  founding  a  colony  from  the  United  States  near 
that  point    Gardoqui  approved  his  scheme;   his  memorial  was 
forwarded  to  the  Spanish  court,  and  a  grant,  extending  from  the 
mouth  of  the  St  Francis  river  to  Point  Cinq  Hommes,  containing 
Bome  twelve  to  fifteen  millions  of  acres,  was  conceded  to  him  lor 
that  purpose. 

In  the  spring  of  1788,  Morgan  passed  down  the  river  with  a  small 
colony  and  took  possession  of  his  grant  There  on  the  site  of  the 
old  hamlet  of  L'Anse  d'  la  Gresse,  he  laid  the  foundation  of  a 
eity,  which,  in  compliment  to  the  Spaniards,  he  called  New  Madrid. 
The  position  of  the  new  city,  the  inducements  ofiTered  to  immi- 
grants  and  the  trade  of  the  Mississippi,  whidi  had  been  guaranteed 
88 


606 


wiLKiviON  onrouHcnf  oolomil  mokoait. 


1788. 


to  iti  popolation,  •vidently  imprasMd  Moigui  with  lh«  b«Iief  that 
New  Madrid  wm  destined  to  become  a  place  of  great  importance ; 
and  accordingly  it  was  laid  out  on  a  scale  supposed  to  be  in  keep- 
ing with  the  pretensions  of  the  metropolis  of  the  Mississippi  valley. 
The  survey  extended  ft-om  the  month  of  the  Bayou  Ft.  John  to  the 
outlet  of  l^e  lake  8te  Marie,  fronting  a  mile  on  the  river  and  run- 
ning back  an  equal  distance.  A  broad  plateau  or  common  was 
laid  off  in  the  rear  of  the  town,  to  separate  it  from  the  plantations 
in  the  country.  Wide  streets  were  laid  off  at  right  angles  to  each 
other,  and  spacious  squares  were  surveyed  in  different  parts  of  the 
town,  for  public  buildings,  churches  and  pleasure  grounds.  The 
site  of  the  city  was  well  chosen  on  a  beautiful  plateau  of  crescent 
form,  commanding  a  view  of  the  river  both  above  and  below  for 
many  miles. 

Morgan's  scheme  of  colonisation  was  very  distasteful  to  Wilkin- 
son, and  accordingly  he  took  occasion  at  once  to  denounce  it  to 
Miro.  In  a  political  view,  he  said,  Morgan's  colony  would  have 
the  most  pernicious  consequences,  because  the  Americans  settled 
there,  would  preserve  their  old  prejudices  and  be  Americans  still, 
and  that  would  destroy  the  noble  &bric  of  which  they  had  laid  the 
foundations,  and  which  they  were  endeavoring  to  complete. 

Miro  became  alarmed,  and  addressed  a  remonstrance  to  his 
government  against  the  impolitic  concessions  of  Qardoqui.  Imme- 
diately afterward  he  wrote  to  Morgan  to  inform  him  that  the 
conditions  of  his  grant  were  inadmissible,  and  therefore,  he  wonid 
be  under  the  necessity  of  rescinding  it.  But  because  he  bad  only 
been  influenced  by  an  excess  of  seal  to  serve  the  king,  he  would 
grant  him  a  concession  of  one  thousand  acres  for  himself,  and  an 
equal  share  for  each  of  his  sons,  and  that  a  fort  should  be  constructed 
on  the  site  of  his  new  city,  with  a  Spanish  garrison  to  protect  him 
and  his  colonists. 

Wilkinson  was  not  the  only  traitor  to  his  country  in  that  eventfnl 
day.  A  considerable  population  had  found  its  way  over  the  moun- 
tains into  the  eastern  part  of  Tennessee,  as  early  as  the  period  of 
the  revolutionary  war.  In  1777,  the  jurisdiction  of  North  Carolina 
was  formally  extended  over  the  new  settlement,  under  her  colonial 
claim  to  the  Mississippi,  and  the  county  of  Washington  was  formed, 
comprising  the  whole  State  of  Tennessee.    In  the  next  year,  a 

'  colony  of  refugees  from  tho  tyranny  of  the  British  in  Carolina 
imietrated  the  wilderness,  and  located  tibemseWes  oa  the  Cumber- 
land,  near  the  site  of  Nashville. 

iM^vjUjiter  tlio  revolution  a  large  emigration  set  in  from  the  Bouthen 


1788. 

States  to  t 
Tiie  city  o 
of  the  Cud 
thousand,  « 
to  the  Stat 
these  growi 
counties,  wc 
eastern,  and 
The  jurist 
exercised  thi 
its  capital;  a 
agitated.    T] 
relief  to  the  j 
to  cede  the  i 
two  years,  to 
State.      But 
hostility  of  tl 
the  parent  St 
tion;  and,  wc 
designated  for 
To  provide 
convention  of 
was  resolved  t< 
from  North  Ca 
for  the  govern 
was  decided, 
the  Washingto; 
the  "State  of 
executive  offic 
admission  into 
But  the  Coi 
irregularly  fon 
North  Carolina 
to  enforce  the 
legislative  conv« 
and  made  auoth 
Thus  a  confli 
courts  of  Fnnl 
North  Carolina, 
^V  on  the  oou 
."^legate  of  Fm 
interposition  to 


1788. 


TBOUBLM  OV  NORTH  OAROUITA. 


MT 


Btatea  to  the  settlementt  on  the  Holston  md  the  Cumberland. 
The  city  of  Nashville  wae  founded  in  1784,  and  the  population 
of  the  Gamberland  river,  at  the  same  period,  had  risen  to  three 
tboosand,  while  that  on  the  Holston,  being  both  older  and  nearer 
to  the  States,  was  much  lai^r.  To  accommodate  the  wants  of 
these  growing  colonies,  two  judicial  districts,  consisting  of  four 
counties,  wore  formed,  Washington  comprising  the  settlements  in 
eastern,  and  Cumberland,  those  in  middle  Tennessee. 

The  jurisdiction  of  North  Carolina  proved  very  inconvenient, 
exercised  thus  over  isolated  settlements  at  a  great  distance  from 
its  capital ;  and,  accordingly  the  question  of  separation  was  early 
agitated.  The  legislature  of  North  Carolina  was  willing  to  afford 
relief  to  the  people  of  the  western  districts,  and  in  1786,  proposed 
to  cede  the  territory  west  of  the  mountuns,  at  the  expiration  of 
two  years,  to  the  confederation,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  new 
State.  But  the  people  of  the  districts  were  harassed  by  the 
hostility  of  the  Cherokees;  were  out  off  from  the  protection  of 
the  parent  State ;  were  deprived  of  an  efficient  military  organiza- 
tion; and,  were,  therefore,  dissatisfied  with  the  remote  period 
designated  for  their  separation. 

To  provide  for  the  necessities  of  their  situation,  an  informal 
convention  of  the  people  of  Washington  district  was  held,  and  it 
was  resolved  to  memorialize  Congress  for  an  immediate  separation 
from  North  Carolina,  and  to  call  a  legislative  convention  to  provide 
for  the  government  of  the  district,  until  the  question  of  cession 
was  decided.  The  convention  met  at  Jonesborough,  declared 
the  Washington  district  independent  of  North  Carolina,  organized 
the  "State  of  Frankland,"  appointed  a  corps  of  judicial  and 
executive  officers,  and  sent  a  delegate  to  Congress  to  ask  an 
admission  into  the  confederacy. 

But  the  Congress  declined  to  recognize  the  new  State,  thus 
irregularly  formed,  or  to  receive  its  delegate;  and  the  State  of 
North  Carolina  refused  to  relinquish  her  jurisdiction,  and  prepared 
to  enforce  the  supremacy  of  her  laws.  In  the  meantime,  the 
legislative  convention  of  Frankland  met,  enacted  laws,  levied  taxes, 
and  made  another  application  to  Congress  for  its  inteiposition. 

Thus  a  conflict  of  jurisdiction  was  created,  the  officers  of  the 
courts  of  Frankland  seized  the  papers  and  closed  the  courts  of 
North  Carolijia,  and  the  officers  of  that  State  retaliated  in  the  same 
way  on  the  courts  of  Frankland.  In  the  meantime,  Cooke,  the 
delegate  of  Frankland,  appeared  before  Congress  and  asked  Mp 
interpositioB  to  restore  order  in  the  distriot    That  was  promptly 


508 


TROUBLES  IN  NORTH  CAROLINA. 


1788. 


afforded ;  the  aathority  of  North  Carolina  was  maintained,  the  laws 
of  the  new  State  were  declared  void,  and  an  '^^nnesty  for  all  past 
offenses  recommended. 

The  new  organization  was  abandoned,  and  in  1787  the  jarisdic- 
tion  of  the  parent  State  was  re-established.  But  the  diiBcuIties  of 
the  district  did  not  end  here.  Col.  John  Sevier  had  been  appointed 
governor  of  Frankland.  Col.  Tipton  was  his  personal  enemy  and 
political  rival,  and  in  his  absence  on  an  expedition  against  the 
Indians,  procured  the  passage  of  an  act  of  outlawry  and  confisca- 
tion against  him.  Sevier  resisted  the  execution  of  the  process  of 
the  court  against  his  property — a  contest  between  the  partisans  of 
the  new  and  old  State  ensued.  Sevier's  party  was  dispersed,  and 
all  resistance  to  the  laws  of  North  Carolina  was  suppressed. 

Sevier  himself  removed  to  the  frontier  and  employed  himself  in 
the  defense  of  the  settlements  against  the  Indians.  Again  he  was 
arrested  on  the  charge  of  treason,  taken  to  Jonesborough  and 
imprisoned  in  irons.  But  at  length,  public  sentiment  pronounced 
in  his  favor;  he  was  allowed  to  escape,  and  in  1789,  the  act  of 
attainder  and  outlawry  against  him  was  repealed. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  Sevier  entered  into  a  trea- 
sonable intrigue  with  the  Spanish  government.  On  the  12th  of  Sep- 
tember, 1788,  he  wrote  to  Gardoqui  to  say  "that  the  inhabitants 
of  Frankland  were  unanimous  in  their  vehement  desire  to  form  an 
alliance  and  treaty  of  commerce  with  Spain,  and  to  put  themselves 
under  her  protection,"  and  to  ask  on  the  faith  of  the  new  State  a  sup- 
ply of  arms  and  money  from  Spain  to  enable  them  to  throw  off  the 
yoke  of  North  Carolina.  The  people  of  the  Cumberland  district, 
partly  in  sympathy  with  the  Stato  party  of  Frankland,  but  especially 
influenced  by  the  desire  of  enjoying  the  trade  of  the  Mississippi, 
shared  the  wish  for  a  Spanish  alliance  to  such  a  degree  that  in  ful- 
some flattery  of  the  Spanish  governor,  they  changed  the  name  of 
their  district  to  that  of  Miro. 

To  foment  this  discontent,  and  to  turn  this  desire  of  a  Spanish 
alliance  to  the  advantage  of  the  Spanish  crown,  Gardoqui  immedi- 
ately dispatched  Dr.  James  White,  a  delegate  to  Congress,  whom 
he  had  bought  for  a  bribe  of  four  hundred  dollars,  to  prepare  the 
minds  of  the  people  of  Frankland  and  Miro  for  disunion.  White 
visited  the  districts  and  proceeded  to  Louisiana.  On  the  18th  of 
April,  1789,  he  addressed  a  communication  to  Miro,  *'that  Don 
Diego  Gardoqui  gave  me  letters  for  the  chief  men  of  the  district  of 
Frankland  with  iustrnotions  to  assure  them  that  if  they  wished  to 
put  themselves  under  the  protection  of  Spain  and  favor  her  interests, 


1788. 


TBOUBLKS  IN  NORTH  OABOLINA. 


m 


they  should  be  protected  in  their  civil  and  political  government  in 
the  form  and  manner  most  agreeable  to  them,  on  the  following 
conditions : 

"That  it  shall  be  absolutely  necessary  not  only  in  order  to  hold 
any  office,  but  also  any  land  in  Frankland,  that  an  oath  of  allegi* 
ance  be  taken  to  his  majesty,  the  object  and  purport  of  which 
should  be  to  defend  his  government  and  faithful  vassals,  on  all 
occasions  and  against  all  enemies  whoever  they  might  be. 

"That  the  inhabitants  of  that  district  shall  renounce  all  submis- 
sion or  allegiance,  whatever,  to  any  other  sovereign  or  power. 

"They  have  eagerly  accepted  these  conditions,  and  the  Spanish 
minister  has  referred  me  to  yonr  favor,  patronage  and  assistance, 
to  facilitate  my  operations.  With  regard  to  Cumberland,  what  I 
have  said  of  Frankland  applies  to  it  with  equal  force  and  truth." 

Notwithstanding  all  this,  Miro  received  White  coldly.  He  was 
determined  not  to  share  the  honor  of  effecting  the  dismemberment 
of  the  confederacy  with  Gardoqui  and  his  agents ;  and  he  chose 
rather  to  endanger  the  success  of  his  policy  than  to  favor  the 
Bchemes  of  his  rival.  Accordingly,  he  replied  to  White  that  his 
master  was  ready  to  do  much  for  the  people  of  those  districts,  from 
motives  of  pure  generosity,  that  therefore  he  was  disposed  to  grant 
many  favors  and  privileges  to  those  of  them  who  would  emigrate 
to  Louisiana,  and  that  he  was  willing  to  grant  to  them  the  trade  of 
New  Orleans,  on  payment  of  a  duty  of  15  per  ceut,  which  ho 
would  farther  reduce  in  favor  of  men  among  them  who  were 
known  to  be  devoted  to  the  interests  of  Spain.  But  he  could 
assist  or  foment  no  scheme  to  separate  those  districts  from  the 
union,  on  account  of  the  harmony  which  existed  between  the  Uni- 
ted States  and  Spain.  If,  indeed,  they  should  secure  a  complete 
independence  from  the  United  States,  then  his  majesty  would  grant 
them  out  of  his  royal  beneficence,  all  the  help,  favor,  and  advantages 
which  might  be  adapted  to  their  condition,  and  compatible  with 
the  interests  of  the  Spanish  monarchy. 

Miro's  desire  to  discredit  Qardoqui,  induced  him  to  write  to 
the  ministry  to  disparage  the  efforts  of  White  in  the  disaffected 
districts.  "The  inhabitants  of  Frankland,"  said  he,  "had  already 
thrown  off  the  mask  before  White's  arrival  among  them,  and  would 
most  certainly  have  had  rcconrsie  to  me,  as  is  proved  by  John 
Sevier's  letters,  without  the  interference  of  the  doctor."  Never- 
theless, he  was  anxious  to  assist  and  foment  the  scheme  to  sepa- 
rate those  districts  from  the  union,  and  was  ready  to  use  even 
White  to  effect  that  purpose.    "  The  answer,"  says  he,  "  which  I 


510 


SOUTH  CAROLINA  LAND  OOMPANT. 


1788. 


have  given  to  White,  and  which  he  is  to  show  to  the  principal  men 
of  Miro  and  Frankland,  is  so  framed  that  should  it  miscarr}',  it 
will  afford  no  cause  or  complaint  to  the  United  States ;  but  verballj, 
I  have  energetically  recommended  to  him  to  use  the  most  strenuous 
efforts  to  effect  the  desired  separation." 

At  the  same  time,  he  wrote  to  Wilkinson  to  give  him  the  details 
of  the  intrigue  he  was  carrying  on  through  White.  "  Since  you 
are  the  principal  actor  in  our  favor,"  said  he,  "it  is  proper  that  you 
be  made  acquainted  with  all  this  affiiir,  in  case  that  it  should  be 
deemed  useAil  to  induce  those  districts  to  act  in  concert  with  Ken- 
tucky, when  that  province  shall  have  achieved  her  separation  from 
the  United  States." 

"I  have  just  received,"  he  continued,  "letters  from  General 
Daniel  Smith,  and  Col.  James  Bobertson,  of  the  district  of  Miro, 
informing  me  that  the  inhabitants  of  Miro  would,  in  September, 
send  delegates  to  Iforth  Carolina  in  order  to  solicit  from  the  legisla- 
tare  of  that  State  an  act  of  separation,  and  that  as  soon  as  that  should 
be  obtained,  other  delegates  would  be  sent  from  Cumberland  to 
Kew  Orleans  with  the  object  of  placing  that  territory  under  the 
domination  of  his  majesty." 

The  spirit  of  treason  was  not  confined  to  the  people  of  Tennessee. 
In  1789,  a  company  composed  of  Alexander  Moultrie,  Isaac  Huger, 
William  Snipes,  and  Col.  Washington,  was  formed  at  Charleston, 
South  Carolina,  and  purchased  from  the  State  of  Georgia,  a  tract  of 
country  between  the  Yazoo  and  the  Mississippi,  including,  it  is  said, 
fifty-two  thousand  nine  hundred  square  miles.  Wilkinson  immedi- 
ately applied  for  the  agency  of  the  company,  in  order,  as  he  wrote 
Miro,  that  he  might  indnce  them  to  sue  for  the  Spanish  protection, 
and  in  consequence  add  their  establishment  to  the  domains  of  his 
majesty.  He  failed  to  secure  the  appointment,  however,  and 
James  O'Fallon  received  the  agency  of  the  company.  The  substi- 
tution was  not  material.  O'Fallon  was  as  thoroughly  a  traitor  ob 
Wilkinson,  and  his  letter  to  Miro  of  the  24th  of  May,  1790,  will 
show  that  he  was  not  easily  to  be  outdone  in  baseness. 

"The  detention,"  said  he,  "which  I  shall  probably  experience  in 
Kentucky,  where  I  have  just  arrived  on  my  way  to  New  Orleans ; 
the  importance  of  the  mission  for  which  I  am  sent  to  you,  not  only 
with  regard  to  the  Spanish  Empire  in  general,  but  also  particularly 
with  regard  to  Louisiana  and  West  Florida,  as  well  as  in  relation 
to  the  interests  in  the  Yazoo  territory,  of  the  South  Carolina  Com- 
pany, whose  general  agent  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  in  virtue  of  a 
unanimous  nomination,  under  the  seal  and  formal  diploma  of  the 


1788. 


BOUTH  CAROLINA  LAKD  COMPANY. 


511 


chief  director,  and  of  the  other  proprietors  of  an  extensive  territo- 
rial concession  in  the  vicinity  of  your  government,  finally  granted 
to  them  by  the  State  of  Georgia;  the  weighty  political  bearing  of 
my  negotiation  with  you,  and  the  propriety  of  your  being  made 
acquainted  with  the  general  design  of  our  plan,  before  my  arrival, 
and  my  presenting  to  yon  my  full  credentials,  with  other  authentic 
documents,  which  clothe  me  with  the  most  extensive  and  confiden* 
tial  powere,  and  which  I  shall  communicate  to  you  with  my  char^ 
acteristic  frankness;  the  obligations  resulting  from  the  public 
situation  in  which  I  am,  as  well  as  my  natural  disposition  to  con- 
tribute to  the  glory  and  prosperity  of  the  crown  which  you  serve, 
(which  disposition  is  quite  notorious  at  the  Spanish  Court,  through 
the  information  afforded  by  its  minister  at  ISew  York,  and  the 
governor  of  St.  Augustine,  who,  from  abundant  experience,  can 
testify  to  it:) — All  these  motives  now  prompt  me  to  address  you, 
in  order  to  give  in  advance  the  following  intelligence,  which  you 
will  examine  in  your  moments  of  leisure. 

"The  affair  which  I  have  the  honor  to  lay  before  you  is  pregnant 
with  events  of  the  greatest  importance,  which  must  promptly  and 
inevitably  be  brought  forth,  if  opportunely  favored  by  the  court  of 
Spain  and  yourself,  and  which  are  such,  that,  even  in  the  eye  of 
the  most  indifferent,  they  must  assume  proportions  of  the  most 
considerable  magnitude.  This  great  project  was  conceived  by 
myself,  a  long  time  ago.  Through  my  persuasion  and  influence, 
the  members  of  the  General  Company,  who,  in  particular,  are  all 
dissatisfied  with  the  present  Federal  Government,  have,  immedi- 
ately and  spontaneously,  fallen  in  with  my  plan,  for  the  execution 
of  which,  considering  that  it  was  my  conception,  they  have  ap- 
pointed me  their  delegate,  as  one  of  the  twenty  proprietors  of  the 
concession,  with  plenary  powers  to  complete  it,  as  you  will  see 
after  my  arrival.  At  the  same  time  that  this  important  affair  was 
in  agitation,  and  progressing  among  the  most  influential  members 
of  the  Legislature  of  Georgia,  the  Company  was  honoring  me  with 
their  entire  confidence;  and,  without  their  having  suspected  in  the 
beginning  what  I  was  aiming  at,  I  insensibly  prevailed  upon  them 
to  acquiesce  in  my  political  views,  (after  the  obtaining  of  the  cou- 
ceasion,)  and  led  them  to  consent  to  be  the  slaves  of  Spain,*  under 
the  appearance  of  a  free  and  independent  State,  forming  a  rampart 
for  the  ad[joining  Spanish  territories,  and  establishing  with  them  an 


*EsolaTos  de  la  Espana. 


512 


o'fallon'8  lbttbr  to  uiro. 


1788. 


eternal,  reciprocal  alliance,  offensive  and  defenaive.  This,  for  a 
beginning,  when  once  secured  with  the  greatest  secrecy,  will  serva, 
I  am  fully  persuaded,  as  an  example  to  be  followed  by  the  settle- 
ments  on  the  western  side  of  the  mountains,  which  will  separate 
firom  the  Atlantic  portion  of  the  confederacy,  becanse,  on  account 
of  the  advantages  which  they  will  expect  from  the  privilege  of 
trading  with  our  colony,  under  the  protection  of  Spain,  they  will 
unite  with  it  in  the  same  manner,  and  as  closely  as  are  the  Atlantic 
States  with  Franco,  receiving  from  it  every  assistance  in  war,  and 
relying  on  its  power  in  the  moment  of  danger. 

**In  order  to  induce  the  Company  to  pursue  this  course,  I  refused 
to  take  any  share  in  the  enterprise  under  any  other  conditions ; 
and,  in  ordei  to  confirm  their  hostility  to  Congress,  which  then  was 
acting  despotically,  as  well  as  to  the  president  and  his  ministers, 
who  were  opposing  their  pretensions,  I  used  indirect  means,  which 
decided  them  to  form  the  resolution  of  separating  themselves  from 
the  Union,  and  of  removing  with  their  families,  dependents,  and 
effects,  to  their  coi.ceded  territory,  with  the  determination,  if  Spain 
favored  them,  not  to  subject  themselves,  nor  the  numerous  colony 
which  they  will  soon  form,  to  the  administration  of  Congress,  or 
of  Washington.  The  individnals  interested  in  that  concession  are 
gentlemen  of  the  greatest  influence,  power,  and  talent,  among  the 
most  gifted  in  the  confederacy ;  and  they  are  sure  of  having,  within 
eighteen  months  after  the  date  of  their  first  settlements,  ten  thou- 
sand men  established  in  their  territoiy,  and  capable  of  bearing 
arms.  All  that  they  desire  from  the  Spanish  crown  for  their  pro- 
jected establishment,  is  a  secret  co-operation,  which,  in  reality, 
will  soon  ripen  into  a  sincere  friendship.  I  assure  yon  that  Spain 
will  obtain  everything  from  them  in  return,  except  the  sacrifice  of 
their  liberty  of  conscience,  and  of  their  civil  government.  I  affirm 
nil  this,  because  I  am  authorized  to  do  so  by  the  plenary  powers 
which  they  have  given  me,  both  in  writing  and  verbally,  as  will 
appear  by  my  secret  instructions,  which  I  shall  communicate  to 
you  with  the  utmost  sincerity  on  my  arrival.  For  I  intend,  in  my 
proceedings,  to  keep  aloof  from  all  dissimulation  whatever. 

**  Whilst  the  Company  was  making  the  most  strenuous  efforts  to 
obtain  their  concessions,  in  which  two  years  were  secretly  employed, 
I  was  corresponding  with  Don  Diego  Gardoqui,  in  'New  York,  and 
with  the  governor  of  East  Florida,  through  my  intimate  friend, 
Captain  Charles  Howard,  the  Secretary  of  that  province.  At  the 
same  time,  at  the  request  of  the  same  minister,  I  was  confidentially 
engaged  in  obtaining  for  the  court  of  Spain  information  of  the 


1788. 


o'fallon'b  lbttxr  to  mibo. 


518 


highest  importance,  in  relation  to  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States,  and  was  also  working  to  procure  the  emigration  often  thoa- 
•and  Irish,  American,  and  Qerman  families  to  the  deserts  of  East 
Florida.  In  order  to  bring  these  affairs  to  an  end,  I  was  preparing 
to  follow  that  minister  to  Madrid,  when,  in  spite  of  Congress  and 
the  President,  the  Legislature  of  Georgia,  as  it  were  unanimously, 
conceded  to  the  South  Carolina  Company,  the  Virginia  Company, 
and  the  Tennessee  Company,  the  territories  which  they  had  re- 
•pectively  sued  for  in  the  vicinity  of  your  government :  in  conee^ 
quenco  of  which,  these  companies  found  themselves  incorporated 
and  organized  by  an  act  of  that  legislature,  and,  by  virtue  of  said 
incorporation  and  organization,  were  empowered,  lender  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  new  federal  constitution  and  authorities,  and  against  the 
will  and  wishes  of  the  president,  and  of  some  of  his  ministers,  to 
treat  and  negotiate  in  relation  to  the  contemplated  colonization. 

"In  this  conjuncture,  I  fully  informed  the  minister  Gardoqui, 
and  the  governor  of  St.  Augustine,  of  the  circumstances  that  had 
occurred,  and  of  the  intention  of  a  few  members  of  the  Company  to 
have  recourse  to  Great  Britain  for  their  own  private  views  and  ben- 
efit. It  was  in  i  j  power  to  cause  that  disposition  to  evaporate, 
aud,  the  better  to  obtain  this  result,  I  abandoned  the  project  of  in- 
troducing families  into  West  Florida.  I  then  succeeded  in 
persuading  them  as  I  wished,  and,  with  a  view  of  conciliating  the 
mterests  of  the  company  with  those  of  Spain,  I  consented  to  be 
appointed  their  general  agent,  to  negotiate  with  you,  as  I  have 
already  expressed  it  above,  and  thereby  be  enabled  to  treat  for  the 
establishment  of  the  new  colony,  combining  their  interests  with 
those  of  Louisiana,  on  principles  of  reciprocal  advantage  aud  de- 
fense. 

"These  premises  being  taken  for  granted,  it  remains  for  me  to 
bform  you  that,  some  tin  *  June  next,  I  intend  to  depart  for 
New  Orleans,  in  order  to  have  frank,  sincere,  aud  unreserved  con- 
ferences with  you  on  these  matters.  I  will  do  nothing  without 
joar  approbation  and  consent,  because  I  aim  at  nothing  else  than 
serving  the  interests  of  Spain,  to  which  I  am  hereditarily  attached, 
abandoniDg  all  other  pursuit,  more  lucrative  for  my  family,  in  order 
merely  to  follow  the  bent  of  my  inclination.  I  need  not  say  to  you 
how  much  the  company  and  myself  rely  on  your  honor,  secrecy, 
and  good  will,  on  which  depends  our  security,  as  you  may  infer 
from  what  I  have  so  ingeniously  related.  The  company  waits  only 
for  jrour  determination,  in  order  to  carry  its  pluD  into  execution  in 
»  short  time,  &o.,  &c." 


514 


MIRd'S  DISPATCH  TO  OOVBRMMBMT. 


1788. 


Miro  was  uncertain  what  course  to  pursue  in  regard  to  the 
schemes  of  O'Fallon  and  the  South  Carolina  company,  and  accord> 
ingly  he  forwarded  a  long  communication  to  his  government, 
presenting  the  reasons  for  and  against  the  question  of  encouraging 
them: 

"O'Fallon's  propositions,"  said  he,  "require  the  most  serious 
reflection,  because  it  is  necessary  to  weigh  the  advantages  resulting 
from  their  being  accepted,  with  the  danger  of  permitting  such  a 
settlement  in  such  close  contiguity  with  the  possessions  of  his 
Miyesty,  or  to  speak  more  to  the  point,  of  taking  as  it  were  a 
foreign  Slate  to  board  teilh  us.  I  will  therefore  presume  to  offer  to 
you  a  few  observations,  which  my  very  limited  experience  suggests 
to  me,  in  order  that  they  may  serve  as  materials  which  may  be  of 
some  use  to  you  in  proposing  to  his  mtycsty  what  you  may  deem 
best. 

"  The  United  States  have  not  consented  so  far  to  have  their  limits 
determined  in  that  region,  and  maintain  the  right,  which  in  their 
opinion,  they  derive  from  their  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Prliain, 
unduly  granting  them  a  portion  of  the  banks  of  the  river  Mississippi, 
down  to  the  thirty-first  degree,  which  is  found  at  thirty-six  miles 
below  the  fort  at  Natchez.  They  labor  with  incessant  ardor  to 
gain  the  Indian  nations,  because,  no  doubt,  they  look  upon  them 
as  a  barrier  which  now  prevents  them  from  taking  possession  of 
the  territory  which  they  claim,  while  those  tribes  would  help  them 
to  it  if  friendly.  Should  the  plan  of  colonization  of  the  South 
Carolina  company  be  permitted  to  be  carried  into  execution,  all  the 
hopes  of  the  United  States  would  vanish,  or  at  least  they  would 
find  it  no  trifling  enterprise  to  send  an  army  to  gain  their  point. 

"  With  regard  to  the  territory  granted  to  the  Virginia  company 
in  the  Yazoo  district,  it  extends  from  the  thirty-third  degree,  which 
is  the  upper  limit  of  the  other  company,  to  thirty-four  degrees  and 
forty  minutes,  comprehending  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  along 
its  banks  by  one  hundred  and  twenty  in  depth.  I  do  not  think  m 
have  a  positive  right  to  those  lands  which  are  Lhe  hunting  grounds 
of  the  Chickasaws,  who  could  with  justice  oppose  the  settlement 
contemplated  by  the  Virginia  company.  As  the  leaders  in  this 
company  act  fi*om  the  same  motives  that  influence  the  South  Car- 
olina company,  what  I  have  said  as  applicable  to  the  former  is 
equally  so  to  the  latter,  inasmuch  as  they  would  both  pursue  the 
same  course.  This  would  also  prove  true  in  relation  to  the  Ten- 
nessee company,  whose  concession  runs  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Tennessee  river  to  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  back,  and 


1788. 


HIRO'S  DISPATCH  TO  OOVBRNMBNT. 


615 


belongs  to  the  territory  boaght  from  the  Cherokees  and  Ghick« 
asaws." 

But  there  were,  he  averred,  great  difficulties  attending  the 
encouragement  of  these  companies.  There  was  great  danger  that 
they  would  not  adhere  to  their  present  intentions,  or  perhaps  they 
they  were  not  sincere  in  the  professions  they  had  made.  The 
population  they  would  introduce  into  the  neighborhood  of  the 
Spanish  territory,  might  not  be  easily  dispossesed  if  they  should 
support  the  pretensions  of  the  United  States,  as  there  was  reason  to 
fear  they  might.  Besides,  it  would  be  perilous  to  have  a  powerful 
neighbor  so  near,  who  might  prepare  to  conquer  the  province, 
without  its  being  possible  for  the  Spanish  authorities  to  resist  the 
execution  of  such  a  purpose.  It  was,  therefore,  manifestly  easier 
to  prevent  the  establishment  intended  by  the  South  Carolina  com- 
pany, than  to  correct  the  evils  that  might  result  from  it 

li;  might  be  better,  neither  to  concur  in  or  reject  the  plans  of  the 
company,  but  rather  to  permit  them  to  colonize  the  country,  ou 
conditions  that  they  would  swear  allegiance  to  the  Spanish  crown. 
But,  even  then,  there  was  a  difficulty.  The  emigrants  might  indeed 
accept  any  condition  for  the  time,  but,  perhaps,  would  violate  them 
as  soon  as  they  might  be  able  to  do  so.    ' 

Under  all  these  circumstances  he  announced  the  plan  he  intend- 
ed to  pursue,  and  it  was  a  fitting  response  to  the  treason  of  the 
company.  He  would  treat  O'Fallon  in  such  a  way  as  to  allow  him 
to  hope  for  the  success  of  his  mission.  But  he  would  take  effec- 
tual measures  to  excite  the  Indians  against  the  American  settlers. 
"  I  have  recommended  them,"  says  he,  "  to  remain  quiet,  and  told 
them,  that  if  these  people  presented  themselves  with  a  view  to 
settle  on  their  lands,  to  make  no  concessions  and  warn  them  oS^ 
bat  to  attack  them,  in  case  they  refuse  to  withdraw,  and  I  have 
promised  that  I  would  supply  them  with  powder  and  ball  to  defend 
their  legitimate  rights." 

Thus,  at  that  period,  there  was  a  general  spirit  of  disunion  along 
the  whole  border  south  of  the  Ohio.  "Wilkinson  and  his  confede- 
rates were  plotting  the  surrender  of  Kentucky  to  Spain.  Sevier 
and  Robertson,  with  their  party  in  Tennessee,  were  vehement  in 
their  unanimous  desire  to  put  that  region  under  the  protection  of 
the  Spanish  crown.  The  land  companies  of  the  south-west  were 
ready,  for  the  sake  of  profit,  to  declare  themselves  the  slaves  of 
Spain.  In  all  the  settlements  and  the  districts  of  the  south-west, 
at  the  formation  of  the  federal  constitution,  there  was  a  general 
hostility  to  the  federal  government,  and  the  leading  politicians  of 


610 


HIRO'S  TRBATMBNT  OF  WILKINSON. 


1788. 


that  country,  acting  as  it  were  wila  a  common  impulse,  were  plot- 
ting  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  the  surrender  of  their  coun- 
try to  the  domination  of  Spain. 

It  was  a  magnificent  prize  they  offered  to  the  agents  of  the 
Spanish  crown.  To  secure  the  extension  of  the  Spanish  authority 
over  the  whole  Mississippi  valley  was  an  object  well  worthy  of  the 
exertions  of  Miro  and  Qardoqui,  and  one  for  which  they  were  dis- 
posed  to  use  any  means,  and  to  employ  any  agents  to  effect.  Tet 
they  failed  to  conceal  the  contempt  they  felt  for  the  men  whom 
they  were  using  to  effect  their  purpose,  and  the  contempt  and  dis- 
trust they  entertained  of  the  crowd  of  traitors,  small  and  great, 
who  were  suing  for  their  favor  and  coveting  their  bribes,  were  the 
fitting  reward  for  the  treason  they  were  anxious  to  commit,  and 
furnish  only  another  illustration  of  the  maxim  that  though  men 
may  rejoice  at  a  treason,  they  ever  hate  the  traitor. 

Miro  was  ready  to  encourage  the  advances  of  the  South  Carolina 
company,  and  to  receive  graciously  their  professions  of  devotion  to 
the  interests  of  his  master ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  he  was  prepared 
to  let  loose  the  savages  on  men  he  saw  were  false  to  their  country 
and  their  race,  and  could  not  be  true  to  him.  He  was  ready  to 
foment  the  discontent  of  the  people  of  Tennessee,  who  were  eager 
to  swear  allegiance  to  Spain,  but  he  could  not  assist  them  to  secure 
their  separation  from  the  Union,  "on  account  of  the  good  under- 
standing which  exists  between  his  Catholic  Majesty  and  the  United 
States." 

But  his  treatment  of  Wilkinson  is  a  most  exquisite  example  of 
tbi  traitor's  reward.  On  the  26th  of  January,  1790,  Wilkinson 
wrote  to  Miro  a  letter  filled  with  complaints  at  the  failure  of  his 
plans.  The  permission  to  trade  with  New  Orleans,  he  said,  had 
cooled  all  the  ardor  of  the  Kentuckians  for  a  Spanish  alliance ;  the 
great  motive  for  disunion  was  thus  removed.  The  politicians  who 
had  so  loudly  denounced  the  Union  had  received  offices,  and  they 
were  grown  patriotic.  None  of  them  could  be  relied  on,  unless 
they  were  liberally  bribed.  If  one  of  bis  accomplices  were  left  but 
Sebastian;  he  himself  was  suspected,  and  his  movemenva  were 
watched.  He  abhorred  all  duplicity,  and  yet  he  was  obliged  to 
dissemble.  He  therefore  desired  to  resort  to  some  contrivance  to 
enable  him  to  declare  himself  a  vassal  of  Spain,  in  order  that  he 
might  claim  its  protection.  To  all  this,  Miro  returned  a  fitting 
reply : 

"I  much  regret  that  Gen.  Washington  and  Congress  suspect  your 
connection  with  me,  but  it  does  not  appear  to  me  opportune  that 


1789. 


TREATY  OP  CONFIRUATIOIf  AT   FORT  RARMAR. 


61T 


you  declare  yonrself  a  Spaniard,  for  the  reasons  which  you  state. 
I  am  of  tho  opinioD  that  this  idea  of  yonrs  is  not  convenient,  and 
that,  on  the  contrary,  it  might  have  prejudicial  results.  Therefore, 
continue  to  dissemhie,  and  to  work  as  you  promised,  and  as  I  have 
above  indicated." 

Nevertheless,  he  proposed  to  his  government  that  Wilkinson 
ought  to  be  retained  in  the  service  of  his  migesty,  with  a  pension, 
in  order  that  he  might  report  any  hostile  movements  the  people  of 
Kentucky  might  set  on  foot  against  the  province  of  LoniHiana ;  and 
that  Sebastian  ought  to  be  pensioned,  in  order  that  he  might  enlighten 
them  on  the  conduct  of  Wilkinson.  And  this  was  the  end  of  the 
intrigue  that  promised  such  great  results,  and  exhibited  so  much 
baseness.  Wilkinson  was  bribed  as  a  spy  upon  the  actions  of  the 
people  of  Kentucky,  and  Sebastian  was  bribed  as  a  spy  on  the  actions 
of  Wilkinson. 

Preparations,  as  has  been  stated,  had  been  made  early  in  1788,  for 
1789.]  a  treaty  with  the  Indians,  and  during  the  whole  autumn, 
the  representatives  of  the  Indian  tribes  were  lingering  about  the 
Muskingum  settlement :  but  it  was  not  till  January  9th  of  this 
year,  that  the  natives  were  brought  to  agree  to  distinct  terms.  On 
that  day,  one  treaty  was  made  with  the  Iroquois"'  confirming  the 
previous  one  of  October,  1784,  at  Fort  Stanwix ;  and  another  with 
the  Wyandots,  Delawares,  Ottawas,  Ghippewas,  Pottawattamies, 
and  Sacs,  confirming  and  extending  the  treaty  of  Fort  Mcintosh, 
made  in  January,  1785.  Of  the  additions  the  following  are 
quoted : 

"  It  is  agreed  between  the  United  States  and  the  mid  nations, 
that  the  individuals  of  said  nations  shall  be  at  liberty  to  hunt 
within  the  territory  ceded  to  the  United  States,  without  hindrance 
or  molestation,  so  long  as  they  demean  themselves  peaceably,  and 
ofi;er  no  injury  or  annoyance  to  any  of  the  subjects  or  citizens  of 
the  said  United  States. 

"  Trade  shall  be  opened  with  the  said  nations,  and  they  do  hereby 
respectively  engage  to  afford  protection  to  the  persons  and  property 
of  such  as  may  be  duly  licensed  to  reside  among  them  for  the  pur* 
pose  of  trade,  and  to  their  agents,  factors  and  servants;  but  no 
person  shall  be  permitted  to  reside  at  their  towns,  or  at  their  hunt- 
ug  camps,  as  a  trader,  who  is  not  furnished  with  te  license  for  that 


*  Land  Laws,  149.-  Sm  also  Carey's  MuMum  far  April,  1789,  p.  416. 


518 


TREATY  OF  OONVIRMATIOH  AT  FORT  HARMAR. 


1789. 


purpose,  under  the  hand  and  seal  of  the  governor  of  the  territory 
of  the  United  States  north-west  of  the  Ohio,  for  the  time  being, 
or  under  the  hand  and  seal  of  one  of  his  deputies  for  the  manage- 
ment of  Indian  affairs;  to  the  end  that  thej  may  not  be  imposed 
upon  in  their  traffic. 

"  And  if  any  person  or  persons  shall  intrude  themselves  without 
such  license,  they  promise  to  apprehend  him  or  them,  and  to  bring 
them  to  the  said  governor,  or  one  of  his  deputies,  for  the  purpose 
before  mention<jd,  to  be  dealt  with  according  to  law;  and  that  they 
may  be  defended  against  persons  who  might  attempt  to  forge  such 
licenses,  they  further  engage  to  give  information  to  the  said  gov- 
ernor, or  one  of  his  deputies,  of  the  names  of  all  traders  residing 
among  them,  from  time  to  time,  and  at  least  once  every  year. 

"  Should  any  nation  of  Indians  meditate  a  war  against  the  United 
States,  or  either  of  them,  and  the  same  shall  come  to  the  knowledge 
of  the  before  mentioned  nations,  or  either  of  them,  they  do  hereby 
engage  to  give  immediate  notice  thereof  to  the  governor,  or,  in  his 
absence,  to  the  officer  conamanding  the  troops  of  the  United  States 
at  the  nearest  post.  And  should  any  nation,  with  hostile  inten- 
tions agidnst  the  United  States,  or  either  of  them  attempt  to  pass 
through  their  country,  they  Mrill  endeavor  to  prevent  the  same,  and 
IB  like  manner  give  information  of  such  attempt  to  the  said  gov- 
ernor or  commanding  officer,  as  soon  as  possible,  that  all  causes  of 
mistrust  and  suspicion  may  be  avoided  between  them  and  the 
United  States :  in  like  manner,  the  United  States  shall  give  notice 
to  the  said  Indian  nations,  of  any  harm  that  may  be  meditated 
against  them,  or  either  of  them,  that  shall  come  to  their  knowledge; 
and  do  all  in  their  power  to  hinder  and  prevent  the  same,  that  the 
friendship  between  them  may  be  uninterrupted.* 

But  these  treaties,  if  meant  in  good  £iith  by  those  who  made 
them,  were  not  respected,  and  the  year  of  which  we  now  write,  saw 
renewed  the  old  frontier  troubles  in  all  their  barbarism  and  variety. 
The  Wabash  Indians  especially,  who  had  not  been  bound  by  any 
treaty  as  yet,  kept  up  constant  incursions  against  the  Kentucky 
settlers  and  the  emigrants  down  the  Ohio,t  and  the  Kentuckians 
retaliated,  striking  foes  and  friends,  even  "  the  peaceable  Piauke- 
shaws,  who  prided  themselves  on  their  attachment  to  the  United 
States."    Nor  could  the  President  ^e  any  effectual  steps  to  pot 


*  See  Lftnd  Lam,  p.  152. 

f  Marshall,  i.  848,  864.— Amerioan  State  Papers,  vol.  t.,  84,  85.— Carey's  Maseum. 


1780. 


WAR  ON  WABASH  INDIANS  PROPOSID. 


619 


an  end  to  this  constant  partisan  warfare.  In  the  first  place,  it 
was  by  no  means  clear  that  an  attack  by  the  fnrcos  of  the  govern- 
ment upon  the  Wabash  tribes  could  be  justified.  Says  Wash- 
ington : 

''  I  would  have  it  observed  forcibly,  that  a  war  with  the  Wabash 
Indians  ought  to  be  avoided  by  all  means  consistently  with  the 
security  of  the  frontier  inhabitants,  the  security  of  the  troops,  and 
the  national  dignity.  In  the  exercise  of  the  present  indiscriminate 
hostilities,  it  is  extremely  difiicult,  if  not  impossible,  to  say  that  a 
war  without  further  measures  would  be  just  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States.  Bat  if,  after  manifesting  clearly  to  the  Indians  the 
disposition  of  the  General  Government  for  the  preservation  of 
peace,  and  the  extension  of  a' just  protection  to  the  said  Indians, 
they  should  continue  their  incursions,  the  United  States  will  be 
constrained  to  punish  them  with  severity."* 

But  how  to  punish  them  was  a  difficult  question,  again,  even 
supposing  punishment  necessary.    Says  General  Knox : 

"By  the  best  and  latest  information  it  appears  that,  on  the 
Wabash  and  its  communications,  there  are  from  fifteen  hundred 
to  two  thousand  warriors.  An  expedition  against  them,  with  a 
view  of  extirpating  them,  or  destroying  their  towns,  could  not  be 
undertaken  with  a  probability  of  success,  with  less  than  an  army 
of  two  thousand  five  hundred  men. 

'*  The  regular  troops  of  the  United  States  on  the  frontiers,  are 
less  than  six  hundred:  of  that  number,  not  more  than  four 
hundred  could  be  collected  from  the  posts  for  the  purpose  of  the 
expedition.  To  raise,  pay,  feed,  arm,  and  equip  one  thousand 
nine  hundred  additional  men,  with  the  necessary  officers,  for  six 
months,  and  to  provide  everything  in  the  hospital  and  quarter- 
master's line,  would  require  the  sum  of  two  hundred  thousand 
dollars,  a  sum  far  exceeding  the  ability  of  the  United  States  to 
advance,  consistently  with  a  due  regard  to  other  indispensable 
objects." 

Such,  however,  were  the  representations  of  the  governor  of  the 
new  territory,  and  of  the  people  of  Kentucky,  that  Congress,  upon 
the  29th  of  September,  empowered  the  President  to  call  out  the 
militia  to  protect  the  frontiers,  and  he,  on  the  6th  of  October, 
authorized  Governor  St.  Clair  to  draw  fifteen  hundred  men  from 
tlie  western  counties  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania,  if  absolutely 


*  Amorican  State  Papers,  ▼.  18,  97,  pp.  84  to  98. 


620 


MUSKINOCM  BBTTLUIIBNTS   IMCRKABi:   IIAPIDLY. 


1780. 


ncceiBary ;  ordering  liim,  howover,  ti  liscertai.i,  if  possible,  tho  real 
disposition  of  tlio  Wabash  and  Illinois  Indians.  In  order  to  do 
this,  speeches  to  them  were  prepared,  and  messengers  sent  among 
them,  whoso  observations  will  be  hereafter  mentioned. 

Kentucky,  especially,  felt  aggrieved  this  year  by  the  withdrawal 
of  the  Virginia  scouts  and  rangers,  who  had  hitherto  helped  to 
protect  her.  This  was  done  in  July,  by  the  governor,  in  conse. 
qnence  of  a  letter  from  tho  federal  executive,  stating  that  national 
troops  would  thenceforward  be  stationed  upon  the  western  streams. 
The  governor  communicated  this  letter  to  the  Kentucky  conven- 
tion  held  in  July,  and  that  body  at  once  authorized  a  remonstrance 
against  tho  measure,  representing  the  inadequacy  of  the  federal 
troops,  few  and  scattered  as  they  were,  to  protect  the  country,  and 
stating  tho  amount  of  injury  received  from  the  savageb  since  the 
first  of  May.* 

Nor  was  the  old  separation  sore  healed  yet.  Upon  the  29th  of 
December,  1788,  Virginia  had  passed  her  third  act  to  make  Ken- 
tucky independent ;  but  as  this  law  made  the  district  liable  for  a 
part  of  the  State  debt,  and  also  reserved  a  certain  control  over  the 
lands  set  apart  \8  army  bounties,  to  the  Old  Dominion, — it  was  by 
no  means  popular;  and  when,  upon  the  20th  of  July,  the  eighth 
convention  came  together  at  Danville,  it  was  only  to  resolve  upon 
a  memorial  requesting  that  the  obnoxious  clauses  of  the  late  law 
might  be  repealed.  This,  in  December,  was  agreed  to  by  the 
present  State,  but  now  proceedings  throughout  were  at  the  same 
time  ordered,  and  a  ninth  convention  directed  to  meet  in  the 
following  July. 


North  of  the  Ohio,  during  this  year,  there  was  less  trouble  from 
the  Indians  than  south  of  it,  especially  in  the  Muskingum  country. 
There  all  prospered:  the  Rev.  Daniel  Story,  under  a  resolution  of 
the  Directors  of  the  Ohio  Company,  passed  some  time  in  1788,  in 
the  spring  of  this  year  came  westward  as  a  teacher  of  youth  and  a 
preacher  of  the  Gospel.  By  November,  nine  associations,  com- 
prising two  hundred  and  fifty  persons,  had  been  formed  for  the 
purpose  of  settling  different  points  within  the  purchase ;  and,  by 
the  close  of  1790,  eight  settlements  had  been  made;  two  at  Belpre, 
(belle  prairie,)  one  at  Newbury,  one  at  "Wolf  creek,  one  at  Duck 
creek,  one  at  the  mouth  of  Meigs'  creek,  one  at  Anderson's  Bottom, 
and  one  at  Big  Bottom. 


*ik^Bh»ll,  i.  852.    American  State  Papers,  ▼.  84,  &o. 


1789. 


STUiiBs  orrr  provbs  a  failuri. 


521 


Between  the  Miamies,  there  was  more  alarm  at  this  period,  hut 
no  great  amount  of  actual  danger.  On  the  16th  of  June,  news 
renohed  Judge  Symmes  that  the  Wabash  Indians  threatened  his 
settlements,  and  as  yet  he  had  received  no  troops  for  their  defense, 
except  nineteen  men  fW>m  the  Falls.  Before  July,  however,  Mtyor 
Doughty  arrived  at  the  '*  Slaughter  House,"  and  commenced  the 
building  of  Fort  Washington  on  the  site  of  Losantiville. 

Through  the  influence  of  the  Judge  (Symmes,)  the  detachment 
sent  by  General  Harmar,  to  erect  a  fort  between  the  Miami  rivers, 
for  the  protection  of  the  settlers,  landed  at  North  Bend.  This 
circumstance  induced  many  of  the  first  emigrants  to  repair  to  that 
place  on  account  of  the  expected  protection  which  the  garrison 
would  afford.  On  the  14th  of  June,  before  Fort  Washington  was 
commenced,  and  when  the  only  soldiers  in  the  purchase  were  at 
North  Bend,  Symmes  writes  to  Dayton : 

''It  is  expected,  that  on  the  arrival  of  Governor  St.  Clair,  this 
purchase  will  be  oi^nized  into  a  county;  it  is  thereforo  of  some 
moment  which  ^lace  shall  be  made  the  county  seat.  Losantiville,  at 
present,  bids  the  fairest ;  it  is  a  most  excellent  site  for  a  Urge  town, 
and  is  at  present  the  most  central  of  any  of  the  inhabited  towns; 
but  if  South  Bend  might  be  finished  and  occupied,  that  would  be 
exactly  in  the  centre,  and  probably  would  take  the  lead  of  the 
present  villages  until  the  city  can  be  made  somewhat  considerable.* 
This  is  really  a  matter  of  importance  to  the  proprietors,  but  can 
only  be  achieved  by  their  exertions  and  encouragements.  The 
lands  back  of  South  Bend  are  not  very  much  broken,  after  you 
ascend  the  first  hill,  and  will  afford  rich  supplies  for  a  country 
town.  A  few  troops  stationed  at  South  Bend  will  effect  the  settle> 
ment  of  this  new  village  in  a  very  short  time." 

The  truth  is,  that  neither  the  proposed  city  on  the  Miami,  North 
Bend  or  South  Bend,  could  compete,  in  point  of  natural  advantages, 
with  the  plain  on  which  Cincinnati  has  since  arisen;  and  had  Fort 
Washington  been  built  elsewhere,  after  the  close  of  the  Indian  war, 
nature  would  have  ensured  the  rapid  growth  of  that  point  wher^ 
even  the  ancient  and  mysterious  dwellers  along  the  Ohio  had  reared 
the  earthen  walls  of  one  of  their  vastest  temples. 


'Syraitios  hnd  already  planned  and  laid  ont  the  "City  of  CleTcs,"  exttndii^  from  HU 
Ohio  to  the  Miami,  ot  North  0<»ii>l,  where  those  rlvoiv  aonvcrge  to  within  a  jnile  Hjt  i 

«thcr. 

84 


PERIOD    V. 


1790—1796. 


The  most  important  events  connected  with  the  history  of  the 
"West,  in  the  period  from  1790  to  1795,  were  the  Indian  wars  of 
the  north-western  territory.  In  order  to  understand  properly  their 
origin  and  causes,  it  is  necessary  to  refer  to  the  relations  previouslv 
existing  between  the  Indians  and  the  whites,  and  the  various 
treaties  that  had  been  made  at  different  times  between  them. 

The  French,  it  will  be  remembered,  made  no  large  purchases 
from  the  western  Indians;  so  that  the  treaty  of  Paris,  in  1768, 
transferred  to  England  only  small  grants  about  the  various  forte, 
Detroit,  Yincennes,  Kaskaskia,  &;c.  Then  followed  Pontiac's  war 
and  defeat;  and  then  th^  grant  by  the  Iroquois  at  Fort  Stanwix, 
in  1768,  of  the  land  sv>m<A  of  the  Ohio ;  and  even  this  grant,  it  will 
be  remembered,  was  not  respected  by  those  who  actually  hunted 
on  the  grounds  transferred.  Next  came  the  war  of  1774,  Dunmore'i 
war,  which  terminated  without  any  transfer  of  the  Indian  posses- 
sions to  the  whites;  and  when,  at  the  close  of  the  Revolution,  in 
1788,  Britian  made  over  her  western  claims  to  the  United  State^ 
she  made  over  nothing  more  than  she  had  received  from  France, 
save  the  title  of  the  Six  Nations  and  the  southern  savages  to  a 
portion  of  the  territory  south  of  the  Ohio ;  as  against  the  Miamies, 
western  Delawares,  Shawanese,  Wyandots  or  Hurons,  and  the 
tribes  still  further  north  and  west,  she  transferred  nothing. 

But  this,  apparently,  was  not  the  view  taken  by  the  Congress  of 
the  time ;  and  they,  conceiving  that  they  had,  under  the  treatj 
with  England,  a  full  right  to  all  the  lands  thereby  ceded,  and 
re^rding  the  Indian  title  as  forfeited  by  the  hostilities  of  the 
Revolution,  proceeded,  not  to  buy  the  lands  of  the  savages,  hut 
to  grant  them  peace,  and  dictate  their  own  terms  as  to  boundaries. 

In  October,  1784,  the  United  States  acquired  in  this  way  what- 
ever title  the  Iroquois  possessed  to  the  western  country,  both  north 
»nd  south  of  the  Ohio,  by  the  second  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  a 
treaty  openly  and  fairly  made,  but  one  the  validity  of  which  manj 
of  the  Iroquois  always  disputed.  The  ground  of  thoir  objection 
appears  to  have  been,  that  the  treaty  was  with  a  part  only  of  th« 
Indian  nations,  whereas  the  wish  of  the  natives  was,  that  eve^ 


1790. 


RBOITITVLATION  OF  TBEATIBS. 


588 


act  of  the  States  with  them,  ahotild  be  as  with  a  confederaoy, 
embracing  all  the  tribes  bordering  upon  the  great  lakes. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  instmctidns  given  the  Indian 
Oommissioners  in  October,  1788,  provided  for  one  convention  with 
all  the  tribes;  and  that  this  provision  was  changed  in  the  following 
March,  for  one  by  which  as  many  separate  conventions  were  to  be 
had,  if  possible,  as  there  were  separate  tribes.  In  pursuance,  of 
this  last  plan,  the  Commissioners,  in  October,  1784,  refused  to 
listen  to  the  proposal  which  is  said  then  to  have  been  made 
for  one  general  congress  of  the  northern  tribes,  and  in  opposition 
to  Brant,  Red  Jacket  and  other  influential  chie&  of  the  Iroquois, 
concluded  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix. 

Then  came  the  treaty  of  Fort  M'Intosh,  in  January,  178A,  with 
the  "  Wyandot,  Delaware,  Chippewa  and  Ottawa  nations  "—open 
to  the  objections  above  recited,  but  the  validity  of  which  was 
never  disputed,  at  least  by  the  Wyandots  and  Delawaros;  although 
the  general  council  of  north-western  Indians,  representing  sixteen 
tribes,  asserted  in  1793,  that  the  treaties  of  Fort  Stanwix,  Fort 
M'Intosh  and  Fort  Finney,  (mouth  of  the  Great  Miami,')  were  not 
only  held  with  separate  tribes,  but  were  obtained  by  intimida- 
tion, the  red-men  having  been  asked  to  make  treaties  of  peace,  and 
forced  to  make  cessions  of  territory. 

The  third  treaty  made  by  the  United  States  was  with  the 
Shawanese  at  Fort  Finney,  in  January,  1786;  which,  it  will  be 
remembered,  the  Wabash  tribes  refused'  to  attend.  The  fourth 
and  fifth,  which  were  acts  of  confirmation,  were  made  at  Fort 
Hsrmar,  in  1789,  one  with  the  Six  l^ations,  and  the  other  with  the 
Wyandots  and  their  associates,  namely,  the  Delawares,  Ottawas, 
Ohippewas,  Pottawattamies,  and  Sacs.  This  last,  fifth  treaty,  the 
confederated  nations  of  the  lake  especially,  refused  to  acknowledge 
SB  binding;  their  council  using  in  relation  to  it,  in  1793,  these 
words: 

"Brothers:  A  general  council  of  all  the  Indian  confederacy  was 
held,  as  you  well  know,  in  the  fall  of  the  year  1788,  at  this  place ; 
and  that  general  council  was  invited  by  your  commissioner.  Gov. 
St  Olair,  to  meet  him  for  the  purpose  of  holding  a  ti*eaty,  with 
regard  to  the  lands  mentioned  by  you  to  have  been  ceded  by  the 
treaties  of  Fort  Stanwix  and  Fort  Mcintosh. 

"Brothers:  We  are  in  possession  of  the  speeches  and  letters 
which  passed  on  that  occasion,  between  those  deputed  by  the  cou> 
federate  Indians,  and  Gov.  St.  Clair,  the  commissioner  of  the  Fni> 
ted  States.    These  papers  prove  that  your  said  commissioner  in  the 


524 


RIOAPITVLATIOH  OW  TRIATISS. 


1790. 


beginning  of  the  year  1769,  after  having  been  infonned  by  th9 
general  council  of  the  preceding  fall,  that  no  baigain  or  sale  of  any 
part  of  these  Indian  lands  would  be  considered  as  valid  or  binding, 
unless  agreed  to  by  a  general  oonncil,  nevertheless  persisted  in  coU 
leoting  together  a  few  chiefs  of  two  or  three  nations  only,  and  with 
them  held  a  treaty  for  the  cession  of  an  immense  countiy,  in  which 
tiiey  were  no  more  interested,  than  as  a  branch  of  the  general  oon> 
federacy,  and  who  were  in  no  manner  authorized  to  make  any 
grant  or  cession  whatever. 

"Brothers :  How  then  was  it  possible  for  yon  to  expeet  to  enjoy 
peace,  and  quietly  to  hold  these  lands,  when  your  commissioner 
was  informed,  long  before  he  held  the  treaty  of  Fort  Harmar,  that 
the  consent  of  a  general  council  was  absolutely  necessary  to  convey 
any  part  <tf  these  lands  to  Hie  United  States."* 

And  in  1795,  at  Greenville,  Massas,  a  Chippewa  obi«ftain,  who 
signed  the  treaty  at  Fort  Harmar,  said ; 

"Elder  Brother:  When  you  yestcrda  rend  to  us  the  treaty  of 
Muskingum,  I  understood  you  dearly  .  i-  at  treaty  we  had  not 
good  interpreters,  and  we  were  left  pan  ^  ^aAcquainted  with  many 
particulars  of  it.  I  was  surprised  when  I  heard  your  voice,  through 
a  good  interpreter,  say  that  we  had  received  presents  and  compen- 
sation for  those  lands  which  were  thereby  ceded.  I  tell  you  now, 
that  we,  the  three  fires,  never  were  informed  of  it.  If  our  unclea, 
the  Wyandots,  and  grandfathers,  the  Delawares,  have  received  saoh 
presents,  they  have  kept  them  to  themselves.  I  always  thought 
that  we,  the  Ottawas,  Chippewas,  and  Pottawattamies,  were  the  true 
owners  of  those  lands,  but  now  I  find  that  new  masters  have  under- 
taken to  dispose  of  them ;  so  that,  at  this  day,  we  do  not  know  to 
whom  they,  of  right,  belong.  We  never  received  any  compeoBa- 
tion  for  them.  I  don't  know  how  it  is,  but  ever  since  that  treaty 
we  have  become  objects  of  pity,  and  our  fires  have  been  retiring 
from  this  country.  Now,  elder  brother,  you  see,  we  are  objects  of 
eompassion,  and  have  pity  on  our  weakness  and  misfortunes ;  and, 
since  you  have  purchased  these  lands,  we  cede  them  to  you ;  th«y 
are  yours." 

The  Wyandots,  however,  acknowledged  even  the  transfer  made 
on  the  Muskingum,  to  be  binding:  "Brother,"  said  Tarke,  who 
signed  the  treaty  foremost  among  the  rapresentatives  of  that  tribe  at 
Greenville,  and  who  bad  also  signed  the  treaty  at  Fort  Harmar— 


existing  agreen 


Amcrleaii  ««»*«  Papwn,  ■▼.  ^.  890,  Uf . 


1790. 


IHDIANS  DISPOSBO  FOR  WAR. 


52$ 


«T0U  batve  proposed  to  ne  to  baild  our  good  work  on  the  treaty 
of  Maski'  ^m;  that  treaty  I  have  always  considered  as  formed 
upon  the  ^rest  princ4»les. 

"  Yon  took  pity  on  us  Indians.  Ton  did  not  do  as  our  fitthera, 
the  British,  i^^ed  yon  should.  Ton  might  by  that  agreement 
have  taken  all  our  lands;  but  you  pitied  ns,  and  let  us  hold  part. 
I  always  looked  upon  that  treaty  to  be  binding  upon  the  United 
States  and  ns  Indians."  * 

The  truth  in  reference  to  this  treaty  of  Fort  Harmar  seems  to 
have  been,  that  the  confederated  nations,  as  a  whole,  did  not  sanc- 
tion it,  and  in  their  council  of  1778  could  not  agree  one  with 
another  in  relation  to  it.    Said  Brant,  before  the  council  met — 

"I  have  still  my  doubts  whether  we  will  join  or  not,  some  being 
no  ways  inclined  for  peaceable  methods.  The  Hurons,  Chippewas, 
Ottawas,  Pottawattamies  andDelawares,  will  join  with  us  in  trying 
lenient  steps  and  having  a  boundary  line  fixed ;  and,  rather  than 
enter  headlong  into  a  destructive  war,  will  give  up  a  small  part  oi 
their  country.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Shawanese,  Miamies  and 
Eickapoos,  who  are  now  so  much  addicted  to  horse-stealing,  that 
it  will  be  a  difficult  task  to  break  them  of  it,  as  that  kind  of  busi- 
ness is  their  best  harvest,  will  of  course  declare  for  war,  and  not 
giviug  up  any  of  their  country,  which,  I  am  afraid,  will  be  the 
means  of  our  separating.  They  are,  I  believe,  determined  not  to 
attend  the  treaty  with  the  Americans.  Still  I  hope  for  the  best 
As  the  major  part  of  the  nations  are  of  our  opinions,  the  rest  may 
be  brought  to,  as  nothing  shall  be  wanting  on  my  part  to  convince 
them  of  their  error."t 

Le  Gris,  the  great  chief  of  the  Miamies,  in  April,  1790,  said  to 
Oamelin,  that  the  Muskingum  treaty  was  not  made  by  chiefs  or 
delegates,  but  by  young  men  acting  without  authority,  although 
Tarke,  the  head  of  the  Wyandots,  signed  and  sanctioned  it,  as  well 
M  Captain  Pipe  of  the  Delawares,  while  Brant  himself  was  present 

Thus  then  stood  the  relations  of  the  Indians  and  the  United 
States,  in  1789.  Transfers  of  territory  had  been  made  by  the  Iro- 
qaois,  the  Wyandots,  the  Delawares  and  the  Shawanese,  whicb 
were  open  to  scarce  any  objection ;  but  the  Chippewas,  Ottawas, 
Eickapoos,  Weaa,  Piankeshaws,  Pottewattamies,  Eel  River  Indfi.ns, 
Easkaskiaa,  and  above  all  the  Miamies,  were  not  bound  by  any 
existing  agreement  to  yield  the  lands  north  of  the  Ohio. 


*  AmtriMa  State  Pkpws,  t.  p.  570,  671.  f  Stoue  iL  278. 


WA8HIKOT0ir>  BOVBTB  THB  J1J8TKS  Of  IHDIAN  WAB.       1790l 

They  wished  the  Ohio  to  be  »  peipeta«l  botuduy  b^ween  the 
white  and  red  men  of  the  West,  and  would  not  sdl  •  rod  of  the 
region  north  of  it  So  strong  was  this  feeling  that  their  young 
men,  they  said,  oonld  not  be  restntfned  from  warftce  i-pon  the 
invading  Long  Knive^  and  thenoe  resulted  fbe  nnoeasing  attacki 
npou  the  frontier  stations  and  the  em^rants. 

Washington  expressed  doubts  as  to  the  justness  of  an  offensive 
war  upon  the  tribes  of  the  Wabash  and  M  amee;  and  had  the 
treaty  of  Fort  Harmar  been  the  sole  ground  whereon  the  United 
States  could  have  claimed  of  the  Indians  the'lN'orth-westem  Terri- 
tory, it  may  be  doubted  whether  right  would  have  justified  the 
steps  taken  in  1790, 1791,  and  1794 ;  but  the  truth  was,  that  befora 
that  treaty,  the  Iroquois,  Delawares,  Wyandots  and  Shawanese  had 
yielded  the  south  of  Ohio,  the  ground  on  which  they  had  long 
dwelt;  and  neither  the  sale  to  Putnam  and  his  associates,  nor  that 
to  Symmes,  was  intended  to  reach  beyond  the  lands  ceded.  Of 
this  there  is  proof  in  the  third  article  of  the  ordinanee  of  1787, 
passed  the  day  before  thei  proposition  to  sell  to  the  Ohio  eompany 
was  for  the  first  time  debated ;  which  declares  that  the  lands  of  the 
Indians  shall  never  be  taken  from  them  without  their  consent  It 
appears  evident,  therefore,  that  theUnited  States  were  frilly  justified 
in  taking  possession  of  the  north-west  shore  of  the  Ohio^  and  thaf 
without  reference  to  the  treaty  at  Fort  Harmar,  which  may  have 
been,  if  the  Indians  spoke  truly,  and  they  were  not  contradicted 
by  the  XTnited  States  commissioners,  morally  worthless.  But  it 
also  appears  that  in  adopting  Tbe  measures  it  did  in  1790  and  1791, 
the  federal  government  acted  unwisely ;  and  that  it  should  then,  at 
the  outset,  have  dcme  what  it  did  in  1798,  after  Bt  Clair's  terrible 
defeat, — ^it  should  have  sent  eomnmsioners  of  (he  higheat  eharacter  to 
the  lake  tribes,  and  in  the  pre$ence  of  the  BriHaih,  learned  their  caaeei 
of  complaint,  and  oiFered  fair  terms  of  compromise.  That  such  i 
step  was  wise  and  just,  the  government  acknowledged  by  its  afte^ 
action;  and  surely  no  one  can  question  the  pontion  that  it  was 
more  likely  to  have  been  effective  before  the  savages  had  twice 
defeated  the  armies  of  the  confederacy  than  afterward." 

The  north-west  territory  was  oiganiaed  under  the  ordinance  of 
1787,  as  has  been  seen,  in  1788,  and  a  corps  of  officers,  connstingof 
Arthur  St  Olair,  Gtovemor,  and  Samuel  H.  Parsons,  James  M. 
Varnum,  and  John  Armstrong,  Judges,  and  Winthrop  Sargeut, 
Secretaiy.  Subsequently,  Mr.  Armstrong  declined  the  appoint- 
ment, and  it  was  given  to  John  Gleves  Symmes.    As  St.  Clair  wii 


1T90. 


BfOOIUPBIOAI.  SKIfOH  Of  ST.  OLAIR, 


(ST 


the  fUst  goyemor  of  the,  north-weatam  temtoty,  and  m  his  iiame» 
his  jsemeee,  and  his  miafortQaea  are  iiMeparikhlty  connected  with  iti 
history,  it  rntay  be  proper  to  refer  to  his  hlstpyy. 

He  was  a  native  of  Scotland,  from  which  Gonntiy  he  came  to  tha 
British  Oolonies  of  Korth  America  in  1755;  having  joined  the 
Boyal  American,  or  sixtieth  British  regiment,  and  sewed  under 
General  Amherst,  at  the  taldng  of  Looisbtug,  in  1758.  He  carried 
a  standard  at  tiie  storming  and  capture  of  (Quebec,  under  General 
Wolfe,  in  1759.  . 

Soon  after  the  peace  of  1798,  he  settled  in  Ligonier  valley,  in 
Western  Pennsylvania,  where  he  continued  to  reside  until  the  Rev- 
olutionary war.  Being  a  firm  friend  of  liberty,  and  the  rights  of 
the  colonies,  he  received  from  Congress  the  commission  of  colonel, 
and  joined  the  American  army  with  a  regiment  of  seven  hundrcid 
and  fifty  men.  Having  been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Mpyor-Oen« 
eral,  he  was  tried  by  a  court  martial,  in  1778,  for  eivaouating  Tioon- 
deroga  and  Mount  Independence,  and  unanimously  acquitted  with 
the  highest  honors.* 

The  late  General  James  Wilkinson,  who  was  a  miyor  under  St. 
Clair  at  the  time,  states  in  the  **  Memoir  of  his  own  Times,"  that 
the  general  said  to  him,  "I  know  I  can  save  my  character  by  sacri- 
ficing the  army,  but  were  I  to  do  so,  I  should  forfeit  that  which  the 
world  cannot  restore,  and  which  the  world  cannot  take  away— my 
own  couscience."t 

He  continued  in  the  service  with  honor  until  the  peace.  He  was 
rigid,  some  thought  arbitrary,  in  his  government,  and,  therefore, 
onpopalar,  but  he  was  scrupulously  honest— had  no  talent  for  specu- 
lation, and  died  poor.  In  a  letter  to  the  Hon.  W.  B.  Giles,  of  Yir- 
ginia,  he  said : 

"In  the  year  1786, 1  entered  into  the  public  service  in  civil  life, 
and  was  a  member  of  Oongvess,  and  President  of  that  body,  when 
it  was  determined  to  erect  a  government  in  the  country  to  the 
West,  that  had  been  ceded  by  Virginia  to  the  United  StiU«s;  and 
in  the  year  1788,  the  office  of  governor  was  in  a  great  measure 
forced  on  me. 

"The  losses  I  had  sustained  in  the  Revolutionary  war,  from  the  de- 
preciation of  the  money,  and  other  causes,  had  been  very  great; 
and  my  friends  saw  in  this  new  government  means  that  might  be 
in  my  power  to  compensate  myself,  and  to  provide  handsomely  for 


•  DUloa'i  ladisns,  281. 


f  WUkinBon'B  Memoin,  i.  86. 


ST.  Ot^lB  ilT  LOSAimVILLS,  OIMOIirHATX. 


1190. 


mj  nuimeroiM  fttmily.  Thej  did  not  Imovir  how  Httlift  I  tnw  qnali- 
ied  fo  vnM  nvyself  of  those  advanti^gM,  if  they  iHid  etfeCed.  I  had 
neither  taste  nor  genius  for  speonlation  in  Isnd  i  neither  did  I  think 
It  Tefy  ooosistent  with  the  ofice." 

On  entering  on  tlie  respcmsibto  ofllce  of  Governor  of  this  new 
territoiy,  instraedons  were  received  hy  him  from  Oongiess.  He 
was  authorized  and  required : 

To  examine  carefully  into  the  real  temper  of  the  Indians. 

To  remove,  if  possihle,  all  causes  of  controversy  with  them,  so 
fliat  peace  and  harmony  might  exist  hetween  them  and  the  United 
States. 

To  regulate  the  trade  With  them. 

To  use  his  best  efforts  to  extinguish  the  rights  of  the  Indians  to 
lands  westward  to  the  Mississippi,  and  northward  to  the  foriy-fint 
degree  of  latitude. 

To  ascertain,  as  far  as  possible,  the  names  of  the  real  head  men 
tind  leading  warriors  of  each  tribe,  and  to  attach  these  men  to  the 
United  States. 

To  defeat  all  combinations  among  thfr  tribes  hy  conciliatoiy 
means.* 

AboQt  the  first  of  Jannaiy,  1790,  Governor  St  Glair,  with  the 
officers  of  the  territory,  descended  the  river  firom  Marietta  to  Fort 
Washington,  at  Losantiville.  There  he  organized  the  county  of 
Hamilton,  comprising  the  whole  country  contiguous  to  the  Ohio, 
from  the  Hockhocking  river  to  the  Great  Miami,  appointed  a  corps 
of  civil  and  military  officers,  and  established  a  Cknnt  of  Quarter 
Sessions  for  the  administration  of  jnstice.  At  the  same  time  he 
changed  the  name  of  the  village  of  Losantiville  to  Cincinnati,  in 
allusion  to  the  society  of  that  name  which  had  recently  been  formed 
among  the  officers  of  the  Revolutionary  army,  and  established  it  as 
the  seat  of  justice  for  the  county  of  Hamilton.  With  the  impo^ 
fance  attached  to  it  as  the  county  town,  and  the  head-quarters  of 
the  army,  the  village  of  Cincinnati  began  at  once  to  improve  in 
appearance,  and  to  increase  in  population;  and  it  is  noticed  that  in 
the  succeeding  summer  fhune  houses  began  to  appear,  and  tliSt 
fcnty  log  cabins  were  erected. 

On  the  8th  of  January,  the  Governor  and  Secretary  arrived  at 
Olaifciville,  at  the  fells  of  the  Ohio,  on  their  way  firom  Cincinnati 
to  Yinceniies,  to  oiganize  the  government  of  that  region,  and  to 


•  DiUon'i  Indiui*,  p.  282. 


IWO. 


8T,  CLAIM  PBOOnM  VO  TXX0IHNV8. 


fli» 


carry  into  effect  the  xeeolation  of  Oongreas  in  regard  to  the  lands 
of  the  French  inhabitants  of  the.  lUiaoit.  Thence  he  dwpatched 
a  messenger  to  Migor  Hamtramckr  commanding  at  Vinceimes,  with 
speeches  to  be  forwarded  bj  him  to  the  Indians  on  the  Wabash, 
who  were  then  beginning  to  exhibit  a  feeling  of  hostility  toward 
the  whites.  Along  with  these,  he  addressed  a  letter  to  Hamtramck 
in  regard  to  the  soarcitgr  of  com  which  it  was  represented  existed 
atVinoennes. 

'*  It  is  represented  to  me,"  said  he,  *'that  unless  a  sappty  of  that 
article  oan  be  sent  forward,  the  people  must  actaally  starve.  Com 
can  be  had  here  in  any  quantity ;  but  can  the  people  pay  for  it?  I 
entreat  yon  to  inquire  into  that  matter,  and  if  yon  find  ^ey  cannot 
do  without  it,  write  to  the  contractor's  agent  here,  to  whom  I  will 
g^ve  orders  to  send  forward  such  quantity  as  you  may  find  to  be 
absolutely  necessary.  They  must  pay  for  what  they  can  of  it,  but 
they  must  not  be  left  to  perish;  and  though  I  have  no  direct 
auUiority  A'om  the  gotemment  for  this  purpose,  I  must  take  it 
apon  myself." 

ShorUy  afterward,  St  Olair,  along  with  Sargent,  proceeded  by 
land  along  an  Indian  trail  to  Vincennes,  where  he  organized  the 
county  of  Enox,  comprising  all  the  country  along  the  Ohi(^  firom 
the  Miami  to  the  Wabash,  and  establishet'  Vincennes  as  the  seat  of 
justice.  Thence  he  proceeded  to  Kaskaskia,  and  there  established 
the  county  of  St  Glair,  (so  named  by  Winthrop  Sai^nt,  in  com* 
pKment  to  the  Governor,*)  comprising  all  the  territory  from  the 
Wabash  to  the  Mississippi.  There  he  issued  a  proclamation  calling 
opon  the  French  inhabitants  to  exhibit  the  titles  to  their  lands,  in 
order  to  have  them  examined,  confirmed,  and  the  lands  tb'^y  repre- 
sented surveyed.  The  requisition  was  very  generally  complied- 
with,  but  the  people  objected,  on  account  of  the  nusfbrtunes  they 
had  encountered,  to.the  payment,  according  to  law,  of  the  expense 
ef  the  surveys. 

A  memorial  presented  to  St  Clair  by  Pierre  Gibault,  the  priest 
who  had  interested  himself  so  much  in  the  American  cause  at  the 
time  of  the  conquest  of  Illinois,  in  behalf  of  himself  and  eighty- 
seven  others,  furnishes  a  striking  picture  of  the  condition  of  the 
French  inhabitants  of  Illinois  at  that  period.    It  sets  forth — 

"That  by  an  act  of  Congress  of  June  20th,  1788,  it  was  declared 
that  the  lands  heretofore  possessed  by  the  said  inhabitants,  should 


*It  is  udd  tlwt  St.  Gl^  was  iiidiipo8«d  to  reoeiTe  the  oomptimeBt,  and  only  asBented 
to  thtt  OM  of  th«  name  of  Bt  Clair  eonnty  after  it  had  been  iatrodoeed  into  the  reeordt. 


fiSO 


n,  oLAxm  OK  fm  MUSxMxvn. 


vm. 


be  lurveyed  at  their  .tzpeiue;  and  that  thb  olaoM  appears  to  them 
neither  neoecwaiy  nor  ad^tted  to  quiet  the  minda  of  the  people. 
Jt  doee  BOt  appear  neo^iMuy,  because  from  the  eatablishmeDt  of  the 
colony  to  thia  di^,  they  have  enjoyed  their  property  and  postee. 
•ions  without  disputes  or  lawsuits  on  ihe  subject  of  their  Umits; 
that  the  surveys  of  them  were  made  at  the  time  the  concessions 
were  obtained  from  their  ancient  Idngs,  lords  and  commandants; 
and  that  each  of  them  knew  what  belonged  to  him  without  aV 
tempting  an  encroachment  on  his  neighbor,  or  fearing  that  bis 
neighbor  would  encroach  on  him.  It  does  not  appear  adiqated  to 
pacify  them,  because,  instead  of  assuring  to  them  the  peaceable 
possession  of  their  ancient  inheritances,  as  they  have  enjoyed  it 
till  now,  that  clause  obliges  them  to  bear  expenses  which,  in  their 
present  sitnation,  they  are  absolutely  incapable  of  paying,  and  for 
the  Mlure  of  which  they  must  be  deprived  of  their  lands, 

"Your  excellency  is  an  eye-witness  of  the  poverty  to  which  the 
inhabitants  are  reduced,  and  of  the  total  want  of  provisions  to 
subsist  on.  Not  knowing  where  to  find  a  morgetof  bread  to  nouriah 
tiieirfamUieSf  by  what  means  can  they  support  the  expense  of  a 
survey  which  has  not  been  sought  for  on  their  part,  and  for  which, 
it  is  conceived  by  them,  there  is  no  necessity  7, 

*lLoa4ed  wUhrmeryt  and  groaning  under  the  weigkl  of  rmfortmn, 
iffiaumuJUUied  smee  the  Virginia  troops  entered  their  country^  the  unhappj 
inhabitants  throw  themselves  under  the  protection  of  your  excel- 
lency, and  take  the  liberty  to  solicit  you  to  lay  their  deplorable 
situation  before  Oongreas ;  and,  as  it  m^y  be  interesting  for  the 
United  States  to  know  exactiy  the  extent  and  limits  of  their  ancient 
possessions  in  order  to  ascertain  the  lauds  which  are  yet  at  the 
disposal  of  Congress,  it  appears  to  them,  in  their  humble  opinion, 
that  the  expenses  of  the  survey  ought  more  property  to  be  boms 
by  Congress,  for  whom  alone  it  is  useful,  than.by  them  who  do  not 
feel  the  necessity  of  it.  Besides,  this  is  no  object  for  the  United 
States ;  but  it  is  great,  too  great,  for  a-few  wnhappy  beings  whoy  your 
exceUencg  aeea  yawridf^  are  seareely  able  to  support  their  piHfid  exia- 
tenee." 


While  St  Clair  was  employed  in  organizing  the  government, 
uid  arranging  the  civil  affiairs  of  the  territory,  M^or  Hamtramck 
Was  engaged  in  the  effort  to  conciliate  the  tribes  on  the  Wabssh. 
Antoine  Gamelin,  an  intelligent  French  merchant  of  Yincennea 
was  employed  to  carry  the  messages  of  the  government  to  ths 
Indians,  and  to  ascertain  their  disposition  and  sentiments.    Mr. 


1790. 


▲MTOim  OAiaLIll*l  nVKKAh, 


m 


Oamelin  Mt  oat  on  hb  miMion  firom  VinominM  on  th«  6th  itf  April, 
«nd  visited  all  the  prinoipal  ▼iUagen  along  the  Wabash,  and  ;?s  fi» 
east  as  Ee-ki-ong-gay,  the  Miami  village  at  the  junction  of  the  St 
Joseph  and  the  8t  Mary's  (Fort  Wi^ne).  An  extiaot  from  his 
jouraal  will  show  the  spirit  in  which  he  was  received: 

"The  first  village  I  arrived  at,"  says  Mr.  Oameliiv  *^ ^  <»Uod 

Kikapoagaoi.    The  name  of  the  chief  of  this  village  is  called  La 

Jambes  Oroehes.    He  and  his  tribe  have  a  good  heart,  and  accepted 

the  speech.  The  second  village  is  at  the  river  da  VemdUion,  caUed 

Piankeshaws.    The  first  chie^  and  all  the  warriors,  were  weU 

pleased  with  the  sfieeches  concerning  l^e  peace :  bat  they  sud  they 

coald  not  give  presently  a  proper  answer,  before  they  consult  the 

Miami  nation,  their  eldest  brethren.    Th«y  desired  me  to  proceed 

to  the  Miami  town,  Ke-ki-ong>gay,  and,  on  coming  back,  to  let 

them  know  what  reception  I  got  iVom  them.    The  said  betkd  <A^ 

told  me  that  he  thought  the  nations  of  the  lake  had  a  bad  heart, 

and  were  ill  disposed  for  the  Americans:  that  the  speeches  would 

not  be  received,  particularly  by  the  Shawanese  at  Miamv  town* 

The  11th  of  April  I  reached  a  ttibe  of  Eiokapooe.    The  head  cMef 

and  all  the  warriors  being  assembled,  I  gave  them  two  branches  of 

white  wampum,  with  tiie  speeches  of  his  Excellency  Arthur  St 

Olair,  and  those  of  Migor  Hamtramck.    It  must  be  observed  that 

the  speeches  have  been  in  another  hand  b^ore  me.    The  messen- 

ger  could  not  proceed  fhrther  than  the  Yermillion,  on  account  of 

some  private  wrangling  between  the  interpreter  and  some  chief 

men  of  the  tribe. 

"Moreover,  something  in  the  speech  displeased  them  very  much, 
which  is  included  in  the  third  article,  which  says,  *  I  do  lune  make 
you  the  offer  of  peace:  accept  it,  or  reject  tt^  at  you  please.'  These 
words  appeared  to  displease  all  the  tribes  to  whom  the  first  me&^ 
senger  was  sent  They  told  me  they  were  menacing ;  and  finding 
that  it  might  have  a  bad  effect,  I  took  upon  myself  to  exclude  them ; 
and,  after  making  some  apology,  they  answered  that  he  and  his 
tribe  were  pleased  with  my  speech,  and  that  I  could  go  up  without 
danger,  but  they  could  not  presentiy  give  me  an  answer,  having 
some  warriors  absent,  and  without  vionsulting  the  Ouiatenons,  being 
the  owners  of  their  lands. 

"They  desired  me  to  stop  at  Quitepiconnse,  (Tippecanoe,)  that 
they  would  haVe  the  chiefe  and  warriors  oi  Ooiatenons  and  those 
of  their  nation  assembled  there,  and  would  receive  a  proper  answer. 
They  said  that  they  expected  by  me  a  draught  of  milk  firom  the 
great  chief,  and  the  commanding  (^cer  of  the  post,  for  to  put  the 
old  people  in  good  humor;  also  some  povtder  and  bdl  for  the  young 


AVVOIHI  OAMILar  ■  JOVMAXi. 


1790. 


mM  for  hanting,  snd  to  get  mhim  good  broth  for  th«ir  woni«n  and 
•liildren :  tlwfc  I  should  know  »  bearer  of  speeches  should  never  be 
with  empty  haoda.  They  promised  me  to  keep  their  young  men 
from  stBaUag,  and  to  send  q>eeches  to  their  nations  in  the  prairies 
for  to  do  the  same. 

'*  The  14th  April  the  Oniatenons  and  Kickapoos  were  assembled. 
After  my  eneeoh  one  of  the  head  chiefii  got  up  and  told  me—'  Yea, 
GhimeUn,  my  friend,  and  son-in-law,  we  are  pleised  to  see  in 
our  ▼ill^ge,  and  to  hear  by  youi  mouth  the  good  words  of  the  great 
ehief.  We  thought  to  receive  a  few  words  from  the  French  people; 
but  I  see  the  oontraiy.  None  but  the  Big-Knife  is  sending  speeches 
to  us.    Ton  know  that  we  can  terminate  nothing  without  the  coa> 
lent  of  our  brethren  the  Miamies.    I  invite  you  to  proceed  to  their 
village  and  speak  to  them.    There  is  one  thing  in  your  speech  I 
do  not  like :  I  will  not  tell  of  it:  even  was  I  drunk,  I  would  per- 
ceive  it:  but  our  elder  brethren  will  certainly  take  notice  of  it  in 
your  speech.    Ton  invite  us  to  stop  our  young  men.    It  is  impos- 
sible to  do  it,  being  constantly  encouraged  by  the  British.'    Another 
chief  got  up  and  said — '  The  Americans  are  very  flattering  in  their 
epeeehes :  many  times  our  nation  went  to  their  rendezvous.    I  was 
once  myself.   Some  of  our  chiefs  died  on  the  route ;  and  we  always 
came  back  all  naked :  and  you,  Gamelm,  yon  come  with  speech, 
with  empty  hands.'    Another  chief  got  up  and  said  to  his  yoang 
men,  *  If  we  are  poor,  and  dressed  in  deer  skins,  it  is  our  own  faalt 
Our   French  traders   are  leaving  us  and  our  villages,  because 
you  plunder  them  every  day;  and  it  is  time  for  us  to  have  another 
conduct^    Another  chief  got  up  and  siud,  'Know  ye  that  the  vil- 
lage of  Omatenon  is  the  sepulchre  of  all  our  ancestors.    The  chief 
of  America  invites  us  to  go  to  him,  if  we  are  for  peace.    He  has 
not  his  leg  broke,  having  been  able  to  go  as  far  as  the  Illinois.  He 
might  come  here  himself;  and  we  should  be  glad  to  see  him  at  our 
Tillage.    We  confess  that  we  accepted  the  axe,  but  it  is  by  the  re- 
proach we  continually  receive  from  the  English  and  other  nations, 
which  received  the  axe  first,  calling  us  women :  at  the  present  time 
they  invite  our  young  men  to  war.    As  to  the  old  people,  they  are 
wishing  for  peace.'    They  could  not  give  me  an  answer  before 
they  received  advice  from  the  Miamies,  their  elder  brethren. 

''The  18th  April  I  arrived  at  the  river  a  L'Anguille,  (Eel  River.) 
The  chief  of  the  village,'*'  and  those  of  war  were  not  present    I 


*  Tkb  vill«g«  itoed  on  ^e  aortk  M»  vt  Eal  river,  sbout  six  milM  »boT«  the  junetioa 
if  tk»t  strMB  wltk  ths  W«bMh. 


1T90. 


iMTOWB  OAMBUn'S  JOVKtlAL, 


explained  the  ipeeohet  to  tome  of  tk«  tribe.  They  Mid  they  were 
well  pleMed ;  bat  tiiey  covM  not  give  me  «n  Answer,  tbmr  chief 
men  being  ebeent.  They  desired  me  to  stop  at  their  Tillage  eom- 
ing  back ;  and  they  sent  with  me  one  of  their  men  for  to  hear  the 
answer  of  their  eldest  bretiiren. 

**  The  28d  of  April  l  arrired  at  the  Miami  town.  The  next  day 
I  got  the  Miami  nation,  the  Bhawanese,  and  Delawares  all  assem- 
bled. I  gave  to  each  nation  two  branches  of  wampnm,  and  began 
the  speeches,  before  the  French  an'^  English  traders,  being  invited 
by  the  chiefs  to  be  present,  having  told  them  myself  I  would  be 
glad  to  have  them  present,  having  noting  to  say  against  anybody. 
After  the  speech  I  showed  them  the  treaty  concluded  at  Mu8kin> 
gum,  (Fort  Harmar,)  between  his  Excellency  Governor  St.  Glair, 
and  sundry  nations,  which  displeased  them. 

**  I  told  them  that  the  purpose  of  this  present  time  was  n^t  to  sub- 
mit them  to  any  condition,  but  to  offer  them  the  peace,  which  made 
disappear  their  displeasure.  The  great  chief  told  me  that  he  wae 
pleased  with  the  speech ;  that  he  would  soon  give  me  an  answer; 
la  a  private  disoourse  with  the  great  chief,  he  told  me  not  to  mind 
what  the  Shawanese  would  tell  me,  having  a  bad  heart,  and  being 
the  perturbators  of  all  the  nations.  He  said  the  Miamies  had  a  bad 
name,  on  account  <tf  mischief  done  on  the  river  Ohio;  but  he  told 
me  it  was  not  occasioned  by  his  young  men,  but  by  the  Shawanese; 
his  young  men  going  out  only  for  to  hunt 

**  The  26th  of  April,  Blue  Jacket,  chief  warrior  of  the  Shawanesa, 
invited  me  to  go  to  his  bouse,  and  told  me,  '  My  friend,  by  the 
name  and  consent  of  the  Shawanese  and  Delawares,  I  will  speak 
to  you.  We  are  all  sensible  of  your  speech,  and  pleased  with  it ; 
but,  after  consultation,  we  cannot  give  an  answer  without  hear* 
ing  from  our  father  at  Detroit ;  and  we  are  determined  to  give  yo« 
hack  the  two  branches  of  wampum,  and  to  send  you  to  Detroit,  to 
see  and  hear  the  chief,  or  to  stay  here  twenty  nights  for  to  receive 
his  answer.  From  all  quarters  we  receive  speeches  from  the  Amer- 
icans, and  not  one  is  alike.  We  suppose  that  they  intend  to  de- 
ceive us.    Then  take  back  your  brandies  of  wampum.' 

^  The  26th,  five  Pottawattamies  arrived  here  with  two  negro  me^, 
which  they  sold  to  English  traders.  The  next  day  I  went  to  the 
great  chief  of  the  Miamies,  called  Le  Oris.  His  oldef  warrior  was 
present  I  told  him  how  I  had  been  served  by  the  Shawuiese. 
Ue  answered  me  that  he  had  heard  of  it:  that  the  said  nations  be- 
haved contrary  to  his  intentions.  He  desired  me  not  to  miadtboae 
itmngers  and  that  be  would  soon  give  me  a  positive  answer. 


684 


Airtonri  bamwum'b  jovutal 


1790. 


**  The  28th  April,  th«  grMit  chief  dedred  me  to  oall  at  the  French 
tmder'a  and  reorire  hit  Miawer.  *  Don't  take  bed,'  eeid  he,  *of 
what  I  am  to  tell  yon.  Yon  maj  go  back  when  70a  pleaie.  We 
eannot  give  yon  n  poeitive  aniwer.  We  mnet  tend  yonr  tpeechee 
to  all  oar  neighbors,  and  to  the  Lake  nations;  We  cannot  give  a 
definitive  aniwer  without  oonralting  the  commandant  at  Detroit' 
And  he  dedred  me  to  render  him  the  two  branohee  of  wampum 
leftiaed  by  the  Shawaneee ;  also,  a  copy  of  ipeeches  in  writing. 
He  promiaed  me  that,  in  thirty  nights,  he  would  send  an  answer 
to  Poet  Vincennes,  by  a  young  man  of  each  nation. 

**  He  was  well  pleased  with  the  speechee,  and  said  to  be  worthy 
of  attention,  and  should  be  communicated  to  all  their  <  nfederates, 
timing  resolved  among  them  not  to  do  cmgthing  vailhmU  an  unammtm 
consent.  I  agreed  to  his  requisitions,  and  rendered  him  the  two 
branches  of  wampum,  and  a  copy  of  the  speech.  Afterward,  he 
told  me  that  the  Five  Nations,  so  called,  or  Iroquois,  were  training 
something;  that  five  of  them,  and  three  Wyandots,  were  in  this 
village  with  branches  of  wilmpum.  He  could  not  tell  me  presently 
their  purpose ;  but  he  said  I  would  know  of  it  very  soon. 
'.'  "  The  same  day,  Blue  Jacket,  chief  of  the  Shawaneee,  invited  me 
(0  his  house  for  supper;  and,  before  the  other  chiefs,  told  me  that, 
•fter  another  deliberation,  they  thought  necessary  that  I  should  go 
myself  to  Detroit,  for  to  sec  the  commandant,  who  would  get  all 
his  children  assembled  for  to  hear  my  speech.  I  told  them  I 
would  not  answer  them  in  tiie  night;  that  I  was  not  ashamed  to 
•peak  before  the  sun. 

**  The  29th  April,  I  got  them  all  assembled.  I  told  them  that  I 
was  not  to  go  to  Detroit ;  that  the  speeches  were  directed  to  the 
nations  of  the  river  Wabash  and  the  Miami;  and  tiiat,  for  to  prove 
the  sincerity  <^  the  speech,  and  the  heart  of  Governor  8t.  Glair,  I 
have  willingly  j^ven  a  copy  of  the  speeches,  to  be  shown  to  the 
commandant  of  Detroit;  and,  according  to  a  letter  wrote  by  the 
commandant  of  Detroit  to  tiie  Miamies,  Shawaneee,  and  Dela- 
wares,  mentioning  to  yon  to  be  peaceable  with  the  Americans,  I 
would  go  to  him  veiy  willingly,  if  it  waa  in  my  directions,  being 
sensible  of  his  sentiments.  I  told  them  I  had  nothing  to  say  to 
the  commandant;  neither  him  to  me.  Tou  most  immediatelj 
resolve,  if  you  intend  to  take  me  to  Detroit,  or  else  I  am  to  go  back 
as  soon  m  possible. 

"Blue  Jacket  got  up  and  told  me,  *My  friend,  we  are  w^l 
ileaeed  with  what  you  say.  Our  intention  is  not  to  force  you  to 
go  to  Detroit :  it  is  only  n  proposal,  thinking  it  for  the  best.    Oar 


1790. 


AHTOIHI  OAMIUir'B  iOVUTAL. 


685 


ftDswer  ii  the  same  m  the  Miamiet.  We  will  send,  in  thirty 
nighti,  a  ftiU  and  poaitire  answer,  hy  a  young  mm  of  each  nation, 
by  writing  to  Poet  Yinoennes.*  In  the  erening,  Bine  Jacket,  chief 
of  the  Shawaneee,  haying  taken  me  to  rapper  with  him,  told  me, 
in  a  prirate  manner,  that  the  Shawanee  nation  waa  in  doal>t  of 
the  rinoerity  of  the  Big  Knives,  so  called,  having  been  already 
deceived  by  them.  That  they  had  flrat  destroyed  their  lands,  pot 
out  their  fire,  and  sent  away  their  young  men,  being  a  hunting, 
without  a  mouthftil  of  meat :  also,  had  taken  away  their  women ; 
wherefore,  many  of  ihem  would,  with  great  deal  of  pain,  foiget 
these  fi.Tironts.  Moreover,  that  some  other  nations  were  appre- 
hending- that  offers  of  pvaoe  would,  may  be,  tend  to  take  away,  by 
degrees,  their  lands ;  and  would  serve  them  as  they  did  before ;  a 
eertain  proof  i^t  "hey  intend  to  encroach  on  our  lands,  is  their 
new  settU'ment  o:-  the  Oh'-- 

**If  they  doiii't  keep  thi  >  side  (of  the  Ohio)  clear,  it  will  never 
be  a  proper  reeoncilemv  ut  with  the  nations  Shawanese,  Iroquois, 
WyandolB,  and  T^erbaps  many  '-hers.  Le  Gris,  chief  of  the 
lliamies,  asked  mo,  in  a  private  discourse,  what  chief  had  made  a 
treaty  with  thb  Americans  at  Muskingum,  (Fort  Harmar.)  I 
answered  him  that  their  names  were  menticned  in  the  treaty.  He 
told  me  he  had  herrd  of  it  some  time  ago ;  but  they  are  not  chiefii^ 
neither  delegates,  who  made  that  treaty :  they  flire  only  young  men, 
who,  without  ai^thority  and  instructions  from  their  ohiefi,  have 
oonoluded  that  treaty,  which  will  not  be  approved.  They  went  to 
the  treaty  clandestinely,  and  they  intend  to  mi^e  mention  c^  it  ife 
the  next  council  to  be  held. 

"The  2d  of  May,  I  came  back  to  the  river  a  TAnguille.  One  of 
the  chief  men  of  the  tribe  being  witness  of  the  council  at  Miami 
towii,  ^peated  the  whole  to  them;  and,  whereas,  the  first  chief 
was  aii^ent,  they  said  they  could  not  for  present  time  give  answer ; 
bat  they  were  willing  to  join  their  speech  to  those  of  their  eldest 
brethren. 

"*To  give  you  proof  of  an  open  heart,  wo  1:  ^  you  know  that  one 
of  our  chiefs  is  gone  to  war  on  the  Americaitd;  but  it  was  before 
we  heard  of  yon ;  for  certain  they  would  not  have  been  gone  thither.' 
They  also  told  me  that  a  few  days  after  I  passed  their  village, 
seventy  warriors,  Ohippewas  and  Ottawas  from  Miehilimackinack 
arrived  there ;  some  of  them  were  Pottawattamies,  who,  meeting  in 
their  route,  the  Ohippewas  wid  Ottawas  joined  them.  'We  told 
them  what  we  heard  by  yon;  that  your  speech  w«>j?  fldr  and  true. 
We  could  not  stop  them  from  going  to  war.    Tl  >  Fottawittamlee 


686 


ARTOINI  BAUMUV'B  JOVEMAL. 


1790. 


told  QB  tbat,  B8  the  OhippewM  and  Ottawas  were  more  nnmeroas 
Hiab  them,  they  were  forced  to  follow  them.' 

"The  8d  of  May  I  got  to  the  Weaa.  They  told  me  that  they 
were  waiting  for  an  answer  from  their  eldest  brethren.  *We  approve 
very  mach  our  brethren  for  not  to  give  a  definitive  answer,  with- 
out  informing  of  it  all  the  Lake  nations;  that  Detrtnt  was  the 
place  where  the  fire  was  lighted;  then  it  ought  first  to  be  put  oat 
tiiiere;  that  the  English  commandant  is  their  father,  since  he  threw 
down  our  French  &ther:  they  could  do  nothing  without  his 
i^probation.' 

**  The  4th  of  May  I  arrived  at  the  village  of  the  Eicki^os.  The 
ehief,  presenting  me  two  branches  of  wampum,  black  and  white, 
said,  *  My  son,  we  cannot  stop  our  young  men  from  going  to  war. 
Eveiy  day  some  set  aS  clandestinely  for  that  purpose.  After  such 
behavior  from  our  young  men,  we  are  ashamed  to  say  to  the  great 
chief  at  the  Illinois  and  of  the  Post  Vincennes,  that  we  are  busy 
about  some  good  affiiirs  for  the  reconcilement;  but  be  persuaded 
that  we  will  speak  to  them  continually  concerning  the  peace;  and 
that,  when  our  eldmt  brethren  will  have  sent  their  answer,  we  wiU 
join  ours  to  it' 

"The  5th  of  May  I  arrived  at  Vermillion.  I  found  nobody  but 
two  chiefii ;  all  the  rest  were  gone  a  hunting.  They  told  me  they 
had  nothing  else  to  say  but  what  I  was  told  going  up." 

On  the  8th  of  May,  Gamelin  returned  to  Fort  Knox,  and  on  the 
nth,  some  traders  arrived  from  the  Upper  Wabash,  bringing  the 
Intelligence  that  war  parties  from  the  north  had  joined  the  Wabash 
Indians,  tbat  the  whole  force  of  the  savages  had  gone  to  make  aa 
attack  on  the  settlements,  and  that  three  days  after  Gamelin  left 
the  Miamies,  an  American  captive  had  been  burned  in  their 
village. 

These  rumors,  together  with  the  report  of  Gamelin,  were  con- 
veyed to  St  Glair  at  Kaskaskia;  and  the  threatening  state  of  affitirs 
they  indicated,  induced  him  to  leave  the  further  regulation  of  the 
affiftirs  of  St  Glwr  county  in  the  hands  of  Winthrop  Sargent,  and 
proceed  immediately  to  Fort  Washington,  to  provide  for  the  de- 
fense of  the  frontier. 

In  the  meanwhile,  straggling  parties  of  Indians  ^viero  carrying  on 
« predauMy  war  along  tiio  whole  line  of  the  Ohio,  against  the 
eoq^KMed  settlers,  and  especially  against  the  emigrants,  great  num- 
bers of  whom  were  descending  the  river  at  that  season  in  boats,  to 
tbe  new  settlements.  Under  these  circumstances,  it  was  deteov 
sained  fay  the  peofple  of  Kentucky  to  make  an  iqpoiediate  attaek  on 


1790. 


SOOrt  AND  HARMAR  AT  SCIOTO. 


687 


9  con- 
afiiun 
of  the 
t,  and 
,e  de- 

jing  on 
U  the 

nnm- 
^at8,to 

deteff- 

DkOD 


the  Indians  on  the  Scioto,  and  General  Wilkinson  wrote  on  the 
7th  of  April  to  General  Harmar,  to  co-operate  in  the  expedition. 

"  I  write  to  you,"  said  he,  "  at  the  public  request,  on  a  subject 
deeply  interesting  to  Kentucky,  to  our  national  honor,  and  to  hu- 
manity. For  more  than  a  month  past,  a  party  of  savages  has  occupied 
the  north-western  bank  of  the  Ohio,  a  few  miles  above  the  mouth 
of  the  Scioto,  from  whence  they  mako  attacks  upon  every  boat  that 
passes,  to  the  destruction  of  much  property,  the  loss  of  many  lives, 
and  the  great  annoyance  of  all  intercourse  to  the  northward.  By 
very  recent  accounts,  we  are  apprised  that  they  still  continue  in 
force  at  that  point,  and  that  their  last  attack  was  made  against  five 
boats,  one  of  which  they  captured.  It  is  the  general,  and  I  con- 
ceive a  well  founded  opinion,  that  if  this  party  is  not  dislodged 
and  dispersed,  the  navigation  of  the  Ohio  must  cease.  In  a  case  so 
very  critical,  the  people  of  this  district  conceive  themselves  justi- 
fied in  appealing  to  arms,  because  their  dearest  interests,  and  the 
the  lives  of  their  brethren  are  at  hazard;  but  being  extremely  un^ 
willing  to  proceed,  except  in  a  legal,  regular,  and  authorized  way, 
they  call  upon  you  for  advice,  succor,  and  assistance,  in  the  hope 
and  the  expectation  that  you  will  be  able  to  co-operate  with  a  de- 
tachment of  the  troops  under  your  command,  and  carry  an  imme- 
diate expedition  against  the  before  mentioned  party  of  savages 
from  Limestone,  whero  it  is  proposed  to  rendezvous  a  body  of 
militia  volunteers." 

Accordingly,  on  the  18th  of  April,  General  Harmar,  with  one 
handred  regular  troops,  and  General  Scott^  with  two  hundred  and 
thirty  Kentucky  volunteers,  marched  from  Limestone,  by  a  cir- 
coitous  route,  to  the  Scioto,  and  thence  proceede<^  to  its  mouth,  in 
order  to  intercept  some  of  the  hostile  bands.  Only  four  Indians 
were  discovered,  who  were  killed  by  a  party  of  the  militia.  Har- 
mar complained  that  his  endeavors  wei»  so  unsuccessful.  "Every 
exertion  in  my  power,"  said  he,  "  was  made  without  efiect,  as  the 
villains  had  retreated.    Wolves  might  as  well  have  been  pursued." 

The  hostility  of  the  Indians  at  this  period,  and  the  great  uneasi- 
ness they  had  manifested  during  the  preceding  years,  are  generally 
and  justly  attributed  to  the  intrigues  of  the  British  agents  in  the 
north-west;  and  it  therefore  may  be  proper  here  to  refer  more  par- 
ticularly to  the  motives  and  ends  of  their  policy,  and  the  means  by 
which  they  sought  to  eflTect  it. 

Most  of  the  tribes  adhered  to  England  during  the  Revolutionary 
straggle.  When  the  war  ceased,  however,  England  made  no  pro- 
86 


588 


INDIAN  HOBTIUTIU  THBaATKNlD. 


vm. 


vision  for  ihera>  and  transferred  the  North^West  to  the  TJnited 
States,  withoot  any  stipnlation  as  to  the  rights  of  the  natives.  The 
United  States,  regarding  the  lands  of  the  hostile  tribes  as  oonqaered 
and  forfeited,  proceeded  to  give  peace  to  the  savages,  and  to  grant 
them  portions  of  their  own  lande.  This  produced  discontent,  «»ua 
led  to  the  formation  of  the  confederacy  headed  by  Brant*  To 
assist  the  purposes  of  this  union,  it  was  very  desiraUe  that  the 
British  should  still  hold  the  posts  along  the  lakes,  and  supply  the 
red  men  with  all  needful  things. 

The  forts  they  claimed  a  right  to  hold,  because  the  Americana 
disregarded  the  treaty  of  1788 ;  the  trade  with  the  Indians,  even 
though  the  latter  might  be  at  war  with  the  United  States,  they 
regarded  as  perfectly  fair  and  just  Having  thus  a  sort  of  legal 
right  to  the  position  they  occupied,  the  British  did,  undoubtedly 
and  purposely,  aid  and  abet  the  Indians  hostile  to  the  United  States. 
In  1785,  after  the  formation  of  his  confederacy,  Brant  went  to 
England,  and  his  arrival  was  thus  announced  in  the  London 
prints: 

**  This  extraordinary  personage  is  said  to  have  presided  at  the 
late  grand  Congress  of  confederate  chiefs  of  the  Indian  nations  ia 
America,  and  to  be  by  them  appointed  to  the  conduct  and  chief 
command  in  the  war  which  they  now  meditate  against  the  United 
States  of  America.  He  took  his  departure  for  England  imme- 
diately as  that  assembly  broke  up ;  and  it  is  conjectured  that  his 
Mibassy  to  the  British  court  is  of  great  importance. 

"  This  country  owes  much  to  the  services  of  Colonel  Bnmt 
during  the  late  war  in  America.  He  was  educated  at  Philadel- 
phia ;  is  a  very  shrewd,  intelligent  person,  possesses  great  courage 
and  abilitiee  as  a  warrior^  and  ia  inviolaUy  attached  to  the  British 
nation." 

On  the  4th  of  January,  1786,  he  visited  Lord  Sidney,  the  C<^ 
uial  Secretary,  and  after  plainly  and  boldly  staUng  the  trouble  of 
the  Indians  at  the  forgetfulness  of  Britain — the  encroaehments  of 
the  Americans- — and  their  fear  of  serious  consequences,  he  closed 
with  these  words : 

*'  This  we  shall  avoid  to  the  utmost  of  our  power,  as  dearly  as 
we  love  our  lands.  But  should  it,  contrary  to  our  wishes,  happen, 
we  desire  to  know  whether  we  are  to  be  conndered  a*  his  miyesty's 
futhful  allies,  and  have  that  <^npport  and  eooBtenanoo  such  as  okl 
and  true  friends  expect." 


*  Hcelnwelder'ii  Nferratirv,  iVi.    Stoue**  Ufe  of  Bnnt,  ii.,  217,  2IOl 


ITMi 


INDIAK  BOSTILniKS  THRKATKNIO. 


Bi» 


The  English  minister  returned  a  perfectly  non-committal  Answer; 
and  when  the  Mohawk  chieftain,  upon  his  retam,  met  the  confede> 
rated  natives  in  November,  1786,  he  could  give  them  no  distinct 
assurances  of  aid  from  England.  But  while  all  definite  promises 
were  avoided,  men  situated  as  John  Johnson,  the  Indian  superin- 
tendent, did  not  hesitate  to  write  to  him — 

"Do  not  suffer  an  idea  to  hold  a  place  in  your  mind  that  it  will 
be  for  your  interest  to  sit  still  and  see  the  Americans  attempt  the 
posts.  It  is  for  your  sakes,  chiefly,  if  not  entirely,  that  we  hold 
them.  If  you  become  indifterent  about  them,  they  may,  perhaps^ 
be  given  up;  what  security  would  you  then  have? 

"You  would  be  left  at  the  mercy  of  a  people  whose  blood  calls 
aloud  for  revenge ;  whereas,  by  supporting  them,  you  encourage  ue 
to  hold  them,  and  encourage  the  new  settlements,  already  conside- 
rable, and  every  day  increasing  by  numbers  coming  in,  who  find 
they  cannot  live  in  the  States.  Many  thousands  are  preparing  to 
come  in.  This  increase  of  his  miyesty's  subjects  will  serve  as  m 
protection  for  you,  should  the  subjects  of  the  States,  by  endeavor- 
ing  to  make  further  encroachments  on  you,  disturb  your  quiet" 

This  letter  was  written  in  March,  1787,  and  two  months  after- 
ward, M^jor  Matthews,  who  had  been  in  the  suite  of  the  Governor 
of  Canada,  Lord  Dorchester,  after  being  appointed  to  command 
at  Detroit,  speaks  still  more  explicitly,  and  in  the  Gk>vemor's 
name  also: 

"His  lordship  was  sorry  to  learn,"  he  says,  "that  while  the 
Indians  were  soliciting  his  assistance  in  their  preparations  for  war, 
some  of  the  Six  Nations  had  sent  deputies  to  Albany  m>  treat  with 
the  Americans,  who,  it  is  said,  have  made  a  treaty  with  then», 
granting  permission  to  make  roads  for  the  purpose  of  coming  to 
Niagara;  but  that,  notwithstanding  these  things,  the  IndiMis  should 
have  their  presents,  as  they  are  marks  of  the  king's  approbaUon  of 
tbeir  former  conduct. 

"  In  future,  his  lordship  wishes  them  to  act  as  is  best  for  their 
interest  He  cannot  begin  a  war  with  the  Americans  because 
some  of  their  people  encroach  and  make  depredations  upon  parts 
of  the  Indian  country;  but  they  must  see  it  is  his  lordship's  inten« 
tioa  to  defend  the  posts,  and  that  white  these  are  preserved,  the 
Indians  must  find  great  security  there£rom,  and  consequently  the 
Amortoans'  greater  diffioulty  in  taking  poseetdon  of  th«r  laada 
But  should  they  once  become  masters  of  the  posts,  they  will 
sarround  the  Indians,  and  accomplish  their  purpose  with  little 
trouble. 


MO 


BRITISH  SNCOVBAOB  INDIAN  HOSTILITIES. 


1790. 


''From  a  consideration  of  ail  which,  it  therefore  remains  with 
the  Indians  to  decide  what  is  most  for  their  own  interest,  and  to 
let  his  lordship  know  their  determination,  that  he  may  take  his 
mi.  jjures  accordingly.  But,  whatever  their  resolntion  is,  it  should 
he  taken  as  by  one  and  the  same  people,  by  which  means  they  will 
bo  respected,  and  become  strong;  but  if  they  divide,  and  act  one 
part  agMnst  the  other,  they  will  become  weak,  and  help  to  destroy 
each  other. 

**  This  is  the  substance  of  what  his  lordship  desired  me  to  tell 
you,  and  I  request  you  will  give  his  sentiments  that  mature  con- 
sideration which  their  justice,  generosity,  and  desire  to  promote 
the  welfare  and  happiness  of  the  Indians,  must  appear  to  all  the 
world  to  merit. 

**  In  your  letter  to  me,  you  seem  apprehensive  that  the  English 
are  not  very  anxious  about  the  defense  of  the  posts.  You  will  soon 
be  satisfied  that  they  have  nothing  more  at  heart,  provided  that  it 
continues  to  be  the  wish  of  the  Indians,  and  that  they  remain  firm 
in  doing  their  part  of  the  business,  by  preventing  the  Americans 
from  coming  into  their  country,  and  consequently  from  marching 
to  the  posts. 

*'0n  the  other  hand,  if  the  Indians  think  it  more  for  their 
interest  that  the  Americans  should  have  possession  of  the  posts, 
and  be  established  in  their  country,  they  ought  to  declare  it,  that 
the  English  need  no  longer  be  put  to  the  vast  and  unnecessary 
expense  and  inconvenience  of  keeping  posts,  the  chief  object  of 
which  is  to  protect  their  Indian  allies,  and  the  loyalists  who  have 
sufiered  with  them.  It  is  well  known  that  no  encroachments  ever 
have  or  ever  will  be  made  by  the  English  upon  the  lands  or 
property  of  the  Indians  in  consequence  of  possessing  the  posts; 
how  far  that  will  be  the  case,  if  ever  the  Americans  get  into  them, 
may  very  easily  be  ima^ned,  from  their  hostile  perseverance,  even 
without  that  advantage,  in  driving  the  Indians  off  their  lands  and 
tuking  possession  of  them."  * 

Th^w  assurances  on  the  part  of  the  British,  and  the  delay  of 
0'  "gressin  replying  to  the  address  of  the  confederated  nations, 
dated  December,  1786,  led  to  the  general  council  of  1788;  but  the 
divisions  in  that  body,  added  to  the  uncertain  support  of  the 
English  government,  at  length  caused  Brant  for  a  time  to  give  up 
bis  interest  to  the  efforts  of  the  western  natives,  among  whom  the 


f»Ti 


£i': 


-tlH'A 


•  Sm  Stone's  Brant,  iii.  271. 


1790i 


XMDIAH  NATIONS  UNITB  AGAINST  AMBRIOAKB. 


541 


Miamis  thenceforth  took  the  lead;  although,  as  the  extracts  given 
from  Gamelin's  journal  show,  a  true  spirit  of  union  did  not,  even 
in  1790,  prevail  among  the  various  tribes.  Indeed,  some  of  the 
Delawares  and  Miamies  so  far  quarreled,  that  the  former  left  the 
Miami  country,  and  settled  in  Upper  Louisiana.  At  that  time, 
however,  the  British  influence  over  the  Miamis  and  their  fellows, 
was  in  no  degree  lessened,  as  is  plain  from  the  entire  reference  of 
their  aflbirs,  when  Gamelin  went  to  them. 

**You  invite  us,"  said  one  of  the  war  chiefs  to  Gamelin,  "to  stop 
our  young  men.  It  is  impossible  to  do  it,  being  constantly  encour^ 
aged  by  the  British." 

**We  confess,"  said  another  Indian,  "that  we  accepted  the  axe, 
but  it  is  by  the  reproach  we  continually  receive  from  the  English 
and  other  nations,  which  received  the  axe  first,  calling  us  women ; 
at  the  present  time,  they  invite  our  young  men  to  war ;  as  to  the 
old  people,  they  are  wishing  for  peace." 

Every  peacefhl  message  from  the  officers  of  the  crown  was 
stopped  on  its  way  to  the  excited  children  of  the  forest;  but  every 
word  of  a  hostile  character,  exaggerated  and  added  to. 

McEee,  Elliot  and  Girty  possessed  great  power  over  the  Indians 
of  the  north-west,  and  perhaps  more  than  any  other  .parties  con* 
tributed  to  keep  alive  their  attachment  to  the  British,  and  their 
hostility  to  the  Americans.  Girty  has  been  already  referred  to. 
Alexander  McKee  was,  before  the  revolution,  an  Indian  trader,  and 
in  1778  was  living  among  the  Bhawanese  on  Paint  creek,  in  Ohio. 
Early  in  1776,  he  received  an  invitation  from  Col.  Butler,  then  the 
Indian  agent  at  Niagara,  to  visit  him  with  a  view  to  his  employ- 
ment  as  a  British  emissary  among  the  Indians.  In  consequence  of 
this,  he  fell  under  the  suspicion  of  the  American  settlers,  and  was 
compelled  to  give  to  the  revolutionary  committee  of  West  Augusta 
a  parole  of  honor,  that  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  the 
Indians  on  account  of  Great  Britain ;  and  that  parole  was  afterward, 
it  appears,  accepted  by  Congress.  Early  in  1778,  however,  he 
broke  his  parole,  escaped  from  Pittsburgh,  and  joined  the  British 
in  the  north.  He  received  a  colonel's  commission  in  the  Britbh 
service,  and  became  a  leader  among  the  Indians,  among  whom  he 
continued  to  reside  until  his  death.  Matthew  Elliott  was  also  a 
trader  among  the  Indians,  and  was  taken  prisoner  at  Waketameki, 
with  a  cargo  of  goods,  in  1776,  and  carried  to  Detroit  There  he 
was  released  on  condition  that  he  would  join  the  British  and 
leoeive  a  captain's  commission  in  the  service.    Thence  he  returned 


642 


UOYMUMKTB  OV  BEAHV  ASD  M'SM. 


1790. 


to  Pitttbni^fa,  probablj  as  a  spy,  deserted  from  that  pinee  along 
with  Qirty  and  McEee  to  the  enemy,  and  served  during  the  war 
mainly  as  a  leader  of  the  hostile  Indians.  After  the  revolution  he 
settled  and  carried  on  fkrming  and  trade  with  the  Indians  at 
the  month  of  the  Detroit  river. 

It  is  hard  to  say  how  far  the  British  agents  aided  the  savages, 
in  1790  and  1791.  The  following  is  from  a  certificate  by  Thomas 
Rhea,  taken  by  the  Indians  in  May,  1781,  and  who  escaped  in 
Jnne.  He  is  stated  to  have  been  untrustworthy,  but  his  account 
is  in  part  confirmed  by  other  evidence. 

*'  At  this  place,  the  ilfiamt,  were  Colonels  Brant  and  McKee, 
with  his  son  Thomas ;  and  Captains  Bunbury  and  Silvie,  of  the 
British  troops.  These  officers,  &o.,  were  all  encamped  on  the  south 
side  of  the  Miami  or  Ottawa  river,  at  the  n^ids  above  Lake  Erie, 
about  eighteen  miles ;  they  bad  clever  houses,  built  chiefly  by  the 
Pottawattamies  and  other  Indians ;  in  these  they  had  stores  of  goods, 
with  arms,  ammunition  and  provision,  which  they  issued  to  the 
Indians  in  great  abundance,  viz :  corn,  pork,  peas,  ko. 

"The  Indians  came  to  this  place  in  parties  of  one,  two,  three, 
four  and  five  hundred  at  a  time,  from  different  quarters,  and  recei- 
ved from  Mr.  McEee  and  the  Indian  officers,  clothing,  arms, 
ammunition,  provi8i(mR,  &c.,  and  set  out  immediately  for  the  upper 
Miami  towns,  where  they  understood  the  forces  of  the  United  States 
were  bending  their  course,  and  in  order  to  supply  the  Indians  from 
other  quarters  cdlected  there,  pirogues,  loaded  with  the  above- 
mentioned  articles,  were  sent  up  the  Miami  river,  wrought  by 
French  Canadians. 

"About  the  last  of  May,  Ci^tain  Silvie  purchased  me  from  the 
Indians,  and  I  staid  with  him  at  this  place  till  the  4th  of  June,  (the 
king's  birth-day,)  when  I  was  sent  to  Detroit.  Previous  to  leaving 
the  Miami  river,  I  saw  one  Mr.  Dick,  who,  with  his  wife,  was  taken 
prisoner  near  Pittsburgh,  in  the  Spring,  I  believe,  by  the  Wyan- 
dots.  Mr.  McEee  was  about  to  purchase  Mr.  Dick  from  the  Indians, 
but  found  it  difficult.  Mrs.  Dick  was  separated  from  him,  and  left 
at  a  village  at  some  distance  from  this  place.  I  also  saw  a  young 
boy,  named  Brittle,  (Brickell,)  who  was  taken  in  the  spring  from  a 
mill,  (Ci^tain  O'Hara's,)  near  Pittsburgh,  his  hair  was  cut,  and  he 
was  dressed  and  armed  for  war ;  emdd  not  get  speaking  to  him. 

"About  the  5th  of  June,  in  the  Detroit  river,  I  met  fh>m  sixty 
to  one  hundred  canoes,  in  three  parties,  containing  a  large  party  of 
Indians,  who  appeared  to  be  very  wild  and  uncivilized;  they  were 
dressed  chiefly  in  buffiJo  and  other  skin  blankets,  with  otter  akin 


1790. 


BRITISH  AQiana  UKQI  INDUH8  TO  WAIU 


648 


Mid  other  far  breech  cloths,  nrmed  with  bows  and  arrows  and 
spears;  they  had  no  gans,  and  seemed  to  set  no  store  bjr  t^em,  or 
know  tittle  of  their  use,  nor  had  they  any  inclination  to  receive 
them,  though  offered  to  them.  They  said  they  were  three  moons 
on  their  way.    The  other  Indians  called  them  Mmitoes. 

'*  About  this  time  there  was  a  field  day  of  the  troops  at  Detroit, 
which  I  think  is  from  five  to  six  hundred  in  number;  the  next  day 
a  field  day  of  the  French  militia  took  place,  and  one  hundred  and 
fifty  of  the  Canadians,  with  some  others,  turned  out  volunteers  to 
join  the  Indians,  and  were  to  set  off  on  the  8th  for  the  Miami  vil- 
lage, with  thrir  own  horses,  after  being  plentifully  supplied  with 
arms  and  ammunition,  clothing  and  provisions,  &c.,  to  fit  them  for 
the  march. 

"While  I  was  at  the  Miami  or  Ottawa  river,  as  they  call  it,  I 
had  mentioned  to  Colonel  McEIee  and  other  oficers,  that  I  had  seen 
Colonel  Proctor  on  his  way  to  Fort  Franklin ;  that  I  understood 
that  he  was  on  his  way  to  the  Miami  or  Sandusky,  with  some  of 
the  Senecas,  and  that  he  ex^iected  the  Complanter  would  accom- 
pany him,  in  order  to  settle  matters  with  the  hostile  nations;  and 
that  he  expected  to  get  shipping  at  Fort  Erie,  to  bring  him  and 
those  people  to  the  Miami  or  Sandusky,  &c.    That  the  officers,  in 
their  conversation  with  each  other,  said,  if  they  were  at  Fort  Erie, 
he  should  get  no  shipping  there,  &c.    That  the  Mohawks  and 
other  Indians,  that  could  speak  English,  declare  that  if  he,  meaning 
Colonel  Proctor,  or  any  other  Yankee  messenger,  came  there,  they 
should  never  carry  messages  back.    This  was  frequently  expressed 
by  the  Indians;  and  Simon  Qirty  and  a  certain  Pat  Hill,  declared 
Proctor  should  not  return  if  he  had  a  hundred  Senecas  with  him ; 
and  many  other  such  threats  were  used,  and  every  movement^ 
appearance  and  declaration,  seemed  hostile  to  the  United  States. 
And  I  understood  that  Colonel  McKee  and  the  other  officers, 
intended  only  to  stay  at  the  Miami  till  they  had  furnished  the  war 
parties  of  Indians  with  the  necessaries  mentioned  above,  to  fit  them 
for  war,  and  then  would  return  to  Detroit      That  Elliott  had 
returned  to  Detroit,  and  Simon  Girty,  and  that  Girty  declared  he 
would  go  and  join  the  Indians,  and  that  Captain  Elliott  told  him 
he  was  going  the  next  day,  with  a  boat  load  of  goods  for  the  Indians 
and  that  Girty  might  have  a  passage  with  him.    That  on  the  7th 
of  June  the  ship  Dunmore  sailed  for  Fort  Erie,  in  which  I  got  a 
passage.    We  arrived  there  in  four  days. 

"About  the  12th  of  June  I  saw  taken  into  this  vessel,  a  number 
of  cannon,  eighteen  pounders,  with  other  military  stores,  and  better 


544 


n.  CLAIft  MEDIXATW  A  OAMPAIOl. 


1790. 


than  two  compftDies  of  artillery  troops  destined,  as  I  anderstoody 
for  Detroit  and  the  apper  posts ;  some  of  the  artiUery-inen  had  to 
remain  behind,  for  wont  of  room  in  the  vessel.  I  have  jost  recol- 
lected that,  while  I  was  at  the  Ottawa  river,  I  saw  a  party  of  wa^ 
riors  come  in  with  the  arms,  accoutrements,  clothing,  &c.,  of  a 
seigeant,  corporal,  and,  they  said,  twelve  men,  whom  they  had 
killed  in  some  of  the  lower  posts  on  the  Ohio ;  that  a  man  of  the 
Indian  department  oflfered  me  a  coat,  which  had  a  number  of  buUot 
and  other  holes  in  it,  and  was  all  bloody,  which  I  refused  to  take, 
and  Colonel  McKee  then  ordered  me  clothes  out  of  the  Indian 
store."* 

When  Qovemor  St.  Clair  returned  to  Fort  Washington,  he  de- 
termined, on  consultation  with  General  Harmar,  to  send  an 
expedition  against  the  towns  on  the  Maumee.  Accordingly,  on  the 
15th  of  July  he  addressed  circular  letters,  in  accordance  with  the 
authority  vested  in  him  by  the  president,  to  the  militia  officers  of 
Western  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  and  Kentucky,  calling  on  them 
for  militia,  to  co-operate  with  the  federal  troops  in  the  campaign. 
But  in  order  to  prevent  any  misunderstanding  of  the  purposes  of 
the  expedition  on  the  part  of  the  British,  he  addressed,  in  obedi- 
ence to  the  instructions  of  the  president,  the  following  letter,  on 
the  19th  of  September,  from  Fort  Harmar,  to  the  commandant  at 
Detroit. 

"Sib: — As  it  is  not  improbable  that  an  account  of  the  military 
preparations  going  forward  in  this  quarter  of  the  country  may 
reach  you,  and  give  you  some  uneasiness,  while  the  object  to  which 
they  are  to  be  directed  is  not  perfectly  known  to  you,  I  am  com- 
manded by  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  give  you  the 
fullest  assurances  of  the  pacific  disposition  entertMued  towards 
Great  Britain  and  all  her  possessions;  and  to  inform  you  explicitly 
that  the  expedition  about  to  be  undertaken,  is  not  intended  against 
the  post  you  have  the  honor  to  command,  nor  any  other  place  at  pres- 
ent in  the  possession  of  the  troops  of  his  Britannic  Migesty ;  but  is  on 
foot  with  the  sole  design  of  humbling  and  chastising  some  of  the  sav- 
age tribes,  whose  depredations  are  become  intolerable,  and  whose 
cruelties  have  of  late  become  an  outrage,  not  on  the  people  of 
America  only,  but  on  humanity;  which  I  now  do  in  the  most  une- 
quivocal manner.    After  this  candid  explanation,  sir,  there  is  every 


•Amerioan  SUto  Papon,  t.  19& 


1790. 


8T.  OLAIB  0ALL8  OVX  WMTIlir  MIUTIA. 


545 


roason  to  expect,  both  firom  your  own  personal  cbaraoter,  and  from 
the  regard  yon  have  for  that  of  your  nation,  that  those  tribes  will 
meet  with  neither  countenance  nor  assistance  from  any  under  your 
command,  and  that  you  will  do  what  in  your  power  lies,  to  restrain 
the  trading  people,  from  whose  instigations  there  is  too  good  rea* 
sons  to  believe,  much  of  tbe  injuries  committed  by  the  savages  has 
proceeded.  I  have  forwardf  d.  this  letter  by  a  private  gentleman,  in 
preference  to  that  of  an  officer,  by  whom  you  might  have  expected 
a  communication  of  this  kind,  that  every  suspicion  of  the  purity 
of  the  views  of  the  Fnited  States  might  be  obviated." 

According  to  the  plan  of  the  campaign,  three  hundred  of  the 
militia  were  to  rendezvous  at  Fort  Steuben,  (Jeffersonville,)  march 
thence  to  Fort  Knox  at  Yincennes,  and  join  Migor  Hamtramck  in 
an  expedition  up  the  Wabash,  from  that  point;  seven  hundred 
were  ordered  to  rendezvous  at  Fort  Washington,  and  five  hundred 
below  Wheeling,  to  join  the  regular  army  on  the  expedition  to  the 
Maamee  towns.  Immediately  upon  the  arrival  of  the  militia  at 
Fort  Washington,  they  were  mustered  into  service,  and  organized 
for  the  campaign. 

"The  Eentuckians  composed  three  battalions,  under  the  Migors 
Hall,  M'MuUen,  and  Bay,  with  Lieutenant  Oolonel-commandant 
Trotter  at  their  head.  The  Pennsylvanians  were  formed  into  one 
battalion,  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Tnibley,  and  M^jor  Paul,  the 
whole  to  be  commanded  by  Colonel  John  Hardin,  subject  to  the 
orders  of  General  Harmar. 

"  The  80th,  the  general  having  got  forward  all  the  supplies  that  he 
expected,  he  moved  out  with  the  federal  troops,  formed  into  two 
email  battalions,  under  the  immediate  command  of  Miyor  Wyllys, 
and  M^or  Doughty,  together  with  Captain  Ferguson's  company  of 
artillery,  and  three  pieces  of  ordnance. 

"  On  the  8d  of  October,  General  Halrmar  joined  the  advance 
troops  early  in  the  morning;  the  remaining  part  of  the  day  was 
epeiit  in  formlnsr  t)\<i  line  of  march,  the  order  of  encampment  and 
battle,  and  explaining  the  same  to  the  militia  field  officers.  Gen. 
Harmar's  orders  will  show  the  several  forroations. 

"  On  the  4th,  the  army  took  up  the  ordei*  of  march  as  is  described 
in  the  orders.  On  the  5th,  a  reinforcement  of  horsemen  and 
mounted  infantry  joined  from  Kentucl^.  The  dragoons  were 
formed  into  two  troops ;  the  mounted  riflemen  made  a  company, 
and  this  small  battalion  of  light  troops  were  put  under  the  com"* 
mand  of  Mtyor  Fontaine." 
The  whole  of  General  Harmar's  command,  then,  consbted  of 


646 


bamiab'i  ixriDizioir. 


179a 


three  bftttalione  of  Kentucky  militi*,  one  battalion  of  Penneylvania 
militia,  one  battalion  of  Kentudcy  mounted  riflemen,  amounting 
to  eleven  hundred  and  thirty-three  men;  and  two  battalions  of 
regulars,  amounting  to  three  hundred  and  twenty  men.  The  total 
foree  of  the  expedition  consisted  therefore  of  fourteen  hundred  and 
fi%-three  men. 

The  militia  were  in  great  measure  unfit  for  service,  as  may  be 
inferred  from  the  evidence  of  Migor  Ferguson: 

"  They  were  very  illy  equipped,  being  almost  destitute  of  camp 
kettles  and  axes;  nor  could  a  supply  of  those  essential  articles  be 
procured.  Their  arms  were,  generally,  very  bad,  and  unfit  for 
•ervice ;  as  I  was  the  commanding  officer  of  artillery,  they  came 
under  my  inspection,  in  making  what  repairs  the  time  would  per- 
mit; and  as  a  specimen  of  their  badness,  I  would  inform  the  court, 
that  a  rifle  was  brought  to  be  repaired  without  a  lock,  and  another 
without  a  stock. 

'*  I  often  asked  the  owners  what  induced  them  to  think  that  those 
guns  could  be  repaired  at  that  time?  And  they  gave  me  for 
answer,  that  they  were  told  iu  Kentucky  that  all  repairs  would  be 
made  at  Fort  Washington.  Many  of  the  officers  told  me,  that  thej 
had  no  idea  of  there  being  half  the  number  of  bad  arms  in  the 
whole  district  of  Kentucky  as  was  then  in  the  hands  of  their 
men. 

"As  soon  as  the  principal  part  of  tho  Kentucky  militia  arrived, 
the  general  began  to  organize  them ;  in  this  he  had  many  difficul- 
ties to  encounter.  Oolonel  Trotter  aspired  to  the  command, 
although  Colonel  Hardin  was  the  eldest  officer,  and  in  this  he  was 
encouraged  both  by  men  and  officers,  who  openly  declared,  unless 
Colonel  Trotter  commanded  them,  they  would  return  home.  After 
two  or  three  days  the  busip«"'B  was  settled,  and  they  [i.  e.  the  Ken- 
tucky men]  wei'e  formed  into  three  battalions,  under  the  command 
of  Colonel  Trotter,  and  Colonel  Hardin  had  the  command  of  all 
the  militia  (both  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia). 

"  As  soon  as  they  were  arranged,  they  were  mustered,  and,  on 
the  26th,  marched  and  encamped  about  ten  miles  from  Fort  Wash- 
ington. The  last  of  the  Pennsylvania  militia  arrived  on  the  25th 
September.  They  were  equipped  newly  as  the  Kentucky  militia, 
but  were  worse  armed;  several  were  without  any.  The  general 
ordered  all  the  arms  in  store  to  be  delivered  to  those  who  had  none, 
and  to  those  whose  guns  could  not  be  repaired. 

"  Amongst  the  militia  were  a  great  many  hardly  able  to  bear 
arms,  such  as  old,  infirm  men,  and  young  boy3 ;  they  were  not 


1790. 


harmab's  ixpioinoN. 


647 


Mich  M  might  be  expected  from  *  frontier  ooantey,  that  is,  the 
•mart,  active  woodsman,  well  aconstomed  to  arras,  eager  and  alert 
to  revenge  the  injuries  done  them  and  their  conn(  otions.  No,  there 
were  a  great  number  of  them  substitutes,  who  probably  had  never 
fired  A  gun.  Mi^or  Panl,  of  Pennsylvania,  told  me,  that  many  of 
his  men  were  so  awkward,  that  they  could  not  take  their  gun  looki 
off  to  oil  them,  and  put  them  on  again,  nor  could  they  put  in  their 
flints  so  as  to  be  useful ;  and  even  of  such  materials,  the  numbers 
came  far  short  of  what  was  ordered,  as  may  be  seen  by  the 
returns."* 

Trouble  had  been  anticipated  from  the  aversion  of  the  frontier 
men  to  act  with  regular  troops;  General  Harmar  had  been  cvarned 
on  the  subject  by  the  Secretary  of  War;  every  pains  had  been 
taken  to  avoid  the  evils  apprehended,  and  when,  upon  the  SWh 
September,  Harmar  left  Fort  "Washington,  every  step  seemed  to 
have  been  taken  which  experience  or  judgment  could  suggest  to 
secure  the  success  of  the  expedition.  The  same  seems  to  have  been 
true  of  the  march,  since  the  Court  of  Inquiry,  held  in  1791,  ap* 
proved  every  arrangement  of  the  campaign. 

On  the  18th  of  October,  the  army  being  then  thirty  or  thirty- 
five  miles  from  the  Miami  villages,  it  was  determined,  in  conse- 
quence of  information  given  by  a  captured  Indian,  to  send  forward 
Colonel  John  Hardin,  with  a  detachment  of  six  hundred  militia 
men,  and  one  company  of  regulars,  to  surprise  the  enemy,  and 
keep  them  in  their  forts  until  the  main  body  could  come  up  with 
the  artillery. 

On  the  14th  this  party  marched  forward,  and  upon  the  next  day 
about  three  o'clock  reached  the  villages,  but  they  were  deserted. 
On  the  morning  of  the  17th,  the  main  army  arrived,  and  the  work 
of  destruction  commenced ;  by  the  2lBt,  the  chief  town,  five  other 
villages,  and  nearly  twenty  thousand  bushels  of  corn  in  ears,  had 
been  destroyed.  When  Harmar  reached  the  Maumee  towns  and 
found  no  enemy,  he  thought  of  pushing  forward  to  attack  tha 
Wea  and  other  Indian  settlements  upon  the  Wabash,  but  waa 
prevented  by  the  loss  both  of  pack  horses  and  cavalry  horses,  a 
great  number  of  which  the  Indians  seem  to  have  stolen,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  willful  carelessness  of  the  owners. 

The  Wabash  plan  being  dropped,  Colonel  Trottw  was  dispatched 
with  three  hundred  men  to  scour  the  woods  in  searcxi  of  an  enemy, 


*  Amariow  StMw  flkpcn,  zU.,  20. 


548 


BABMAS'tl  ■XPBDITIOir. 


1790. 


M  the  traoks  of  wouieu  and  children  had  been  seen  near  bj.  No 
better  idea  of  the  utter  want  of  discipline  in  the  army  can  be 
given,  than  by  some  extracts  from  the  evidence  of  Lienteuaut 
(afterwards  Oaptain)  Armstrong ;  this  gentleman  was  with  Trotter 
during  the  18th  of  October,  and  also  with  Hardin,  who,  on  the 
19th,  took  the  command,  Qenen^  Harmar  being  much  dissatisfied 
with  Trotter's  ineffective  Indian  chase  of  the  previous  day. 

"After  we  had  proceeded  about  a  mile,  "says  Armstrong,"  the 
eavaliygave  chase  to  an  Indian,  who  was  mounted ;  him  they  ove^ 
took  and  killed.  Before  they  returned  to  the  column  a  second 
appeared,  on  which  the  four  field  ofilcers  left  their  commands  and 
pursued,  leaving  the  troops  near  half  an  hour  without  any  direc> 
tions  whatever.  The  cavalry  came  across  the  second  Indian,  and, 
after  he  had  wounded  one  of  their  party,  killed  him  also. 

"When  the  in&ntry  came  up  to  this  place  they  immediately  fell 
into  conftision,  upon  which  I  gained  permission  to  leave  them 
some  distance  on  the  road,  where  I  formed  an  ambuscade.  After  I 
had  been  some  time  at  my  station,  a  fellow  on  horseback  came  to 
me,  who  had  lost  the  party  in  pursuit  of  the  first  Indian ;  he  was 
much  frightened,  and  said  he  had  been  pursued  by  fifty  mounted 
Indians.  On  my  telling  this  story  to  Colonel  Trotter,  notwith> 
standing  my  observations  to  him,  he  changed  his  route,  and 
marched  in  various  directions  until  night,  when  he  returned  to 
oamp. 

"  On  our  arrival  in  camp.  General  Harmar  sent  for  me,  and  after 
asking  me  many  questions,  ordered  one  subaltern  and  twenty 
militia  to  join  my  command.  With  these  I  reached  the  river  St 
Joseph  about  ten  at  night,  and  with  a  guide  proceeded  to  an 
Indian  town,  about  two  miles  distant,  nirhere  I  continued  with  my 
party  until  the  morning  of  the  19th.  About  nine  o'clock  I  joined 
the  remainder  of  the  detachment  under  Colonel  Hardin.  We 
marched  on  the  route  Colonel  Trotter  had  pursued  the  day  before, 
and  after  passing  a  morass  about  five  miles  distant,  we  came  to 
where  the  enemy  had  encamped  the  day  before.  Here  we  made  a 
short  halt,  and  the  commanding  ofiicer  disposed  of  the  parties  at  a 
distance  from  each  other ;  after  a  halt  of  half  an  hour,  we  wen 
ordered  to  move  on,  and  Captain  Faulkner's  company  was  left  on 
the  ground ;  the  Colonel  having  neglected  giving  him  orders  to 
move  on. 

"  After  we  had  proceeded  about  three  miles,  we  fell  in  with  two 
Indians  on  foot,  who  threw  off  their  packs,  and  the  brush  being 
thick,  made  their  escape.    I  then  asked  Colonel  Hardin  where 


1790. 

Captain 

Fontaia< 

with  thfl 

Colonel  J 

oonsiderc 

down  the 

on>  giving 

"Some 

and  infor 

and  rode  j 

firos;  whe 

except  nir 

with  tweni 

and  being  i 

and  remaii) 

had  an  opp 

ceived  theii 

were  moun 

tomahawks 

"lam  of 

18th,  agreea 

he  woald  ha 

or  had  Coloi 

disposition,  ( 

defeat  I  ther 

of  Colonel  J 

cowardly  beh 

*ro»8>  loaded, 

command,  fir 

At  this  tin 

nulitia,  whicl 

trouble  at  Fc 

the  regular  tro 

the  army  offi 

them,  were  in 

■^in,  the  riv 

'oake  the  elei 

«P«ad,8othat 

destroyed,  and 

Bat  though  i 

houses  and  cro 

0^  October  the 


1790. 


HARMAR'g  BXPWITIOir. 


649 


Captain  Faulkner  was?  He  said  he  was  lost,  and  then  sent  Mi^or 
Fontaine  with  part  of  the  cavalry  in  search  of  hiiu,  and  moved  on 
with  the  remainder  of  the  troops.  Somo  time  after,  I  informed 
Colonel  Hardin  a  gnn  had  heen  fired  in  onr  fW)nt,  which  might  be 
considered  as  an  alarm  gnn,  and  that  I  saw  whore  a  horse  had  come 
down  the  road,  and  returned  again ;  but  the  Colonel  still  moved 
on,  giving  no  orders,  nor  making  any  arrangements  for  an  attack. 
"Some  time  after,  I  discovered  the  enemy's  fires  at  a  distance^ 
and  informed  the  Colonel,  who  replied  that  they  would  not  fight, 
and  rode  in  front  of  the  advance,  until  fired  on  fW)m  behind  the 
fires;  when  ho,  the  Colonel,  retreated,  and  with  him  all  the  militia 
except  nine,  who  continued  with  mo,  and  were  instantly  killed, 
with  twenty-four  of  the  federal  troops.  Seeing  my  last  man  fall, 
and  being  surrounded  by  the  savages,  I  threw  myself  into  a  thicket, 
and  remained  there  three  hours  in  day-light.  During  that  time  I 
had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  the  enemy  pass  and  ro-pase,  and  con> 
ceived  their  numbers  did  not  amount  to  one  hundred  men ;  some 
were  mounted,  others  armed  with  rifles,  and  the  advance  with 
tomahawks  only. 

"I  am  of  opinion  that  had  Colonel  Trotter  proceeded,  on  the 
18th,  agreeably  to  his  orders,  having  killed  the  enemy's  sentinels, 
he  would  have  surprised  their  camp,  and  with  ease  defeated  them; 
or  had  Colonel  Hardin  arranged  his  troops,  or  made  any  military 
disposition,  on  the  19th,  that  he  would  have  gained  a  victory.  Onr 
defeat  I  therefore  ascribe  to  two  causes:  the  unofficer-like  conduct 
of  Colonel  Hardin,  (who,  I  believe,  was  a  brave  man,)  and  the 
cowardly  behavior  of  the  militia ;  many  of  them  threw  down  their 
arms,  loaded,  and  I  believe  that  none,  except  the  party  under  my 
command,  fired  a  gun." 

At  this  time,  probably,  the  jealousy  between  the  regulars  and 
militia,  which  had  been  anticipated,  and  which  had  threatened 
trooble  at  Fort  Washington,  began  effectually  to  work  mischief; 
the  regular  troops  disliked  to  be  commanded  by  Trotter  and  Hardin, 
the  army  ofiicers  despised  the  militia,  and  the  militia,  hating 
them,  were  impatient  under  the  control  of  Harmar  and  his  staffi 
Again,  the  rivalry  between  Trotter  and  Hardin  was  calculated  to 
make  the  elements  of  discord  and  disobedience  yet  more  wide 
spread,  so  that  all  true  confidence  between  the  ofilcers  and  men  was 
destroyed,  and  with  it,  of  necessity,  all  true  strength. 

Bat  though  the  troops  had  been  disappointed  and  defeated,  the 
hottses  and  crops  had  been  burned  and  wasted,  and  upon  the  21st 
of  October  the  army  commenced  its  homeward  march.    But  Har- 


560 


babmar's  expebitiox. 


1790. 


din  was  not  easy  under  hw  defeat,  and  the  night  of  the  21st  being 
&vorable,  he  proposed  to  Harmar  to  send  back  a  detachment  to 
the  site  of  the  villages  just  destroyed,  supposing  the  savages  would 
have  already  returned  thither.  The  General  was  not  very  willing 
to  try  further  experiments,  but  Hardin  urged  him,  and  at  latit 
obtained  an  order  for  three  hundred  and  forty  militia,  of  which 
forty  were  mounted,  and  sixty  regular  troops;  the  former  under 
Hardin  himself,  the  latter  under  Major  "Wyllya.  How  they  fared, 
shall  be  told  by  Captain  Asheton,  an  actor  in  the  affray: 

"  The  detachment  marched  in  three  columns,  the  federal  troops 
in  the  centre,  at  the  head  of  which  I  was  posted,  with  Major 
Wyllys  and  Colonel  Hardin  in  my  front ;  the  militia  formed  the 
columns  to  the  right  and  left.  From  delays,  occasioned  by  the 
militia's  halting,  we  did  not  reach  the  banks  of  the  Omee  [Maumee] 
till  sometime  after  sunrise.  The  spies  then  discovered  the  enemy, 
and  reported  to  Major  Wyllys.  who  halted  the  federal  troops,  and 
moved  the  militia  on  some  distance  in  front,  where  he  gave  his 
orders  and  plan  of  attack  to  the  several  commanding  officers  of 
corps.  Those  orders  were  not  cummunicated  to  me.  Major 
Wyllys  reserved  the  command  of  the  federal  troops  to  himself. 

**  Major  Hall  with  his  battalion,  was  directed  to  take  a  circuitous 
route  around  the  bend  of  the  Omee  river,  cross  the  Pickaway  fork, 
(or  St.  Mary's)  which  brought  him  directly  in  the  rear  of  the  enemy, 
and  there  wait  until  the  attack  should  commence  with  Major 
McMuilen's  battalion.  Major  Fontaine's  cavalry,  and  M^or  Wyllys 
with  the  federal  troops,  who  all  crossed  the  Omee  at,  and  near, 
the  common  fording  place.*  After  the  attack  commenced,  the 
troops  were  by  no  means  to  separate,  but  were  to  embody,  or  the 
battalions  to  support  each  other,  as  circumstances  required. 

''From  this  disposition,  it  appeared  evident  that  it  was  the  inten- 
tion of  Mi^or  Wyllys  to  snrround  the  enemy,  and  that  if  Colonel 
Hall,  who  had  gained  his  ground  undiscovered,  had  not  wantonly 
disobeyed  his  orders,  by  tiring  on  a  single  Indian,  the  surprise 
must  have  beeti  complete.  The  Indians  then  fled  with  precipita* 
tion,  the  battalions  of  militia  pursuing  in  different  directions. 

"  Miy  or  Fontaine  made  a  charge  upon  a  small  party  of  savages- 
be  fell  the  first  fire,  and  his  troops  dispersed.  The  federal  troops, 
who  were  thea  left  unsupported,  became  an  e$ey  sacrifice  to  mncb 
the  largest  party  of  Indians  that  had  been  seen  that  day.    It  was 


*  The  tiiMtre  of  these  operaUons  was  io  the  Tioinitjf  of  the  floariehiac  titj  of  F«rt 
Wejnc,  Indiana. 


1790. 


BABMAR  8  EXPSBrTION. 


661 


my  opinion  that  the  misfortunes  of  that  day  were  owing  to  the 
separation -of  the  troops,  and  disohedience  of  orders. 

*'  After  the  federal  troops  were  defeated,  and  the  firing  in  all 
quarters  nearly  ceased,  Colonel  Hall  and  Major  McMullen,  with 
their  hattalions,  met  in  the  town,  and  after  discharging,  cleaning 
and  fresh  loading  their  arms,  which  took  up  ahout  half  au  hour, 
proceeded  to  join  the  army  unmolested.  I  am  convinced  that  the 
detachment,  if  it  had  heen  kept  emhodied,  was  sufficient  to  have 
answered  the  fullest  expectations  of  the  General,  and  needed  no 
support;  hut  I  was  informed  a  hattalion  under  Major  Say  was 
ordered  out  for  that  purpo^se."* 

!  When  Hardin  returned  to  camp  after  this  skirmish,  he  wished 
the  General  cither  to  send  another  party,  or  take  the  whole  army 
to  the  hattle  ground,  but  Harmar  would  not  favor  either  plan.  Ho 
did  not  wish,  he  said,  to  divide  his  troops;  he  had  little  food  for 
his  horses;  and  he  thought  the  Indians  had  received  "a  very  good 
scourging;"  upon  the  next  morning,  accordingly,  the  army  took 
up  its  line  of  march  for  Fort  Washington,  in  a  regular,  soldier-like 
way.  Two  men,  says  Hardin,  wished  to  have  another  tussle  with 
the  Miamies — of  the  whole  army,  only  two !  Before  reaching  Fort 
Washington,  however,  new  trouble  occurred. 

"At  old  Chillicothe,  on  Little  Miami,"  says  Colonel  Hardin,  '*a 
number  of  the  militia,  contrary  to  orders,  fired  off  their  guns.  I 
endeavored  to  put  a  stop  to  such  disorderly  behavior,  and  com* 
manded  that  those  offenders  that  could  be  taken  shoald  be  punished 
agreeably  to  general  orders ;  and  having  caught  a  soldier  myself  in 
the  very  act  of  firing  his  gun,  oi*dered  a  file  of  men  to  take  him 
immediately  and  carry  him  to  the  8ix-poun>^er,  and  for  the  drum- 
laer  to  tie  him  up  and  give  him  six  lashes;  I  was  shortly  after  met 
by  Colonel  Trottor  and  Major  McMullen,  and  a,  number  of  militia 
soldiers  who,  in  an  abrupt  manner,  asked  me  by  what  authority  I 
ordered  that  soldier  whipped;  I  replied  in  support  of  genend 
orders,  on  which  a  very  warm  dispute  ensued  between  Colonel 
Trotter,  Major  McMullen  and  myself. 

"The  general  being  informed  of  what  had  happened,  came  for- 
ward and  gave  Colonel  Trotter  and  Major  MoMallen  a  very  severe 
reprimand,  ordered  the  federal  troops  to  parade,  and  the  drummer 
to  do  his  duty,  swearing  ho  would  risk  his  lif^  in  suuport  of  hh 


*  See  American  SUie  P«p«M,  xU.  28.    ite«  ueount  in  Cist* a  Cinoinnati  MiwjeUany. 


M2 


harmab's  bxpbdition. 


1790. 


•ideni;  fhe  man  received  the  number  of  lashes  ordered,  and 
several  that  were  confined  were  set  at  liberfy;  numbers  of  the  militia 
seemed  much  pleased  with  what  was  done.  This  intended  mutiny 
being  soon  quashed,  the  army  proo«eded  in  good  order  to  Fort 
Washington. 

**  When  the  army  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  Licldng,  the  general 
informed  me  he  had  determined  to  arrest  some  of  the  militia  offi- 
cers for  their  bad  conduct,  and  send  them  home  with  disgrace;  bat 
I  opposed  his  intention,  ailing  that  it  would  be  a  disgrace  to  the 
whole  militia;  that  he  would  perhaps  stand  in  need  of  their  assist- 
ance on  some  future  occasion,  and  it  would  sour  their  minds  and 
oause  them  to  turn  out  with  reluctance;  and  that  his  discharging 
them  generally  with  honor,  perhaps,  would  answer  a  better  pur- 
pose;  the  general  readily  indulged  my  request."* 

To  this  last  act,  which^  caused  much  discontent  among  the  fron- 
tier men ;  to  the  two  defeats  of  the  19th  and  22d  of  October,  (for 
such  they  were;)  and  to  the  want  of  any  efficiency  on  the  part  of 
Harmar,  who,  though  guilty  of  no  breach  of  military  care  or  com- 
mon skill,  acted  woman-like,  compared  with  such  men  as  Clark 
and  Wayne,  must  be  ascribed  the  great  unpopularity  of  tlus  cam* 
paign.  The  army,  as  a  whole,  effected  all  that  the  popular  expedi- 
tions of  Clark,  in  1782,  and  of  Scott  and  Willdnson,  in  1799,  did: 
the  annihilation  of  towns  and  com,  and  was  by  Harmar  and  St 
Clair  considered  very  successful,  but  in  reality,  in  the  view  of  the 
IndioiiSy  it  was  an  utter  failure  and  defeat.  Their  account  of  it 
was  this :' 

**  There  have  been  two  engagements  about  the  Miami  towns,  be- 
tween the  Americans  and  the  Indians,  in  which  it  is  said  the 
former  had  about  five  hundred  men  killed,  and  that  the  rest  have 
retreated.  The  loss  was  only  fifteen  or  twenty  on  the  side  of 
fhe  Indians.  The  Shawanese,  Miamies,  and  Pottawattamies, 
were,  I  unr^erstand,  the  principal  tribes  who  were  engaged; 
but  I  do  not  learn  that  any  of  the  nations  have  refused  their  alii* 
ance  or  assistinuce,  and  it  is  confidently  reported  that  they  are  now 
marching  a^nst  the  frontiers  en  the  Ohio." 

Kor  was  the  report  of  the  invasion  of  the  settlements  on  the 
Ohio  shore  far  from  the  truth,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  following 
letter: 

"On  the  evening  of  the  2d  January,  1791,"  says  Rufus  Pat- 


*  AmericMt  SUte  Papers,  xii.  8fi. 


1791. 


LBTUR  FBOM  BUJ'UB  PVTNAN. 


iS% 


nam,  writiiqg  to  the  prarident,  ^'betwMn  sanset  and  daylight^ 
the  Indians  surprised  a  naw  settlement  of  oor  peofde,  a*  a  plaoa  ^ 
the  Muskingum,  called  the  Big  Bottom,  nearly  fmtj  miles  up  tttte 
river,  in  which  disaster  elev«n  men,  one  woman,  and  two  children, 
were  killed ;  three  men  are  missing,  and  fitrar  others  made  thmr 
escape.  Thus,  sir,  the  war,  which  was  partial  before  the  campaign 
of  last  year,  is,  in  aU  probability,  become  general.  I  think  there 
is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  we  are  the  only  people  on  whom  tbe 
savageb  will  wreak  their  vengeance,  or  that  the  number  of  hostOe 
Indians  have  not  increased  since  the  late  expedition. 

"  Opr  situation  is  truly  critical ;  tbe  governor  and  secretaiy  bofli 
being  absent,  no  assistance  from  Virginia  or  Pennsylvania  can  be 
had.  The  gturison  at  Fort  Harmar,  consisting  at  this  time  of  litde 
more  than  twenty  men,  can  afford  no  protection  to  our  settiemeuts, 
and  the  whole  number  of  men  in  all  our  settlements,  capable  of 
bearing  arms,  including  all  civil  and  milltMy  officers,  do  not  exceed 
two  hundred  and  eighty'Seven,  and  tbese,  many  of  them,  badly 
armed. 

"  We  are  in  the  utmost  danger  of  being  swallowed  up,  should 
the  enemy  push  the  war  with  yig<Mr  duHng  the  winter;  this,  I  be- 
lieve, will  folly  appear,  by  taking  a  short  view  of  our  seyeral  net- ' 
tlements,  and  I  hope  justify  the  extraordinary  measures  we  have 
adopted,  for  want  of  a  legal  authority  in  the  territory,  to  apply  for 
aid  in  the  business.  The  situation  of  our  people  is  nearly  as 
follows : 

"At  Marietta  are  about  eighty  houses,  in  the  distance  of  one 
mile,  with  scattering  houses  about  three  miles  up  the  Ohio.  A  set 
of  mills  at  Duck  creek,  four  miles  distan-w,  and  another  mill  two 
miles  up  the  Muski,nguro.  Twenty-two  miles  up  this  riv«r  is  a  set- 
tlement, consisting  of  about  twenty  families ;  about  two  miles  from 
them,  on  Wolf  creek,  are  five  families  and  a  set  of  mills. 

*'Dowu  the  Ohio,  and  opposite  the  Little  Kanawha,  commences 
the  settlement  called  Belle  Prairie,  which  extends  down  the  river, 
with  little  interruption,  about  twelve  miles,  and  contains  between 
thirty  and  forty  houses.  Before  the  late  disaster,  we  had  several 
other  settlements,  which  are  already  broken  up.  I  have  taken  the 
liberty  to  enclose  the  prooeedings  of  the  Ohio  c<unpany,  aud  jus- 
tices of  the  sessions  on  this  occasion,  and  beg  leaire,  witii  the  gosat- 
6Bt  deference,  to  observe,  that,  unless  government  speedUy  sends  a 
body  of  troops  for  our  protection,  we  are  a  ruined  people. 

"  The  removal  of  the  women  and  children,  etc.,  will  reduce  many 
of  the  poorer  sort  to  the  greatest  straits;. but  if  we  add  to  this  the 
86 


.664 


ANOTBia  CAMPAIGN   PROJEOTBD. 


1791. 


deetrnction  of  their  corn,  forage,  aud  cattle,  by  the  enemy,  which 
it  very  probable  to  ensue,  I  know  of  no  way  they  can  be  supported ; 
btit,  if  this  should  not  happen,  where  these  people  are  to  raise 
bread  another  year,  is  not  easy  to  coiyeoture,  and  most  of  them 
have  nothing  left  to  buy  with. 

"But  my  fears  do  not  stop  here;  we  are  a  people  so  far  detached 
from  all  others,  in  point  of  situation,  that  we  can  hope  for  no  timely 
relief,  in  case  of  emergency,  from  any  of  our  neighbors ;  and  among 
the  number  that  compose  our  present  military  strength,  almost 
one-half  are  young  men,  hired  into  the  country,  intending  to  settle 
by  and  by;  these,  under  present  circumstances,  will  probably  leave 
OS  soon,  unless  prospects  should  brighten ;  and,  as  to  new  settlers, 
we  can  expect  none  in  our  present  situation;  so  that,  instead  of 
increasing  in  strength,  we  are  likely  to  diminish  daily;  and,  if  we 
do  not  fall  a  prey  to  the  savages,  we  shall  be  so  reduced  and  dis- 
oouraged  as  to  give  up  the  settlement,  unless  government  shall  give 
us  timely  protection.  It  has  been  a  mystery  with  some,  why  the 
troops  have  been  withdrawn  from  this  quarter,  and  collected  at  the 
Miami ;  that  settlement  is,  I  believe,  within  three  or  four  days' 
march  of  a  very  populous  part  of  Kentucky,  from  whence,  in  a  few 
days,  they  might  be  reinforced  with  several  thousand  men,  where- 
as, we  are  not  within  two  hundred  miles  of  any  settlement  that  can 
probably  more  thui  protect  themselves."* 

The  spirit  thus  manifested  by  the  tribes  which  had  just  been  at- 
tacked, and  the  general  feeling  along  the  frontier  in  relation  to 
Harmar's  expedition,  made  the  United  States  government  sensible 
that  their  first  step  in  the  conduct  of  backwoods  warfare,  had  been 
a  failure,  and  that  prompt  and  strong  measures,  calculated  either  to 
win  or  force  a  state  of  peace,  must  be  adc^ted.  The  plan  which 
was  resorted  to  was  a  three-fold  one : 

To  send  a  me3senger  to  the  western  Indians  with  offers  of  peace, 
to  be  accompanied  by  some  of  the  Iroquois  chieftains  favorable  to 
America; 

At  the  same  time  to  oiganize  expeditions  in  the  West,  to  strike 
the  Wea,  Miami,  Mid  Shawanese  towns,  in  case  it  should  be  clear 
the  peace  messenger  would  fail  in  his  mission ;  and 

To  prepai-e  a  grand  and  overwhelming  force  with  which  to 
take  possession  of  the  country  of  the  enemies,  and  buiid  forts  in 
their  midst. 


•8(i«  AoMriMO  Steke  Vnpw,  ▼.  181. 


1791. 


BRtriBH  VIBWS  09  IMOtiir  APFAIB8. 


6«6 


The  person  selected  to  convey  the  messages  of  peace  was  Oolonel 
Thomas  Proctor,  who  received  his  comml'iBion  upon  the  lOth^ 
11th  of  March,  1791,  and  upon  the  12th  lett  Philadelphia  for  Hie 
settlement  of  Complante^  Captain  O'Beel,  or  O'Biel,  the  chief 
warrior  of  the  Senecas,  airai  the  firm  friend  of  Washington  and  the 
Union.  This  chief,  with  others  of  similar  sentiment^  had  heen  in 
Philadelphia  in  the  previous  Becemher,  and  had  promised  to  use 
all  their  influence  to  secure  peace.*  To  them  Proctor  was  sent,  in 
the  hope  that  they  would  go  with  him  westward,  and  he  the  means 
of  preventing  further  bloodshed.  In  this  hope,  however,  Washing- 
ton and  Knox  were  disappointed ;  for,  when,  with  great  difficulty, 
^e  American  messenger  had  prevailed  upon  certain  of  the  Iro- 
quois to  accompany  him,  provided  a  water  passage  could  be  had, 
liie  British  commandant  at  Niagara  would  not  allow  an  English 
vessel  to  be  hired  to  convey  the  ambassadors  up  Lake  Erie ;  and  as 
no  other  could  be  obtained,  the  whole  enterprise  failed. 

But  in  order  to  understand  the  difficulties  which  Proctor  met 
with,  the  views  of  the  British,  and  df  those  Indians  who  remained 
firm  to  the  British  at  this  period,  must  be  considered.  After 
Harmar's  campaign,  the  tribes  of  the  north-west  sent  a  deputation 
to  Lord  Dorchester,  to  learn  what  aid  England  would  give  them  in 
the  contest  now  fairly  opened.  What  answer,  precisely,  was  given 
by  the  Governor,  we  do  not  know,  but  his  wishes  seemed  to  have 
been  that  peace  might  be  restored  and  preserved.  Colonel  Qordon, 
the  British  commandant  at  Niagara,  who  afterwards  stopped  Proc- 
tor, was  also  an  advocate  of  peace,  and  on  the  4th  of  March  wrote 
to  Brant  in  these  words: 

"I  hope  you  will  embrace  the  present  opportunity  of  the  meet- 
ing of  the  chiefs  of  the  Five  Nations  in  your  neighborhood,  to  use 
your  endeavors  to  heal  the  wounds  between  the  Indians  and  Ameri- 
cans. I  dare  say  the  States  wish  to  make  peace  on  terms  which 
\rMl  secure  to  the  Indians  their  present  possessions  in  the  Miami 
"^o  mtry,  provided  the  young  men  are  restrained  from  committing 
ikpredations  in  future." 

It  is  evident,  from  their  whole  course  of  procedure,  that  the 
Giitish  authorities  did  their  utmost  to  prevent  American  settle- 
ments trom  being  made  in  the  North-Western  territory.  They 
wished  to  have  their  Indian  allies  continue  in  possession ;  this  was 
thoir  chief  motive  for  retaining  the  western  posts. 


^American  State  Papers,  v.  140-145.     Coraplanter,  like  Brant,  wm  a  half-breed. 


$66 


BBASONS  OV  XNDIAXr  SIStiTISf  ACTION. 


1791. 


Brant  himMl^  on  the  7th  of  Much,  writing  to  M'Eee,  the  agent 
Among  the  Miamiea,  aaya: 

"I  have  received  two  letteni  from  the  States,  from,  gentlemen 
who  have  lately  been  in  PMladelphia,  by  which  it  appeara  the 
Americani  secretly  wish  to  accommodate  the  matter,  which  I 
should,  by  all  means,  advise,  if  it  conld  be  effected  upon  honorable 
and  liberal  terms,  and  a  peace  become  general." 

With  these  views  previdling,  why  did  Brant,  Gordon,  and  the 
other  officers  of  Brtain  do  so  little  afterward  to  preserve  pacific 
relations  ?  S'irst,  it  would  seem  that  the  Mohawk  chieftain  was 
oflfonded  by  the  fiivor  shown  Complanter,  his  deadly  foe,"*  and  by 
the  attempt  of  the  Americans  to  divide  the  Iroquois ;  and  in  regard 
tc  the  It^ter  point,  at  Itsast,  the  British,  eympathized  with  him. 
Secondly,  it  is  clear  that  the  representatives  of  Engluid  in  Canada 
were  offended  at  the  entire  disregard  shown  by  the  American  gov- 
ernment of  their  influence  over  the  savages  of  the  north-west. 

Those  tribes  were  closely  connected  with  the  British  agents,  and 
under  their  control,  and  Lord  Dorchester,  Colonel  Gordon  and 
Brant  looked  for  an  appeal  to  them  as  mediators  in  the  quarrel 
about  to  burst  forth,  or,  at  any  rate,  for  an  acceptance  by  the 
Americans  of  their  mediation,  if  asked  by  the  Indians ;  an  accept- 
ance of  the  kind  given  in  1798,  after  St.  Clair's  defeat,  and  which 
was  not,  of  course,  dishonorable  or  degrading.  Thirdly,  both  the 
Indians  and  English  were  puzzled  and  excited  by  the  seeming  want 
of  good  foith  on  the  part  of  the  States,  which,  at  the  same  moment, 
almost,  commissioned  Scott  to  war  upon  the  Wabash  Indians, 
Proctor  to  treat  of  peace  with  them,  St.  Clair  to  invade  and  take 
possession  of  their  lands  on  the  Maumee,  and  Pickering  to  hold  a 
council  with  their  brethren  for  burying  the  fatal  hatchet,  and 
quenching  the  destructive  brand. 

"From  the  inconsistent  proceedings  of  the  Americans,"  says 
Colonel  Gordon  to  Brant,  upon  the  11th  of  June,  "  I  am  perfectly 
at  a  loss  to  understand  their  full  i  ntentions.  Whilst  they  are  assem- 
bling councils  at  different  quarters,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of 
bringing  about  a  peace,  the  Six  Nations  have  received  a  speech 
from  General  St  Clair,  dated  at  Pittsburgh,  28d  April,  inviting 
them  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against  their  brothers,  the  western 
nations. 

<*Can  any  thing  be  more  inconsistent,  or  can  they  possibly 


*  Ameriem  State  Papers,  r.  107;  stated  by  Oen.  Kaox. 


1791. 


BEAire'S  fBIIRIMHI?  IS  SOVOlffl 


wr 


beli«ve  the  Indiuis  «re  to  b«  daped  by  meh  shallow  artifieeiT 
This,  &r  from  b«ing  the  case ;  the  Indians  at  Bafblo  oreek  mm 
the  business  in  its  proper  light,  and  treated  the  invitation  with  the 
contempt  it  deserved.  It  most  strike  yon  very  forcibly,  that  in  all 
the  proceedings  of  the  different  oommisionera  from  the  AmerioMi 
States,  they  have  cautiously  avoided  applying  for  our  interference, 
as  a  measure  they  affect  to  think  perfectly  unnecessary ;  wishing  to 
impress  the  Indians  with  the  ideas  of  their  own  consequence,  and 
of  the  little  influence  they  would  willingly  believe  we  are  pos- 
sessed of. 

'*  This,  my  good  friend,  is  not  the  way  to  proceed.  Had  they, 
before  matters  were  pushed  to  extremity,  requested  the  assistance 
of  the  British  government  to  bring  about  a  peace  on  equitable 
terms,  I  am  convinced  the  naeasure  woidd  have  been  fully  accom- 
plished long  before  this  time. 

*'  I  would,  however,  willingly  hope  they  will  yet  see  tL^  propriety 
of  adopting  this  mode  of  proceeding;  and  that  peace,  an  object  so 
much  to  be  desired,  will  at  length  be  permanently  settled. 

*^  I  am  the  most  sanguine  in  the  attainment  of  my  wishes,  by 
your  being  on  the  spot,  and  that  you  will  call  forth  the  exertion  of 
your  influence  and  abilities  on  the  occasion." 

The  Americans  also  were  desirous  to  enlist  Brant  as  a  peace- 
maker, and  Governor  Clinton,  of  New  Tork,  was  written  to  by 
General  Knox,  in  the  hope  that  he  might  influence  the  Mohawk 
leader ;  but  the  chieftain  was  beyond  his  reach,  in  the  far  west, 
among  the  tribes  who  were  likely  to  be  foremost  in  the  contest ; 
nor  could  any  learn  whether  he  went  thither  as  a  peace-maker  or 
promoter  of  war. 

Early  in  May,  the  United  States  Government  was  inforn.ed  that 
he  had  revived  his  plan  of  a  great  Indian  confederacy ;  and  about 
the  19th  of  that  month.  Proctor,  at  Buffalo,  heard  from  the  West 
that  Brant  was  there,  not  to  pacify,  but  to  inflame  the  Miamies  and 
their  allies ;  but  yet,  as  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  represented 
his  purpose  to  be  that  of  a  messenger  sent  to  learn  the  feelings  of 
the  western  tribes,  and  asked  Proctor  again  and  again  to  wait  his 
return,  the  impression  produced  upon  the  American  Government 
was  that  he  had  nothing  in  view  but  the  cessation  of  hostilities.* 

Before  Proctor,  after  the  failure  of  his  mission,  left  Buffalo 
creek,  which  he  did  upon  the  21st  of  May,  measures  had  been 


^American  State  Papers,  t.  117;  also,  161, 168,  181. 


M$ 


PSOOTOA'8  MIMIOM  A  lAILURB. 


1791. 


taken  to  seoure  a  council  of  the  Six  Nations  on  the  16th  of  June, 
al  the  Painted  Post,  near  the  junction  of  the  Coshocton  and  Tioga 
rivers.  The  purpose  of  this  council  was  to  secure  the  neutrality  of 
the  Iroquois  by  presents  and  fine  words ;  and  the  plan  appears  to 
have  succeeded.  "  Treaty,"  says  Knox,  writing  to  St.  Glair,  on  the 
4th  of  August,  "  closed  on  the  15th,  (of  July,)  and  the  Indians 
returned  satisfied.  Colonel  Pickering  did  not  attempt  to  persuade 
any  of  them  to  join  our  army,  as  he  found  such  a  proposal  would 
be  very  disagreeable  to  them."  * 

It  had  been  calculated  when  Proctor  left  Philadelphia  upon  the 
12th  of  March,  that  he  would  either  succeed  or  distinctly  fail  in 
his  enterprise,  in  time  to  reach  Fort  Washington  by  the  5th  of 
May.  This  expectation,  as  has  been  seen,  was  entirely  defeated, 
as  he  was  so  delayed  that  he  did  not  reach  Buffalo  creek  until  the 
27th  of  April,  and  did  not  make  his  first  application  for  a  vessel  to 
cross  Lake  Erie  until  May  5th.  But  upon  the  above  calculation, 
mistaken  as  it  proved,  were  based  the  arrangements  of  the  United 
States  for  carrying  into  effect  the  second  part  of  the  plan  for  the 
campaign,—-"  the  desultory  operations  "  (as  thoy  were  termed)  for 
annoying  the  enemy  in  case  Proctor  failed.  These  operations 
were  to  be  carried  out  by  the  backwoodsmen  under  their  own 
commanders. 

The  depredations  of  the  Indians  on  the  Ohio  after  Harmar's 
expedition,  produced  great  alarm  in  Western  Virginia,  and  the 
delegates  of  several  of  the  western  counties  of  that  State,  sent  a 
memorial  to  the  governor,  in  which  they  say: 

"  The  defenseless  condition  of  those  counties,  forming  a  line  of 
nearly  four  hundred  miles  along  the  Ohio  river,  exposed  to  the 
hostile  invasion  of  their  Indian  enemies,  destitute  of  every  kind  of 
support,  is  truly  alarming ;  for  notwithstanding  all  the  regulations 
of  the  General  Government  in  that  country,  we  have  reason  to 
lament  that  they  have  been  hitherto  ineffectual  for  our  protection; 
nor,  indeed,  could  it  happen  otherwise :  for  the  garrisons  kept  by 
the  continental  troops  on  the  Ohio  river,  if  they  are  of  any  use,  it 
must  be  to  the  Kentucky  settlements ;  as  they  immediately  cover 
that  country.  To  us  they  can  be  of  no  service,  being' from  two  to 
four  hundred  miles  below  our  frontier  settlements. 

«  We  further  beg  leave  to  observe  that  we  have  reason  to  fear 
that  the  consequences  of  the  defeat  of  our  army  by  the  Indians,  on 


*  American  State  Papers,  t.  181. 


1791. 


OBNIBAL  OHAftLia  SOOTT'S  KPIDITION. 


6A9 


the  late  expedition,  will  be  severely  felt  on  onr  ftontien :  as  then 
is  no  doubt  bat  that  the  Indians  will,  in  their  turn,  (being  flushed 
with  yiotory,)  invaae  our  setUements,  and  exercise  all  their  horrid 
murder  upon  the  inhabitants  thereof,  whenever  the  weather  will 
permit  them  to  travel.  Then  is  it  not  better  to  support  us  where 
we  are,  be  the  expense  what  it  may,  than  to  oblige  such  a  number 
of  your  brave  citizens,  who  have  so  long  supported,  and  still  con- 
tinue  to  support,  a  dangerous  frontier,  (although  thousands  of  their 
relatives  in  the  flesh  have,  in  the  prosecution  thereof,  fallen  a 
sacrifice  to  savage  inventions)  to  quit  the  country,  after  all  they 
have  done  and  suffered,  when  you  know  that  a  frontier  muat  be 
sui^orted  somewhere." 

In  consequence  of  these  representations,  the  Legislature  of  Vir- 
ginia passed  a  resolution  on  the  20th  of  December,  authorizing  the 
governor  to  make  provision  for  the  protection  of  the  frontier,  till 
the  General  Government  should  take  efficient  measures  to  effect 
that  object.  Governor  Randolph  immediately  dispatched  orders 
to  the  commanding  officers  of  the  west«m  counties,  for  the  enlist- 
ment, before  the  Ist  of  March,  of  several  companies  of  rangers, 
for  the  defense  of  the  frontier,  and  appointed  Charles  Scott  briga- 
dier-general of  the  militia  of  Kentucky,  with  orders  to  raise  a 
volunteer  force  for  the  protection  of  that  district.  These  proceed- 
ings were  reported  to  Congress,  and  that  body,  early  in  January, 
established  a  local  Board  of  War  for  the  district  of  Eentuc]qr» 
composed  of  General  Scott,  Harry  Innis,  John  Brown,  Benjamin 
Logan,  and  Isaac  Shelby,  with  discretionary  powers  to  provide  for 
the  defense  of  the  settlements  and  the  prosecution  of  the  war. 

On  the  3d  of  March,  Congress  passed  an  *'  Act  for  the  raising 
and  adding  another  regiment  to  the  military  establishment  of  the 
United  States,  and  for  making  further  provision  for  the  protection 
of  the  frontiers."  In  the  execution  of  the  provisions  of  that  act, 
the  President  immediately  appointed  Governor  St.  Clair  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  army  in  the  l^orth-West,  and  authorized 
him  to  raise  an  army  of  three  thousand  mtin,  to  be  employed 
against  the  hostile  Indians  in  that  territory. 

It  was  considered  necessary,  however,  to  make  an  immediate 
attack  on  the  Wabash  Indians  ;  and  accordingly  orders  were  sent 
to  General  Scott,  to  raise,  under  the  direction  of  the  Kentucky 
Board  of  War,  a  volunteer  force  of  about  seven  hundred  and  fifty, 
men,  and  lead  an  expt^dition  against  the  Wea  towns  on  the 
Wabash.  The  time  of  rendezvous  was  fixed  on  the  10th  of  May, 
but  the  march  was  postponed  for  a  few  days,  to  await  the  return  of 


MO 


omiftAI*  OBAILM  nor'b  izpisinov. 


1T91. 


PKctor.  "So  intelligeno*,  bowcrer,  wm  received-  firom  him;  fhe 
hostility  of  the  Indiane  wae  becoming  more  ftpfterent,  and,  on  the 
38d  of  May,  Geneml  Bcott  with  n  foree  of  eight  hundred  mooated 
men  croMMd  the  Ohio,  tA  the  month  of  the  Kentucky,  «nd  com- 
menced bis  march  to  Oniatenon,  where  he  arrived  on  the  Ist  of 
Jnne. 

"  I  immediately  detached  Oolonel  John  Hardin,"  says  Scott  in 
hit  report,  "  with  sixty  mounted  infSsntiy,  and  a  troop  of  light  bone 
under  Oaptain  McCoy,  to  attack  the  villages  to  tbe  left,  and  moved 
on  briskly  with  my  main  body,  in  order  of  battle,  toward  the  town, . 
the  smoke  of  which  was  discernible.  My  guides  were  deceived 
with  respect  to  the  situation  of  tbe  town ;  for,  instead  of  standing 
at  the  edge  of  the  plain  through  which  I  marched,  I  found  it  on 
the  low  ground  bordering  on  tbe  Wabash :  on  turning  the  point  of 
woods,  one  honse  presented  in  my  front.  Oaptain  Price  wss 
ordered  to  assault  that  with  forty  men.  He  executed  tbe  command 
with  great  gallantry,  and  killed  two  warriors. 

"  When  I  gained  the  summit  of  the  eminence  which  overlooks 
the  villages  on  tbe  >>n*<ks  of  the  Wabash,  I  discovered  the  enemy 
in  great  confiision,  endeavoring  to  make  their  escape  over  the  river 
in  canoes.  I  instantly  ordered  Lieutenant  Colonel-commandant 
Wilkinson  to  rush  forward  with  the  first  battalion. 

*'  The  order  was  executed  with  promptitude,  and  this  detach- 
ment gained  the  bank  of  the  river  just  as  the  rear  of  the  enemy 
bad  embarked ;  and,  regardless  of  a  brisk  fire  kept  np  from  a 
Sackapoo  town  on  the  opposite  bank,  they,  in  a  few  minutes,  by  a 
well-directed  fire  firom  their  rifles,  destroyed  all  the  rjavages  with 
which  five  canoes  were  crowded.  To  my  great  mortification,  the 
Wabash  was  many  feet  beyond  fording  at  this  place:  I  therefore 
detached  Col.  Wilkinson  to  a  ford  two  miles  above,  which  my 
guides  informed  me  was  more  practicable. 

"  The  enemy  still  kept  possession  of  Eickapoo  town :  I  dete^ 
mined  to  dislodge  them;  and  for  that  purpose  ordered  Captains 
King's  and  Logsdone's  companies  to  march  down  the  river  below 
the  town,  and  cross,  under  the  conduct  of  Major  Barboe.  Several 
of  the  men  swam  the  river,  and  others  passed  in  a  small  canoe. 
This  movement  was  unobserved;  and  my  men  had  taken  post  en 
the  bank  before  they  were  discovered  by  the  enemy,  who  imme- 
diately abandoned  the  village. 

"  About  this  time  word  was  brought  to  me  that  Colonel  Hardin 
was  encumbered  with  prisoners,  and  had  discovered  a  stronger  vil- 
lage further  to  my  left  than  those  I  had  observed,  which  he  was 


^ 


1T91. 


oairiRAii  oiAiLM  MOR's  izraDinoH. 


661 


proceeding  to  ftttaok.  I  iatmedlirtelj  detaohed  Osptain  Brown 
with  his  company,  to  ropport  the  eokmel ;  hut  the  distance  heing 
six  iQileB,  before  the  captain  arrived  the  business  was  done,  and 
Colonel  Hardin  joined  me  a  little  before  Biin<eet,  hating  killed  six 
warriors,  and  taken  fifty-two  prisoners.  Oaptain  Boll,  the  warrior 
who  discovered  me  in  tike  morning,  had  gained  the  main  town,  and 
given  the  alarm,  a  short  time  before  me;  hot  the  villages  to  my 
left  were  nninformed  of  my  approach,  and  had  no  retreat 

''The  next  morning  I  determined  to  detach  my  Lientenant 
Colonel-commandant,  with  five  hundred  men,  to  destroy  the  im- 
portant town  of  Keth-tip-e-oa-nnnk,  (Tippecanoe,)  eighteen  miles 
''  m  my  camp,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Wabash ;  but,  on  examin** 
on,  I  discovered  my  men  and  horses  to  be  so  crippled  and  worn 
down  by  a  long,  laborious  march,  and  the  active  exertions  of  the 
preceding  day,  that  three  hundred  and  sixty  men  only  could  be 
fonnd  in  a  capacity  to  undertake  the  enterprise,  and  they  prepared 
to  march  on  foot. 

"  Colonel  Wilkinson  marched  with  this  detachment  at  half  after 
five  in  the  evening,  and  returned  to  my  camp  the  next  day  at  one 
o'clock,  having  marched  thirty-six  miles  in  twelve  hours,  and  de- 
Btroyed  the  most  important  settlement  of  the  enemy  in  that  quarter 
of  the  federal  territoiy. 

"  Many  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  village  (Ouiatenon)  were  French, 
snd  lived  in  a  state  of  civilization.  By  the  books,  letters,  and  other 
documents  found  there,  it  is  evident  that  place  was  in  close  con- 
nection with,  and  dependent  on,  Detroit.  A  large  quantity  of 
com,  a  variety  of  household  goods,  peltry,  and  other  articles,  were 
burned  with  this  village,  which  consisted  of  about  seventy  housesiy 
m">ny  of  them  well  finished."* 

The  theatre  of  this  event  is  thus  described  in  the  Indiana  Gac 
zetteer,  published  at  Indianapolis,  1850: 

"  Weaf  prairie,  or  Wea  plains,  covers  more  than  a  township  of 
excellent  land,  just  below  the  mouth  of  Wea  creek.  On  the  oppo< 
site  side  of  Wabash  river  was  the  Indian  town  Ouiatenon,  and  the 
site  of  a  Jesuit  mission  once  fiourishing.  Here,  too,  were  the  most 
extensive  improvements  probably  ever  made  by  Indians  within  the 
limits  of  this  State,  of  which  scarce  a  trace  now  remains. 


*  American  State  Papers,  t.  181. 

t  Wah-wee-ah-tenon  was  the  original  Indian  name  of  the  settlement,  made  olassie 
(Ouiatenon)  by  the  Jesuits. 


\>S^  '^^.^   ^ 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


1.1 


Ittitt 


|25 

|2j2 

12.0 


11.25  ■  1.4 


1.6 


V 


-^z 


^^ 


^ 


Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporalion 


23  WBT  MAIN  STRIIT 

WttSTM,N.Y.  14SM 

(71«)«7a-4S0:< 


6^ 


fK 


« 


o 


662 


OOLQVBL  WILKIHBOK'S  ■ZPIDKIOIT. 


1791. 


"For  richness  of  soil  and  beantj  of  nataral  sitnation  no  place 
in  the  State,  or  perhaps  in  the  West,  can  compare  with  the  Wea 
plains." 

A  few  miles  above  this  ancient  post  is  located  the  flourishing 
city  of  La  Fayette. 

On  the  recommendation'  of  Gtovemor  8t  Olair^  the  Kentucl^ 
Board  of  "War  resolved  to  send  another  expedition  nnder  Oolunel 
Wilkinson  to  destroy  the  towns  on  Eel  river.  The  volunteers 
nised  for  the  service,  were  ordered  to  rendezvons  at  Fort  Wash- 
ington, on  the  20th  of  July,  armed  and  mounted,  with  provisions 
for  thirty  days;  and  on  the  1st  of  August,  Wilkinson,  with  five 
hundred  and  twenty>five  men,  commenced  his  march  against  the 
hostile  towns. ;  His  report,  made  on  the  24th  of  August,  to  Gove^ 
nor  St  Olur,  is  a  su^cient  history  of  the  expedition :  ^ 

"Having  carried  into  complete  effect  the  enterprise  which  yoa 
were  pleased  to  direct  against  L'Anguille,  (a  village  on  Eel  river,) 
and  having  done  the  savages  every  other  damaf^e  on  the  Wabash, 
to  which  I  conceived  my  force  adequate,  I  embrace  the  fint 
moments  recess  from  active  duly,  to  detail  to  your  excellency  the 
(^rations  of  the  expedition  entrusted  to  my  conduct. 

"I  left  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Washington  on  the  1st  inst,  at 
one  o'clock,  and  agreeably  to  my  original  plan,  feinted  boldly  at  the 
Miami  villages,  by  the  most  direct  course  the  nature  of  the  ground 
over  which  I  had  to  march  would  permit.  I  persevered  in  this 
plan  until  the  morning  of  the  4th  inst.,  and  thereby  avoided  the 
hunting  ground  of  the  enemy,  and  the  paths  which  lead  direct  from 
White  river  to  the  Wabash,  leaving  the  head  waters  of  the  first  to 
my  left;  I  then,  being  about  seventy  miles  advanced  of  Fort  Wash- 
ington, turned  north-west. 

"  I  made  no  discovery  until  the  5th,  about  nine  o'clock,  A.  M., 
when  I  crossed  three  much  frequented  paths  within  two  miles  of 
each  other,  and  all  bearing  east  of  north;  my  guides  were  urgent 
for  me  to  follow  these  paths,  which  betrayed  their  ignorance  of  the 
country,  and  convinced  me  that  I  ha^  to  depend  on  my  own 
judgment  only.  In  the  afternoon  of  that  day,  I  was  obliged  to 
cross  a  deep  bog,  which  injured  several  of  my  horses  exceedingly, 
and  a  few  miles  beyond  I  struck  a  path  bearing  north  by  west, 
marked  by  the  recent  footsteps  of  five  or  six  savages. 

"  My  guides  renewed  their  application  to  me  to  follow  this  path, 
but  I  pursued  my  course  which  had  been  N".  60  W.  since  two 
o'clock. 

"  I  had  not  got  clear  of  my  encampment  next  morning,  before 


1791. 


OOLOHIL  WILKXHSOM'S  ■XPHPIXION. 


668 


my  advance  reported  an  impassable  bog  in  oar  front,  extending 
several  miles  on  either  hand;  and  the  guides  asserted  that  the 
whole  country  to  the  Wabash  was  cut  by  such  bogs,  and  that  it 
would  be  impossible  for  me  to  proceed  unless  I  followed  the 
Indian  paths,  which  avoided  these  bogs,  or  led  through  them  at 
places  where  they  were  least  difficult.  .  Although  I  paid  little 
regard  to  this  information,  as  delay  was  dangerous,  and  every 
thing  depended  on  the  preservation  of  my  horses,  I  determined  to 
turn  to  the  right,  and  fall  into  the  path  I  had  passed  the  evening 
before,  which  varied  in  its  course  from  N.  by  "W.  to  NE.  The 
country  now  had  become  pondy  in  every  direction;  1  therefore 
resolved  to  pursue  this  path  until  noon,  in  the  hope  that  it  would 
conduct  me  to  better  ground,  or  to  some  devious  trace  which 
might  lead  to  the  object  sought 

"At  seven  o'clock  I  crossed  an  east  branch  of  Calumet*  river, 
about  forty  yards  wide,  and  about  noon  my  advance  guard  fired  on 
a  small  party  of  warriors,  and  took  a  prisoner;  the  rest  ran  off  to 
the  eastward.  I  halted  about  a  mile  beyond  the  spot  where  this 
affair  happened,  and  on  examining  the  prisoner  found  him  to  be  a 
Delaware,  living  near  the  site  of  the  late  Miami  village,  which  he 
iDformed  me  was  about  thirty  miles  distant;  I  immediately  retro- 
graded four  miles,  and  filed  off  by  the  right  over  some  rising 
ground  which  I  had  observed  between  the  east  branch  of  Calumet 
river  and  a  creek  four  or  five  miles  in  advance  of  it,  taking  my 
course  K.  60  "W. 

"This  measure  fortunately  extricated  me  from  the  bogs  and 
ponds,  and  soon  placed  me  on  firm  ground ;  late  in  the  afternoon 
I  crossed  one  path  running  from  N.  to  S.  and  shortly  after  fell 
into  another  varying  from  NW.  to  N.  by  W.  I  pursued  this 
path  about  two  miles,  when  I  encamped — ^but  finding  it  still 
inclined  northward,  I  determined  to  abandon  it  in  the  morning. 

"I  resumed  my  march  on  the  6th  at  four  o'clock;  the  Calumet 
being  to  the  westward  of  me,  I  was  fearful  I  should  strike  the 
Wabash  too  high  up,  and  perhaps  fall  in  with  the  small  town, 
which  you  mentioned  to  me,  at  the  mouth  of  the  former  river.  I 
therefore  steered  a  due  west  course,  and  six  o'clock,  A.  M.,  crossed 
a  road,  much  used  both  by  horse  and  foot,  bearing  due  north. 

"I  now  knew  that  I  was  near  a  Shawanese  village,  generally 
supposed  to  be  on  the  waters  of  "White  river,  but  actually  on  those 


*  At  preMut  not  known  by  that  name. 


564 


OCfUUm  WILKINSON'S  BXPBDmON. 


1791. 


of  the  Oalomet,  and  was  sensible  that  eveiy  thing  depended  on  the 
celerily  and  silence  of  my  movements,  as  my  real  ohject  had  become 
manifest.  I  therefore  pushed  my  march  vigorously,  leaving  an 
<^cer  and  twenty  men  in  ambush,  to  watch  the  road,  in  order  to 
intercept  or  beat  off  any  party  of  the  enemy  which  might  casually 
be  passing  that  way,  and«tbereby  prevent  as  long  as  possible,  the 
discovery  of  my  real  intentions. 

^*  At  eight  o'clock  I  crossed  Oalumet  river,  now  eighty  yards 
wide,  and  running  down  WSW.  and  pursuing  my  course,  I  crossed 
one  path  near  the  western  bank  of  the  river,  taking  the  same 
course,  and  at  six  miles  dist«ice,  another  bearing  to  the  NE.  I 
was  now  sensible  from  my  reckoning  compared  with  my  own 
observations,  during  the  late  expedition  under  Qeneral  Scott,  and 
the  information  received  from  your  excellency  and  others,  that  I 
could  not  be  very  &r  distant  from  L'Anguille.  The  party  left  at 
the  road  soon  fell  in  with  four  warriors  encamped  half  a  mile  from 
the  right  of  my  line  of  march,  killed  one  and  drove  off  the  others  to 
the  northward.  My  situation  had  now  become  extremely  critics^ 
the  whole  country  to  the  north  being  in  alarm,  which  made  me 
greatly  anxious  to  continue  my  march  during  the  night;  but  I  had 
no  path  to  direct  me,  and  it  was  impossible  to  keep  my  course,  or 
for  borsemen  to  march  through  a  thick  swampy  country,  in  utter 
darkness.  I  quitted  my  camp  on  the  7th  as  soon  as  I  could  see 
my  way,  crossed  one  path  at  three  miles  distance  bearing  NE. 
and  at  seven  miles  I  fell  into  another  very  much  used,  bearing 
TSW.  by  N".  which  I  at  once  adopted,  as  the  direct  route  to  my 
object  and  pushed  forward  with  the  utmost  dispatch. 

"  I  halted  at  twelve  o'clock  to  refresh  the  horses  and  examine 
the  men's  arms  and  ammunition ;  marched  again  at  half  after  one, 
and  at  fifteen  minutes  before  five  I  struck  the  Wabash,  at  one  and 
a  half  leagues  above  the  mouth  of  Eel  river,  being  the  very  spot 
for  which  I  had  aimed  from  the  commencement  of  my  march.  I 
crossed  the  river,  and  following  the  path  a  ^.  by  E  course ;  at  the 
distance  of  two  and  a  half  miles  my  reconnoitering  party  announced 
Eel  river  in  front,  and  the  town  on  the  opposite  bank.  I  dismoun- 
ted, ran  forward  and  examined  the  situation  of  the  town  as  far  as 
was  practicable,  without  exposing  myself;  but  the  whole  face  of  the 
country  from  the  Wabash  to  ^e  margin  of  Eel  river,  being  a 
continued  thicket  of  brambles,  black  jacks,  weeds  and  shrubs  of 
different  kinds,  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  get  a  satisfactory  view 
without  endangering  a  discovery. 

"  I  immediately  determined  to  post  two  companies  near  the  bank 


1791. 


OOItONU  WJLWtWHOV'B  KEIDIffXMI. 


of  the  mer  of^KMite  to  the  tows,  and  «bov*th0  gfonnd  I  thfto 
occupied,  to  make  ft  detour  with  Mt^r  OaUwell,  and  the  second 
battalion,  until  I  fell  into  tibe  Miami  trace,  «ad  bgr  that  route  to 
oroM  the  river  above  and  gain  the  rewr  of  IIm  towu,  and  to  leave 
directions  with  Migor  M'Dowi^  who  oomiMinded  tiie  fint  bat- 
talion,  to  lie  perdue  until  I  «omiAenoed  the  attack ;  itben  to  dash 
through  the  river  wxtli  his  corps  advanoed,  and  aasftoit  the  hooeas 
in  front  and  upon  tlie  left.  In  the  moment  that  I  irae  about  to  put 
this  arrangement  into  execution,  word  was  bronght  me  that  llie 
enemy  had  taken  the  alarm  and  were  flying.  I  inirtantly  ordered 
a  general  charge,  which  was  obeyed  with  altoritjir,  the  men  forcing 
their  way  over  every  obstacle  plunged  tbrou^  the  river  with  vast 
intrepidity.  The  enemy  was  unable  to  make  the  smallest  resist- 
ance. 

"Six  warriors  and,  in  the  hurry  and  oonftuioii  of  the  ebafge,  two 
squaws  and  a  child  were  killed,  thirty*fourprisooei«  were  t^^a  and 
an  unfortunato  captive  released — ^with  the  loss  of  two  men  killed 
and  one  wounded.  I  found  this  top:n  scattered  along  JHel  river 
for  fall  three  miles,  on  an  uneven  scrubby  oak  barren,  intersected 
alternately  by  bogs  almost  impassable,  and  impervious  thickets  of 
plum,  hazel  and  black  jack.  Notwithstanding  these  difficulties, 
if  I  may  credit  the  report  of  the  prisoners,  very  few  who  were  in 
the  town  escaped ;  expecting  a  second  expedition,  t^ir  goods  were 
generally  packed  up  or  buried. 

"Sixty  warriors  had  crossed  the  Wabash  to  watch  the  paths 
leading  from  the  Ohio ;  the  head  chief  ^th  all  the  prisouersj  and  a 
number  of  families,  were  out  digging  ^  root  which  they  substitute 
m  the  place  of  the  potatoe,  and  about  one  hour  before  my  arrival 
all  the  warriors,  except  eight,  had  mounted  their  horses  and  rode 
up  the  river  to  a  French  store  to  purchase  ammunition.  This  am- 
munition had  arrivi^d  from  the  Miami  village  that  veiy  day,  and 
the  squaws  informed  me  was  stored  about  two  miles^  from  tibo 
town. 

"I  detached  M^or  Oiddwell  in  quest  of  it,  hut  ho  &Ued  tomalpe 
any  discovery,  although  he  scoured  the  countiy  I6r  seven  or  ei^t 
miles  up  the  river.  I  encamped  in  the  town  that  night,  and  the 
next  morning  out  i^;>  the  com  scarcely  in  tbe  milk,  burnt  the  cab- 
ins, and  mounted  my  youug  warriors,  sqinawjs  and  children  m  the 
best  manner  in  my  power,  and  le£;ying  twoinfiim  squaws  and  a 
child  with  a  short  talk^  (a  copy  of  which  I  have  the  honw  to  enclofe 
yoQ,)  i  commenced  my  puurch  for  the  S^ickiyKH)  town  in  the  pr«irM)* 
I  felt  my  prisoners  avast  incumbrance,  bat  J  was  not  inforoiettP 


666 


OOMHIL  WILKIHSOir'S  IZPIDITION. 


1791. 


justify  a  detachment,  having  barely  five  hundred  and  twenty-three 
rank  and  file,  and  being  then  in  the  bosom  of  the  Ouiatenon 
country,  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles  removed  from  succor  and 
not  more  than  one  and  a  half  days  forced  march  from  the  Potta* 
wattamies,  Bhawanese  and  Delawares. 

"Not  being  able  to  discover  any  path  in  the  direct  course  to  the 
Eickapoo  towns,  I  marched  by  the  road  leading  to  Tippecanoe,  in 
the  hope  of  finding  some  diverging  trace  which  might  favor  my 
design.  I  encamped  that  evening  about  six  miles  from  Eenapa- 
eomaqua,  the  Indian  name  for  the  town  I  had  destroyed,  and 
marched  next  morning  at  four  o'clock.  My  course  continued  west 
till  nine  o'clock  when  I  turned  to  the  north-west  ou  a  small  hunt- 
ing path,  and  at  a  short  distance  I  launched  into  the  boundless 
prairies  of  the  west  with  the  intention  to  pursue  that  course  until 
I  could  strike  a  road  which  leads  from  the  Pottawattamies  of  Lake 
Michigan  immediately  to  the  town  I  sought. 

"  With  this  view  I  pushed  forward,  through  bog  after  bog,  to  the 
saddle  skirts  in  mud  and  water,  and  after  persevering  for  eight 
hours  I  found  myself  environed  on  all  ^ides  with  morasses  which 
forbade  my  advancing  and  at  the  same  time  rendered  it  difficult 
for  me  to  extricate  my  little  army.  The  way  by  which  we  had 
entered  was  so  much  beat  and  softened  by  the  horses  that  it  was 
almost  impossible  to  return  by  that  route,  and  my  guides  pronoun- 
ced the  morass  in  front  impassable.  A  chain  of  thin  groves 
extending  in  the  direction  of  the  Wabash  at  this  time  presented  to 
my  left;  it  was  necessary  I  should  gain  these  groves,  and  for  this 
purpose  I  dismounted,  went  forward,  and  leading  my  horse  through 
a  bog  to  the  arm-pits  in  mud  and  water,  with  great  difficulty  and 
&tigue  I  accomplished  my  object,  and  changing  my  course  to  S. 
by  W.  1  regained  the  Tippecanoe  road  at  five  o'clock  and  encamped 
on  it  at  seven  o'clock,  after  a  march  of  thirty  miles,  which  broke 
down  several  of  my  horses. 

**I  am  the  more  minute  in  detailing  the  occurrences  of  this  day, 
betiause  they  produce  the  most  unfavorable  effect  I  was  in  motion 
at  four  next  morning,  and  at  eight  o'clock  my  advanced  guard 
made  some  discoveries  which  induced  me  to  believe  we  were  near 
an  Indian  town.  I  immediately  pushed  that  body  forward  on  a 
trot  and  followed  with  Major  Oaldwell  and  the  second  battalion, 
leaving  Mi^orM'Dowell  to  take  charge  of  the  prisoners.  I  reached 
Tippecanoe  at  twelve  o'clock,  which  had  been  occupied  by  the 
enemy,  who  vratohed  my  motions  and  abandoned  the  place  that 
morning.    After  the  destruction  of  the  town  in  June  last,  the 


1791. 


OOLOmOi  WILKIiraOH'S  BXPIDinOH. 


567 


enemy  had  returned  and  cultivated  their  com  and  pnlse,  which  I 
found  in  high  perfection  and  in  much  greater  quantity  than  at 
L'Anguille. 

"To  refresh  my  horses  and  g^ve  time  to  out  down  the  com,  I 
determined  to  halt  until  the  next  morning,  and  then  to  resume  my 
march  to  the  Kickapoo  town,  in  the  prairie,  by  the  road  which 
leads  from  Oniatenon  to  that  place.  In  the  course  of  the  day,  I  had 
discovered  some  murmurings  and  discontent  among  the  men,  which 
I  found  on  inquiry  to  proceed  from  their  reluctance  to  advance  fnr^ 
ther  into  the  enemy's  country ;  this  induced  me  to  call  for  a  state 
of  the  horses  and  provisions,  when,  to  my  great  mortification,  two 
hundred  and  seventy  horses  were  returned  lame  and  tired,  with 
barely  five  days  provisions  for  the  men. 

"Under  these  circumstances,  I  was  compelled  to  abandon  my 
designs  upon  the  Kickapoos  of  the  prairie;  and  with  a  degree  of 
anguish  not  to  be  comprehended  but  by  those  who  have  experienced 
similar  disappointments,  I  marched  forward  to  a  town  of  the  same 
nation,  situate  about  three  leagues  west  of  Ouiatenon.  As  I 
advanced  to  that  town,  the  enemy  made  some  show  of  fighting  me, 
but  vanished  at  my  approach.  I  destroyed  this  town,  consisting  of 
thirty  houses,  with  a  considerable  quantity  of  com  in  the  hills,  and 
the  same  day  I  moved  on  to  Ouiatenon,  where  I  forded  the  Wabash, 
and  proceeded  to  the  site  of  the  villages  on  the  margin  of  the 
prairie,  where  I  encamped  at  seven  o'clock. 

"  At  this  town  and  the  villages  destroyed  by  Gen.  Scott,  in  June^ 
we  found  the  com  had  been  replanted,  and  was  now  in  high  culti- 
vation, several  fields  being  well  ploughed,  all  which  we  destroyed. 
On  the  12th,  I  resumed  my  march,  and  falling  into  Gen.  8cott'6 
return  trace,  I  arrived  without  any  material  incident  at  the  rapids 
of  the  Ohio,  on  the  2lst  inst,  after  a  march  by  accurate  computa- 
tion of  four  hundred  and  fifty-one  miles  from  Fort  Washington. 

"The  volunteers  of  Kentucky  have,  on  this  occasion,  acquitted 
themselves  with  their  usual  good  conduct,  but  as  no  opportunity 
offered  for  individual  distinction,  it  would  be  unjust  to  give  one 
the  plaudits  to  which  all  have  an  equal  title.  I  cannot,  however, 
in  propriety,  forbear  to  express  my  warm  approbation  of  the  good 
oondnct  of  my  Majors  M'Bowell  and  Caldwell,  and  of  Ool.  Russell, 
who,  in  the  character  of  a  volunteer,  without  commission,  led  my 
advance;  and  I  feel  myself  under  obligations  to  Major  Adair  and 
Capt.  Parker,  who  acted  immediately  about  my  person,  for  the 
services  they  rendered  m^  by  the  most  prompt,  active  and  ener- 
getic exertions. 


m 


HCKMR'i  OAMPAIW  WW  IMLAT. 


mt 


HTh«  MmoM  whioh  I  havw  iMtn  ablA  to  nr  .a«r,  fliU  fkr  thort  of 
noiy  wifhei)  ray  intimtioo  and  (Hpftetfttkn;  jbot,  •ir,  when  700 
reflect  on  fhe  oaoMs  whio^  oheoked  my  career,  and  blasted  my 
deo^ns,  I  flatter  myaelf  yon  will  Mev*  tverything  has  been  done 
which  ooold  be  dona  in  a^y  oirowmftanoea;  I  hawa  deatroyed  the 
lAiaf  topn  of  the  Oniateiioa  nation,  and  made  priaoners  the  aoni 
and  aistiin  of  the  King;  I  have  bntnt  *  reapeotable  Kickapoo 
▼illage,  and  oat  down  M  leaat  four  handred  and  thirty  acres  of 
eom,  ^iefly  in  the  milk.  The  Oniatenons,  left  without  houses, 
home  or  proinsum,  must  cease  to  war,  and  will  And  active  employ 
to  subsist  theijr  squaws  Mid  ehildMH  during  the  impending 
winter." 

Aside  fW)m  the  official  risports  of  l^eott  and  Wilkinson,  a  veiy 
initeiesling  aceouiit  of  thfOir  Siipaditioni  as  well  as  of  the  country 
they  invadad,  as  it  then  an[>eared,  is  furnished  in  the  letter  of  an 
c^oer  in  Witisinson's  oampiulgn.* 

**  General  Baott,  at  the  head  of  eight  hnndred  Kentucky  volnn- 
toai%  marched  ^m  i^iposite  the  mouth  of  the  Kentucky  river, 
about  ^e  beginning  of  June ;  the  cmuse  he  steered  was  about 
niMth  20°  west,  and  in  about  fifteen  days  he  struck  and  sarprised 
14m  lower  WeauQteneau  (Ooi^itemw)  towns,  on  the  Wabash  river, 
)|l»d  ^«  pi^iiie  a4)piuing;  but  unft^nnately,  the  river  at  that  tune 
9iras  not  ibrdable,  or  the  Ki<)kapoo  town,  on  the  north-west  side, 
with  the  Indians  who  esqaped  iu  their  canoes  from  the  Wean 
tov^  Ota  the  south,  must  have  f/XLm  completely  into  our  bands ; 
however,  about  twenty  warriors  were  killed  in  the  Weau  (Ouia) 
villages,  and  in  the  river  crossing  the  Wabash,  and  forty-seven  of 
tbair  squaws  and  children  taken  pri^oera. 

**  Immediatiily  aftar  tha  engagem^t»  a  council  of  war  was  csUed, 
when  it  waa  d^tanmued  that  WilkinfiM>n  should  cross  the  Wabash 
under  cover  of  the  night,  with  fk  dataohment  of  four,  hundred  men, 
and  endeavor  to  surprise  the  towu  9f  Katbtippacamunck,  which 
was  aituatod  upop  the  north  side  of  thfM^  river,  at  the  mouth  of  Kip- 
pacanoe  ereel^  (Tippecwaoe,)  and  about  twenty  miles  above  the 
liower  Weau  towns.  IJlbis  <»pedition  iW«s  conduotodwi^  so  ina<}h 
jCMitiou  and  celerity,  that  WiU^MUu  aiiiyed  at  ^luargin  of  the 
jprairi^  withiu  a  raila»  And  to  tba  west  »f  jtbe  tmti,  ^about  an  hoar 
before  the  break  of  di^;  iwhilst  a4ilaabi9i9i»t  wi«b  «taking  a  cirooit 
through  the  prairie,  to  oot^operato  n^  ,thi?;»«li»'body  on  a  giv«» 


*  Tmlnj'fl  Ameri«»,  p.  402. 


nn- 


shut's  vnnox  or  scon's  haboh. 


669 


sign«l;  daj7  Appeftred,  and  the  yolante«n  rushed  into  the  town  with 
Ml  impetnotttj;  not  to  be  reaiited.  The  detachment  in  advance 
reaehed  the  Bippacanoe  creek*  tibie  yery  moment  the  last  of  tha 
Jodifus  were  crossing,  when  a  veiy  brufc  fire  took  place  between 
the  detachment  and  the  Indians  on  the  opposite  ude,  in  which  sev- 
eral of  their  warriors  were  killed,  and  two  of  oar  men  wounded. 

"  This  town,  which  contiuned  about  one  hundred  and  twenlgr 
houses,  eighty  of  which  were  shingle  roofed,  was  immediate^ 
burnt  and. leveled  with  the  ground;  the  best  houses  belonged  to 
French  tntdera,  whose  gardens  and  improvements  round  the  town 
were  truly  delightful,. and,  everything  considered,  not  a  little  won- 
derful; there  was  a  tavern,  with  celiacs,  bar,  public,  and  iwivate 
rooms;  and  the  whole  marked  a  considerable  share  of  order,  an4 
no  small  degree  of  civilization. 

'*  Wilkinson  returned  with  his  detachment,  after  destroying  the 
town,  and  joined  the  main  army  about  seven  in  the  evening;  and 
the  day  following  our  little  army  were  put  in  motion,  with  their 
prisoners ;  and  steeriog  about  south,  in  twelve  days  reached  the 
repids  of  the  Ohio,  with  the  loss  only  of  two  men,  who  nnfortp- 
uately  were  drowned  in  cr5sd[ng  Main  White  river. 

"The  success  of  this  expedition  epcouraged  government  to  set 
another  on  foot,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Wilkinson;  which 
was  destined  to  operate  agunst  the  same  tribes  of  Indians;  whose 
main  town,  near  the  mouth  of  Ell  river,  on  the  Wabash,  had  not 
been  attacked  in  the  first  excursion ;  and  accordingly,  on  the  1st  of 
Aagast  following,  the  colonel,  at  the  head  of  five  hundred  mounted 
volanteers,  marched  from  Fort  Washington,  north  sixteen  degrees 
west,  steering,  as  it  were,  for  the  Manmio  villages,  cu  the  Picaway 
fork  of  the  Manmic,  (or  Miami  of  the  lake,)  and  Bt.  Mary's  river. 
This  movement  was  intended  as  a  feint,  and  the  Indians,  who 
Afterward  fell  upon  our  trail,  were  completely  deceived ;  nor  did 
we  chaugte  our  course  until  by  the  capture  of  a  Delaware  Indian, 
we  ascertained  that  we  were  within  thirty  miles  of  the  principal  of 
the  Mftumic  villages,  and  having  marched  down  our  northing,  |it 
the  very  time  we  received  the  information,  shifted  our  coarse  to 
due  west,  and  at  the  distance  of.  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles 
from  Fort  Washington,  we  struck  the  Wabash  within  two  miles  and 
fthalf  of  LonguiUe,  or,  as  the  Indiaos  call  it,  Eenapaooiaaqua.  It 
WM  about  4»  P.M.  when  we  reached  that  river,  and  crossing  it  im- 


ai 


8T0 


imlat's  nuiOH  or  soor'b  masob. 


1791. 


mediately,  wo  mftrohed  in  fbur  oolnniiiB  aoron  the  neok  of  Iind, 
fintned  bj  the  junction  of  the  WabMh  and  Ell  (Eel)  riren,  passing 
Mveral  Indian  war  poets  that  had  been  Aresh  painted,  we  arrived 
completely  concealed  on  the  south  bank  of  Ell  river,  and  directly 
opposite  the  town  of  Kenapacomaqna. 

"The  surprise  of  this  town  waa  so  very  complete,  that  before  we 
received  orders  to  cross  the  river  and  rush  upon  the  town,  we  ob> 
served  several  children  playing  on  the  tops  of  the  housea,  and  coald 
distinguish  the  hilarity  and  merriment  that  seemed  to  crown  the 
festivity  of  the  villagers,  tor  it  was  in  the  season  of  the  green  com 
dance. 

"The  want  of  daylight,  and  a  moraes,  that  nearly  encircled  the 
town,  prevented  us  from  suddenly  attacking,  which  enabled  several 
of  the  Indians  to  escape,  and  in  some  measure  obscured  the  bril- 
liancy Of  the  enterprise,  by  limiting  the  number  of  warriors  killed 
to  eleven,  and  capturing  forty  squaws  and  their  children,  after 
burning  ajl  the  houses,  and  destroying  about  two  hundred  acres  of 
com,  which  waa  then  in ,  the  milk,  and  in  that  stage  when  the  In- 
dians prepare  it  for  Zoffomanony.  This  success  was  achieved  with 
the  loss  of  two  men,  who  were  killed. 

"About  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  we  mounted  our  prisoners, 
and  took  a  west  and  by  north  course  toward  the  Little  Kickapoo  town, 
which  the  Colonel  hoped  to  surprise  on  his  way  to  the  Oreat  Eick- 
apoo  town,  in  the  prairie,  on  the  waters  of  the  Illinois  river;  but 
the  difficulties  we  encountered  in  this  march,  through  these  almost 
boundless  prairies,  were  such,  that  upon  our  arrival  at  the  Little 
Kickapoo  town,  wo  found  one  half  the  horses  in  the  army  non- 
effective, and  unlikely  to  reach  the  Ohio  by  the  nearest  coarse  we 
could  take,  which  consideration  induced  the  colonel  to  relinqnish 
the  enterprise  against  the  Great  Eickapoo  town ;  and,  accordingly, 
after  destroying  about  two  hundred  acres  of  com  at  Eathtippaca- 
nunck,  Eickapoo,  and  the  lower  Weaucteneau  towns,  we  gained 
Ctenoral  Bcott's  return  tract,  and  on  the  21st  of  August,  after  a  cuv 
euitous  march  of  four  hundred  and  eighty-six  miles,  arrived  with 
our  prisoners  at  Louisville." 

The  expeditions  of  Harmar,  Scott  and  Wilkinson  were  directed 
against  the  Miamies  and  Shawanese,  and  served  only  to  exasperate 
them.  The  burning  of  their  towns,  the  destruction  of  their  con, 
and  the  captivity  of  their  women  and  children,  only  unused  them 
to  more  desperate  efforts  to  defend  their  country,  and  to  hanus 
their  invaders.  To  carry  on  the  war  more  vigorously,  Little  Turtle, 
the  chief  of  the  Miamie^  Blue  Jacket,  the  chief  of  the  Shawanese, 


im. 


PVRVMB  or  BT.  OLAA'8  OAMrAXOll. 


571 


and  BaokongahelM,  the  chief  of  the  DdAwarea,  were  engaged  in 
fonning  *  oonfedermcj  of  all  the  trihea  of  the  noitb-weat,  atrong 
enough  to  drive  the  whitea  beyond  the  Ohio. 

Meanwhile,  prepantiona  were  going  forward  for  the  main  ezpe> 
dition  of  St  Olair,  which,  it  waa  intended,  waa  to  aeoore  the  control 
over  the  aavagea,  by  eatabliahing  a  chain  of  forta  flt>m  the  Ohio  to 
Laki  Erie,  and  eapecially  by  aecnring  the  commanding  pomtion  at 
the  head  of  the  Manmee. 

At  a  veiy  early  period,  the  admirable  position  of  the  Miami  vil* 
lage,  at  the  Junction  of  the  St  Mary  and  St.  Joaeph,  had  atmck 
Wadiington'a  aagaciona  mind,  and  when  Harmar'a  expedition  was 
undertaken,  one  purpoae  of  it  would  donbtleaa  have  been  the  eetab- 
Uahment  of  a  military  poet  at  the  lifiami  town,  had  it  been  com- 
patible with  the  public  finanoea.*    But  Harmar'a  defeat  having 
proved  the  neoeaaity  of  aome  atrong  check  upon  the  northern 
Mvage^  it  became  the  main  purpoae  of  the  campiugn  of  1791  to 
build  a  fort  at  the  point  deaignated,  which  waa  to  be  connected  by 
other  intermediate  ataiiona  with  Fort  Waahington  and  the  Ohio. 
Of  thia  there  is  proof  in  the  language  of  the  government,  after  St 
Olur'a  defeat:  "the  great  object  of  the  late  campugn,"  aaya  Gton. 
Enoz,  in  hia  official  report,  dated  December  26,  1791,  "waa  to 
egtabliah  a  atrong  militaiy  poet  at  the  Miami  village,"  (Maumee, 
at  the  junction  of  the  St  Joaeph  and  the  St  Mary).    Thii  otgect, 
too,  waa  to  be  attained,  if  poaaible,  even  at  the  expenae  of  a  oonteat 
vhich  might  be  otherwise  avoided,  aa  the  following  inatructiona, 
issued  to  St  Clair  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  will  indicate : 

"The  Preaident  of  the  United  States  having,  by  and  with  the 
advice  and  conaent  of  the  Senate,  appointed  you  a  M^jor-General 
in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  and  of  consequence  invested 
yoa  with  the  chief  command  of  the  troopa  to  be  employed  upon 
the  frontiers  during  the  ensuing  campaign,  it  is  proper  that  yon 
should  be  possessed  of  the  views  of  the  government  respecting  the 
oligecta  of  your  command. 

"I  am,  therefore,  authorized  and  commanded  by  the  Preaident 
of  the  United  Statea,  to  deliver  you  the  following  inatructiona,  in 
order  to  aerve  aa  the  general  principlea  of  your  oonduct 

"  But,  it  ia  only  general  principlea  which  can  be  pointed  out  In 
the  execution  of  the  dutiea  of  your  atation,  circumatances  wlu<^ 
cannot  now  be  foreaeen  may  ariae,  to  render  material  deviationa 


*8m  Knox's  UM«r  to  St.  CliOr,  Soptcnbor  12, 1790.    Aaoriean  8t*to  Pftpon^  T.  lOOi 


678 


nisf  ftuonoMi  to  st.  olaib. 


1791. 


Saoh  oiroomttMioM  will  NqviM  tb«  mmoIm  of  yoor 


neoMMuy. 
telonti. 

*<The  government  poeieaeea  tlie  eeearttj  of  yoar  oharaotor  m4 
niAtare  experienoe,  that  your  jadgment  will  be  proper  on  all  oooa- 
■ione.  Ton  are  well  informed  of  the  nn&vonUe  impreMiou 
whioih  the  iasne  of  the  iMt  expedition  has  made  on  the  public  mind, 
and  you  are  also  aware  of  the  espeotationi  wbieh  an  ihnned  (4 
the  snooew  of  the  ensuing  campaign. 

**  An  Lidian  war,  under  any  cironmttanoea»  is  regarded  by  the 
great  mass  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  as  an  event  whiob 
ooghty  if  possible,  to  be  avoided.  It  is  considered  that  the  laori* 
Ace  of  blood  and  treasure  in  each  a  war  exoeeda  any  advantagsi 
which  can  possibly  be  reaped  by  it. 

**The  great  poUoy,  therefore,  of  the  General  Government,  is  to 
establish  a  jast  and  liberal  peace  with  all  the  Indian  tribes  witbia 
ithe  limits  and  in  the  vicinity  of  the  tenritoiy  of  the  United  Statss. 
Yonr  intimations  to  the  hostile  Indians,  immediately  after  the  latt 
■expedition,  througb  the  IWyandots  and  Delawues ;  the  arrange- 
ments with  ^e  Senecas  who  w«iie  lately  in  this  city,  that  part  of 
the  Six  Kations  should  repair  to  the  SMd  hoetile  Indians,  to  inflo* 
•ence  them  to  pacific  measures ;  together  with  the  recent  mission 
of  Oolonel  Proctor  to  them  for  the  same  purpose,  will  stroogly 
evince  the  desire  of  the  General  Government  to  prevent  the 
ioffbrion  of  blood,  and  to  quiet  all  disturbances.  And  when  yop 
shall  arrive  upon  the  frontiers,  if  any  other  or  further  measures  to 
effect  the  same  dtgect  should  present,  you  will  eagerly  embiace 
Hiem,  and  the  reasonable  expenses  thereof  shall  be  defrayed  by  the 
ipublio.  But,  if  all  the  lenient  measures  taken,  or  which  may  be 
itaken,  should  &il  to  bring  tbe  hostile  Indians  to  a  just  sense  d 
4heir  situation,  it  will  be  necesaaiy  tihat  you  should  use  saoh 
coercive  means  as  you  shall  possess,  for  that  purpose. 

"  Tou  are  inforaied  that,  by  an  act  of  Congress,  passed  the  2d 
inst,  another  regiment  is  to  be  raised,  land  added  to  the  militsiy 
lestablishment,  and  provision  made  for  raising  two  thousand  levies, 
'for  the  term  of  six  months,  for  the  aervioe  of  4ba  frontievs.  It  is 
contemplated  that  tho  mass  of  the  Begakurs  and  levies  may  ha 
rreoruited  and  rendeavons  at  Fort  Washington,  by  the  10th  «f  Jnly. 
•in  thk  case,  you  wiU  have  asaemtKled  a  Ibioe  of  three  thoaasad 
naffeotivts  at  least,  besides  leaving  «maU  garrisons  on  the  Ohio,  io 
order  to  perform  your  main  expedition,  hereinafter  mentioned. 

**But,  in  the  meantime,  if  the  Indians  refhse  to  listen  to  the 
■Msaeagwrs  of  peace  sent  to  them,  as  it  is  moat  probable  they  will, 


vin. 


imnHTOtlOVf  M  IT.  CUOM. 


milMi  pref?tato<,  tpNad  th«mwlvM  Along  tiM  lint  of  ftontten^  for 
Ihe  porpOM  of  eommittlDg  all  th«  dapredationa  in  th^r  power. 
Id  ord«rloii?«^d  ao  oalamitooa  an  erant,  Brigadier^aaral  Ohariea 
SeotI,  of  Kentadhj,  haa  baen  aathoriaad  bjr  ma,  on  tha  part  of  the 
President  of  tiia  United  Slataa,  to  make  an  expedition  against  tka 
Wta^  or  Oniatanon  town%  with  monnted  volnntedra,  or  militia 
§n>m  Xentoek^,  not  exceeding  the  number  of  aeven  hundred  and 
fifty,  offloers  inclnded. 

Ton  will  perceive,  by  the  inatmctione  to  Brigadier  General 
Bcott,  fha^  it  ia  confided  to  your  discretion,  whether  there  should 
be  mora  than  one  of  the  said  expeditions  of  mounted  yolnnteers  or 
militia.  Tour  nearer  view  of  the  objects  to  be  effected,  by  a 
second  desultory  expedition,  will  enable  you  to  form  a  better 
judgment  than  can  at  present  be  formed,  at  this  distance.  The 
propriety  of  a  second  operation  would,  in  some  degree,  depend  on 
the  alacrity  and  good  composition  of  the  troops  ot  which  the  first 
say  haye  been  formed;  of  its  auccesa;  of  the  probable  effiscts  a 
second  similar  blow  would  haye  upon  the  Indiana,  with  respect  to 
its  infltienoing  them  to  peace ;  or,  if  they  should  be  still  hostilely 
disposed,  of  preventing  them  from  desolating  the  frontiers  by  their 
parties^ 

"Yon  will  observe,  in  the  instmotiona  to  Brigadier-General 
8oott,  which  are  to  serve  as  a  basis  for  the  instructions  of  the  com- 
manders who  may  succeed  him,  that  all  captives  are  to  be  treated 
with  great  humanity.  It  will  be  sound  policy  to  attract  the  Indians 
bj  kindness,  after  demonstrating  to  them  oar  power  to  punish 
tbem,  on  all  oocaaions.  While  you  are  making  such  use  of  desul- 
tory operations  as  in  your  judgment  the  occasion  may  require,  you 
will  proceed  vigorously,  in  every  operation  in  your  power,  for  the 
purpose  of  the  main  expedition ;  and  having  assembled  your  force, 
and  all  thinga  being  in  readiness,  if  no  decisive  indications  of  peace 
dioald  have  been  produced,  either  by  the  messenger,  or  by  the 
desultory  operationa,  you  will  commence  your  march  for  the  Miami 
village,  in  order  tor  establish  a  strong  and  permanent  military  post 
St  that  place. 

"In  your  advance,  you  will  establish  such  posts  of  communica- 
tion with  Fort  Waahington,  on  the  Ohio,  as  you  may  judge  proper. 
The  post  at  the  Miami  village  is  intended  for  the  purpose  of  awing 
and  curbing  the  Indians  in  that  quarts,  and  aa  the  only  preventive 
ef  future  hoatilitiea.  It  ought,  therefore,  to  be  rendered  secure 
•gainst  all  attempts  and  insults  of  the  Indians.  The  garrison 
which  should  be  stationed  there  ought  not  only  to  be  sufficient 


£74 


nrsTBUonoHs  to  bt.  olaib. 


1791. 


for  the  defense  of  the  place,  but  always  to  aflford  a  detachment  of 
five  or  six  hundred  men,  either  to  chastise  any  of  the  Wabash,  or 
other  hostile  Indians,  or  to  secure  any  convoy  of  provisions. 

"The  establishment  of  snch  a  post  is  considered  as  an  important 
object  of  the  campaign,  and  is  to  take  place  in  all  events.  In  case 
of  a  previous  treaty,  the  Indians  are  to  be  conciliated  upon  this 
point  if  possible;  and  it  is  presumed,  good  aiguments  may  be 
offered,  to  induce  their  acquiescence.  The  situation,  nature,  and 
construction  of  the  works  you  may  direct,  will  depend  upon  yoar 
own  judgment.  Migor  Ferguson,  of  the  artillery,  will  be  fitlly 
capable  of  the  execution.  He  will  be  furnished  with  three  five 
and  a  half  inch  howitzers,  three  six<pounders,  and  three  tiiree- 
pounders,  all  brass,  with  a  sufficient  quantity  of  shot  and  shells, 
for  the  purpose  of  the  expedition.  The  appropriation  of  these 
pieces  will  depend  upon  your  orders. 

"  Having  commenced  your  march,  upon  the  main  expedition, 
and  the  Indians  continuing  hostile,  you  will  use  every  possible 
exertion  to  make  them  feel  the  efiects  of  your  superiority;  and 
after  having  arrived  at  the  Miami  village,  and  put  your  works  in  a 
defensible  state,  you  will  seek  the  enemy  with  the  whole  of  yonr 
remaining  force,  and  endeavor,  by  all  possible  means,  to  strike 
them  with  great  severity. 

"It  will  be  left  to  your  discretion  whether  to  employ,  if  attfun- 
able,  any  Indians  of  the  Six  Ji^atious,  and  the  Chickasaws  or  other 
southern  nations.  Most  probably  the  employment  of  about  fifty  of 
each,  under  the  direction  of  some  discreet  and  able  chief,  would  be 
advantageous,  but  these  ought  not  to  be  assembled  before  the  line 
of  march  is  taken  up,  because  they  are  soon  tired  and  will  not  be 
detained.  The  force  contemplated  for  the  garrison  of  the  Miami 
village,  and  the  communications,  has  been  from  a  thousand  to 
twelve  hundred  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates.  This  is 
mentioned  as  a  general  idea,  to  which  you  will  adhere,  or  from 
which  you  will  deviate,  as  circumstances  may  require.  The  garri- 
son stationed  at  the  Miami  village,  and  its  communications,  muet 
have  in  store  at  least  six  months  good  salted  meat,  and  floor  in 
proportion. 

"  It  is  hardly  possible,  if  the  Indians  continue  hostile,  that  you  will 
be  suffered  quietly  to  establish  a  post  at  the  Miami  village ;  conflicts, 
therefore,  maybe  expected;  and  it  is  to  be  presumed  that  disci. 
plined  Valor  will  triumph  over  the  undisciplined  Indians.  In  this 
event  it  is  probable  that  the  Indians  will  sue  for  peace ;  if  this 
should  be  the  case,  the  dignity  of  the  United  States  will  require 


im. 


INBTBU0TI0N8  TO  BT.  OLAIR. 


575 


tiiat  the  terms  ahould  be  liberal.  In  order  to  avoid  future  wars, 
it  might  be  proper  to  make  the  Wabash,  and  thence  over  to  the 
Hiami,  and  down  the  same  to  its  mouth  at  Lake  Erie,  the  boun- 
dary, excepting  so  far  as  the  same  shall  relate  to  the  Wyandots  and 
Delawares,  on  the  supposition  of  their  continuing  faithful  to  the 
treaties  But,  if  they  should  join  in  the  war  against  the  United 
States,  and  your  army  be  victorious,  the  said  tribes  ought  to  be 
removed  wiUiout  the  boundary  mentioned.  You  will  also  judge 
whether  it  would  be  proper  to  extend  the  boundary,  from  the 
mouth  of  the  river  au  Pause  of  the  Wabash,  in  a  due  west  line  to 
the  Mississippi.  Few  Indians,  beside  the  Kickapoos,  would  be 
affected  by  such  a  line ;  this  ought  to  be  tenderly  managed. 

"  The  modification'  of  the  boundary  must  be  confided  to  your 
discretion,  with  this  single  observation,  that  the  policy  and  interest 
of  the  United  States  dictate  their  being  at  peace  with  the  Indians. 
This  is  of  more  value  than  millions  of  uncultivated  acres,  the  right 
to  which  may  be  conceded  by  some,  and  disputed  by  others.  The 
establishment  of  a  post  at  the  Miami  village  will  properly  be 
regarded  by  the  British  officers  on  the  frontiers,  as  a  circumstance 
of  jealousy;  it  may,  therefore,  be  necessary  that  you  should,  at  a 
proper  time,  make  such  intimations  as  may  remove  all  such  dispo- 
sitions. This  intimation  had  better  follow  .than  precede  the 
possession  of  the  post,  unless  circumstances  dictate  otherwise. 
.  "As  it  is  not  the  inclination  or  interest  of  the  United  States  to 
eater  into  a  contest  with  Great  Britain,  every  measure  tending  to 
any  discussion  or  altercation  must  be  prevented.  The  delicate 
eitaation  of  affiurs  may,  therefore,  render  it  improper  at  present  to 
make  any  naval  arrangement  upon  Lake  Erie.  After  you  shall 
have  effected  all  the  itgury  to  the  hostile  Indians  of  which  your 
force  may  be  capable,  and  after  having  established  the  posts  and 
garrisons  at  the  Miami  village  and  its  communicat'ons,  and  placing 
the  same  under  the  orders  of  an  officer  worthy  of  such  high  trust, 
you  will  return  to  Fort  Washington  on  the  Ohio. 

"It  is  proper  to  observe,  that  certain  jealousies  have  eaisted 
among  the  people  of  the  frontiers,  relative  to  a  supposed  interference 
between  their  interest,  and  those  of  the  marine  States:  that  these 
jealousies  are  ill-founded,  with  respect  to  the  present  Oovernment, 
is  obvious.  The  United  States  embrace,  with  equal  care,  all  parts 
of  the  Union ;  and,  in  the  present  case,  are  making  expensive 
arrangements  for  the  protection  of  the  frontiers,  and  partly  in  the 
modes,  too,  which  appear  to  be  highly  favored  by  the  Kentuclqr 
people. 


676 


ST.  OLAIX  PRBPABB8  fOK  CAXPJaQV. 


im. 


**  Tbe  &igh  stations  7011  fill,  of  commatt^r  of  the  troops,  and 
giOvernor  of  the  western  territory,  will  afibrd  yon  frequent  opportu- 
nities t<y  impress  the  frontier  citizens  of  the  entire  good  disposition 
of  the  general  government  toward'  them  in  all  reasonable  things, 
and  you  will  reader  acceptable  service,  by  cordially  embracing  all 
0Qch  opportunities."* 

Under  these  instructions,  St.  Clair  proceeded  to  organize  his 
^amj.  At  the  close  of  April,  he  was  in  Pittsburgh,  toward  which 
j^int  troops  firora  ail  quarters,  horses,  stores  and  ammunition,  were 
going  forward.  The  forces,  it  was  thought,  would  be  assembled 
by  the  last  of  July  or  first  of  August.  By  the  middle  of  July,  how- 
ever, it  was  clear  that  the  early  part  of  September  would  be  as  soon 
as  the  expedition  could  get  under  way ;  but  the  commander  was 
urged  to  press  everything,  and  act  with  the  utmost  promptness  and 
decision.    But  this  was  more  easily  urged  than  accomplished. 

On  the  15th  of  May,  St.  Glair  had  reached  Fort  Washington,  and 
at  that  time,  the  United  States'  troops  in  the  west  amounted  to  but 
two  hundred  and  sixty-four  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates 
fit  for  duly;  of  these,  seventy-five  were  at  Port  Washington,  forty- 
five  at  Fort  Harmar,  sixty-one  at  Fort  Steuben,  and  eighljr-three  at 
Fort  Knox.  On  the  15th  of  July,  this  number  was  more  than 
doubled,  however,  as  the  first  regiment,  containing  two  hundred 
and  ninety-nine  men,  on  that  day  reached  Fort  Washington. 

General  Butler,  who  had  been  appointed  second  in  command, 
was  employed  through  part  of  April  and  May  ito  obtaining  recrnits ; 
but  when  obtained,  there  was  no  money  to  pay  them,  nor  to  pro- 
vide stores  for  them.  In  the  quarter-master's  department,  mean- 
time, everything  went  on  slowly  and  badly  ^  tents,  pack-saddles, 
kettles,  knapsacks  and  cartridge  boxes,  were  all  '*  deficient  in  qnan- 
tity  and  quality."  Worse  than  this,  the  powder  was  poor  or  injured, 
the  arms  and  accoutrements  out  of  repair,  and  not  even  proper 
tools  to  mend  them.  Of  six  hundred  and  seventy-five  stand  of 
arms  at  Fort  Washington,  (designed  by  St.  Glair  for  the  militia) 
scarcely  any  were  in  order;  and  with  two  traveling  forges  furnished 
by  the  quarter-master,  there  were  no  anvils.t  And  as  the  troops 
gathered  slowfy  at  Fort  Washington,  after  wearisome  detentions 
at  Pittsburgh  and  upon  the  river,  a  new  source  of  troubles  arose, 
in  the  habits  of  intemperance  acquired  and  indulged  in  by  the  idlers. 
To  withdraw  them  from  temptation,  St.  Glair  was  forced  to  remove 


*  American  State  Papers,  t.  171. 
f  American  State  Papers,  xiL  86. 


1T»1. 


ST.  OlAtft  BUiCLDS  IfOVt' WkUILtOV. 


m 


his  m«n,  now  numbering  two  thonsand,  to  Ludlow's  station,  aboot 
rix  miles  from  the  fort;  by  which,  however,  he  more  Ihan  doubled 
his  cost  of  providing  for  the  troops.  Bere  the  army  continued 
until  September  17tb,  when,'  being  two  thousand  three  hundred! 
strong,  including  the  garrisons  of  Forts  Washington  and  Hamilton, 
and  exclusive  of  militia,  it  moved  forward  to  a  point  upon  the 
€h*eat  Miami,  where  Fort  Hamilton  was  built,  the  first  in  the  pro- 
posed chain  of  fortresses. 

«  The  circuit  of  fhat  fort,"  says  St  Clair,  « is  about  one  thousand 
feet,  through  the  whole  dxtent  of  which  a  trench  about  three  feet 
deep  was  dug,  to  set  the  pickets  in,  of  which  it  required  about  two 
thousand  to  inclose  it;  and  it  is  not  trees  taken  promiscuously  that 
will  answer  for  pickets,  they  must  be  tall  and  straight,  and  ftova. 
nine  to  twelve  inches  in  diameter,  for  those  of  a  larger  size  are  too 
unmanageable ;  of  course,  few  trees  that  are  proper  are  to  be  found 
without  going  over  a  considerable  space  of  woodland.    When 
found,  they  are  fblled,  cleared  of  their  branches  and  cut  intor 
lengths  of  about  twenty  fOet.    They  were  then  carried  to  the 
ground  and  butted,  that  they  might  be  placed  firm  and  upright  in 
^e  trench,  with  the  axe  or  cross-cut  saw.    Some  hewing  upon 
them  was  also  necessaiy,  for  there  are  few  trees  so  straight  that  the 
Bides  of  them  will  come  in  contact  when  set  upright    A  thin 
piece  of  timber,  called  a  ribbon,  is  run  around  the  whole  near  the 
top  of  the  pickets,  to  which  eveiy  one  of  them  is  pinned  with  a 
Strong  pin,  without  which  they  would  decline  from  the  perpendicu- 
lar with  every  blast  of  wind,  some  hanging  outward  and  some  in- 
ward, which  would  render  them  in  a  great  measure  useless.    The 
earth  thrown  out  of  the  trench  is  then  returned,  and  strongly 
rammed,  to  keep  the  pickets  firmly  in  their  places,  and  a  shallower 
trench  is  dug  outside,  about  three  feet  distant,  to  carry  off  the 
water,  and  prevent  their  being  removed  by  the  rains ;  about  two 
thousand  pickets  are  set  up  on  the  inside,  one  between  eveiy  two 
of  the  others;  the  work  is  then  inclosed.    But  previously,  the 
ground  for  the  site  of  the  fort  had  to  be  cleared,  and  two  or  three 
hundred  yards  around  it,  which  was  very  thickly  wooded,  and  was 
a  work  of  time  and  labor. 

"The  ground  where  this  fort  standis  is  on  the  east  side  ot 
the  Miami  river,  on  the  first  bank;  but  there  is  a  second  bank, 
considerably  elevated,  within  point  blank  shot,  which  rendered  it 
necessary  to  make  the  pickets,  particularly  along  the  land  side,  of 
a  height  sufficient  to  prevent  an  enemy  from  seeing  into  the  area, 
»nd  taking  the  side  of  the  river  in  reverse,  and  a  high  platform 


578 


81.  OLAIE  MABOHBS  HOBTH. 


1791. 


was  raised  in  one  of  the  bastions  on  the  land  side,  to  soonr  Ulie 
second  bank  with  artillery.  Another,  made  with  the  trunks  of 
trees,  and  covered  with  plank  as  that  was,  was  raised  in  one  of  the 
bastions  toward  the  river,  in  order  to  conunand  the  ford,  and  the 
river  for  some  distance  np  and  down.  Plank  was  sawed  for  the 
platforms,  and  the  gate,  and  barracks  for  one  hundred  men;  a 
guard-room,  two  store-houses  for  provisions,  and  barracks  for  the 
officers,  were  constructed  within  it;  and  all  this  was  done  in  about 
fourteen  days,  almost  entirely  by  the  labor  of  men;  though  some 
use  was  made  of  oxen  in  drawing  the  timber,  the  woods  were  so 
thick  and  encumbered  with  underwood  it  was  found  to  be  the  most 
expeditious  method  to  carry  it."* 

After  the  completion  of  Fort  Hamilton,  the  troops  moved  on 
forty-four  miles  further,  and  on  the  12th  of  October  commenced 
Fort  Jefferson,  about  six  miles  south  of  the  town  of  Greenville, 
Darke  county.  On  the  24th  the  toilsome  march  through  the  wil- 
derness began  again.  At  this  time  the  commander-in-chief,  whose 
duties  through  the  summer  had  been  very  severe,  was  suffering 
from  an  indisposition  whicli  by  turns  affected  his  stomach,  lungS) 
and  limbs;  provisions  were  scarce,  the  roads  wet  and  heavy,  the 
troops  going  with  "  much  difficulty,"  seven  miles  a  day;  the  militia 
deserting  sixty  at  a  timcf  Thus  toiling  along,  the  army,  rapidly 
lessening  by  desertion,  sickness,  and  troops  sent  to  arrest  deserters, 
on  the  8d  of  November  reached  a  stream  twelve  yards  wide,  which 
St  Olair  supposed  to  be  the  St  Mary  of  the  Maumee,  but  which 
was  in  reality  a  branch  of  the  Wabash,  just  south  of  the  head 
waters  of  the  stream  for  which  the  commander  mistook  it  Upon 
the  banks  of  this  creek  the  army,  now  about  fourteen  hundred 
strong,  encamped  in  two  lines. 

"  The  right  wing,"  says  St  Glair,  in  his  letter  to  the  Secretary  of 
War  after  the  battle,  "  composed  of  Butler's,  Clark's,  and  PattcN 
son's  battalions,  commanded  by  Major-General  Butler,  formed  the 
first  line;  and  the  left  wing,  consisting  of  Bedinger's  and  Gaither's 
battalions,  and  the  second  regie?  ent,  commanded  by  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Darke,  formed  the  second  line,  with  an  interval  between 
them  of  about  seventy  yards,  which  was  all  the  ground  would 
allow.  The  right  flank  was  pretty  well  secured  by  the  creek; 
a  steep  bank,  and  Faulkner's  corps,  some  of  the  cavalry,  and  their 


*  St.  Clair'a  Namttra,  p.  162. 

f  St.  Clair's  Joorul.— Imeriean  State  Papers,  t.  186^7, 


1791. 


ST.  OLAIB  18  ATXAOKBD. 


579 


picquets,  covered  the  left  flank.  The  militia  were  thrown  over  the 
oreek,  and  advanced  aboat  a  qaarter  of  a  mUe,  and  encamped  in 
the  same  order.  There  were  a  few  Indians  who  appeared  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  creek,  bnt  fled  with  the  utmost  precipitation 
on  the  advance  of  the  militia. 

"At  this  place,  which  I  judged  to  be  about  fifteen  miles  from 
the  Miami  village,  I  determined  to  throw  up  a  slight  work,  the 
plan  of  which  was  concerted  that  evening  with  M^jor  Ferguson, 
wherein  to  have  deposited  the  men's  knapsacks,  and  every  thing 
else  that  was  not  of  absolute  necessity,  and  to  have  moved  on  to 
attack  the  enemy  as  soon  as  the  first  regiment  was  come  up.    But 
they  did  not  permit  me  to  execute  either;  for,  on  the  4th,  about 
half  an  hour  before  sunrise,  and  when  the  men  had  just  been  dis> 
missed  from  parade,  (for  it  was  a  constant  practice  to  have  them 
all  under  arms  a  considerable  time  before  day-light,)  an  attack  was 
made  upon  the  militia.    Those  gave  way  in  a  very  little  time,  and 
rushed  into  camp  through  Migor  Butler's  battalion,  (which,  together 
with  a  part  of  Clark's,  they  threw  into  considerable  disorder,  and 
which,  notwitiistandiDg  the  exertions  of  both  those  officers,  was 
never  altogether  remedied,)  the  Indians  following  close  at  their 
heels.    The  fire,  however,  of  the  front  line  checked  them ;  but 
almost  instantly  a  very  heavy  attack  began  upon  that  line ;  and  in 
a  few  minutes  it  was  extended  to  the  second  likewise. 
'   "  The  great  weight  of  it  was  directed  against  the  centre  of-each, 
where  the  artillery  was  placed,  and  from  which  the  men  were 
repeatedly  driven  with  great  slaughter.    Finding  no  great  effect 
from  our  fire,  and  confusion  beginning  to  spread  from  the  great 
number  of  men  who  were  &lling  in  all  quarters,  it  became  neces- 
sary to  try  what  could  be  done  by  the  bayonet.  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Darke  was  accordingly  ordered  to  make  a  charge  with  a  part  of  the 
second  line,  and  to  turn  the  left  fiank  of  the  enemy.    This  was 
executed  with  great  spirit.    The  Indians  instantly  gave  way,  and 
were  driven  back  three  or  four  hundred  yards;  but  for  want  of  a 
sufficient  number  of  riflemen  to  pursue  this  advantage,  they  soon 
returned,  and  the  troops  were  obliged  to  give  back  in  their  turn. 
At  this  moment  they  had  entered  our  camp  by  the  left  flank,  hav- 
ing pushed  back  the  troops  that  were  posted  there.    Another 
charge  was  made  here  by  the  second  regiment,  Butler's  and  Clark's 
battalions,  with  equal  effect,  and  it  was  repeated  several  times,  and 
always  with  success;  but  in  all  of  them  many  men  were  lost,  and 
particularly  the  officers,  which,  with  so  raw  troops,  was  a  loss  alto- 
gether irremediable.    In  that  I  just  spoke  of,  made  by  the  second 


580 


8T.  OIiAIB  IS  DWBATKD. 


1791. 


repment  and  Btitler's  battaKon,  Mi^or  Butler  was  dangeroasly 
wounded,  and  eyerj  officer  of  the  second  regiment  fell  except  three, 
one  of  which,  Mr.  €h«aton,  was  shot  through  the  body. 

<*Onr  artillery  being  now  silenced,  and  all  the  officers  killed 
except  Oaptain  Ford,  who  was  very  badly  wounded,  and  more  than 
half  of  the  army  fidlen,  being  cut  off  from  the  road,  it  became 
necessary  to  attempt  the  regaining  it,  and  to  make  a  retreat,  if  peg. 
sible.  To  this  purpose,  the  remains  of  the  army  were  formed  as 
well  as  droumstances  would  admit,  toward  the  right  of  the  encamp- 
ment, from  which,  by  the  way  of  the  second  line,  another  charge 
was  made  upon  the  enemy,  as  if  with  the  design  to  turn  their  right 
flank,  but  in  fact  to  gain  the  road.  This  was  effected,  and  as  soon 
OS  it  was  <^en  the  militia  took  along  it,  followed  by  the  troops, 
Mfgor  Olark,  with  his  battalion,  covering  the  rear. 

"  The  retreat,  in  those  ciroumstaneesj  was,  as  you  may  be  sure,  a 
Yery  precipitate  one ;  it  was,  in  fact,  a  flight.  The  camp  and  the 
artillery  were  abandoned;  but  that  was  unavoidable,  for  not  a  horse 
was  left  alive  to  have  drawn  it  o^  had  it  otherwise  been  practicable. 

"But  the  most  disgraceful  part  of  the  business  is,  that  the  great- 
est part  of  the  men  threw  away  their  arms  and  accoutrements,  even 
aifter  the  pursuit,  which  continued  about  four  miles,  had  ceased.  I 
found  the  road  strewed  with  them  for  many  miles,  but  was  not  able 
to  remedy  it;  for,  having  had  all  my  horses  killed,  and  being 
mounted  upon  one  that  could  not  be  pricked  out  of  a  walk,  I  could 
not  get  forward  myself,  and  the  orders  I  sent  forward,  either  to  halt 
the  front  or  to  prevent  the  men  from  parting  with  their  arms,  wei  t 
■unattended  to.  The  rout  continued  quite  to  Fort  Jefferson,  twenty- 
nine  miles^  which  was  reached  a  little  after  sun-setting. 

<<  The  action  began  about  half  an  hour  before  sun-rise,  and  the 
retreat  was  attempted  at  half  an  hour  after  nine  o'clock.  I  have 
not  yet  been  able  to  get  returns  of  tiie  killed  and  wounded;  but 
Mi^or-General  Butler,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Oldham,  of  the  militia^ 
MiQor  Ferguson,  Major  Hart,  and  Mf^or  Clark  are  among  the 
former;  Colonel  Sargent,  my  Adjutant-General,  Lieutenan^Colonel 
Barke,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Gibson,  Migor  Butler,  and  the  Viscount 
Mi^artie,  who  served  me  as  Aid-de-camp,  are  among  the  latter,  and 
ti  great  number  of  captains  and  subalterns  in  both. 

"I  have  now,  sir,  finii^ed  my  melancholy  tale — ^a  tale  that  will 
be  felt  sensibly  by  every  one  that  has  sympathy  for  private  distress 
or  for  public  raiofortune.  I  have  nothing,  sir,  to  lay  to  the  charge 
of  tite  troops^  but  their  want  of  discipline,  which,  from  the  short 
time  they  had  been  in  service,  it  was  impossible  they  should  have 


1791. 


Wt.  olaib's  official  dibpatoh 


681 


acqaired,  and  which  rendered  it  very  difficult,  when  they  were 
thrown  into  confasion,  to  reduce  them  again  U>  order,  and  is  one 
reason  why  the  loes  has  fallen  so  heavy  on  the  officers,  who  did 
everything  in  their  power  to  effect  it. 

"iiTeither  were  my  own  exertions  wanting:  but,  worn  down  with 
illness,  and  suffering  under  a  painful  disease,  unable  either  to 
mount  or  dismount  a  horse  without  assistance,  they  were  not  so 
great  as  they  otherwise  would,  and  perhi^s  ought  to  have  been. 

"We  were  overpowered  by  numbers;  but  it  is  no  more  than 
justice  to  observe  that,  though  composed  of  so  many  different 
species  of  troops,  the  utmost  hiwmony  prevuled  through  the  whole 
army  during  the  campaign. 

"At  Fort  Jefferson  I  found  the  first  re^ment,  which  had  returned 
from  the  service  they  had  been>sent  upon,  without  either  overtaking 
the  deserters,  or  meeting  the  convoy  of  proviuons.  I  am  not  cer- 
tain, sir,  whether  I  ought  to  consider  the  absence  of  this  regiment 
from  the  field  of  action  as  fortunate  or  otherwise.  I  incline  to 
think  it  was  fortunate,  for  I  very  much  doubt  whether,  had  it  been 
in  the  action,  the  fortune  of  the  day  had  been  turned;  and,  if  it 
had  not,  the  triumph  of  the  enemy  would  have  been  more  complete, 
and  the  country  would  have  been  destitute  of  every  means  of 
defense. 

"Taking  a  view  of  the  situation  of  our  broken  troops  at  Fort 
ffefferson,  and  that  there  was  no  provisions  in  the  fort,  I  called  upon 
the  field  officers,  viz :  Lieutenant  Colonel  Darke,  M%jor  Hamtramck, 
Major  Ziegler  and  Major  Gaitber,  together  with  the  Adjutant-Gene- 
ral, Winthrop  Sargent,  for  their  advice  what  would  be  proper  fur- 
ther to  be  done;  and  it  was  their  unanimous  opinion,  that  the 
addition  of  the  first  regiment,  unbroken  9A  it  was,  did  not  put  the 
army  on  so  respectable  a  footing  as  it  was  in  the  morning,  because 
a  great  part  of  it  was  now  unarmed ;  that  it  had  been  found  unequal 
to  the  enemy,  and  should  they  come  on,  which  was  possible,  would 
he  found  so  again;  that  the  troops  could  not  be  thrown  into  the 
fort,  both  because  it  was  too  small,  and  that  there  were  no  provi- 
sions in  it;  that  provisions  were  known  to  be  on  the  road,  at  the 
distance  of  one,  or  at  moat  two  inarches;  that,  therefore,  it  would 
be  more  proper  to  move,  without  loss  of  time,  to  meet  the  provi- 
sions, when  the  men  might  have  the  sooner  an  opportunity  of  some 
refreshment,  and  th^t  a  proper  detachment  might  be  sent  baok 
with  it,  to  have  it  safely  deposited  in  the  fort.  This  advice  was 
accepted,  and  the  army  was  put  in  motion  at  ten  o'clock,  and 
marched  all  night,  and  the  succeeding  day  met  with  a  quantity  of 


582 


ST.  0LAIR8  OmOIAL  DIBPATOfi. 


1791. 


flour.  Part  of  it  was  dittribated  immediately,  part  taken  back  to 
supply  the  army  on  the  march  to  Fort  Hamilton,  and  the  remainder, 
about  fifty  horse  loads,  sen  t  forward  to  Fort  Jefferson.  The  next 
day  a  drove  of  cattle  was  ^^•^i;  with,  for  the  same  place,  and  I  hare 
information  that  both  got  in.  The  wounded,  who  had  been  left  at 
that  place,  were  orde.^ed  to  be  brought  to  Fort  Washington  by  the 
return  horses. 

"I  have  said,  sir,  in  a  former  part  of  this  letter,  that  we  were 
overpowered  by  narabers.  Of  that,  however,  I  have  no  other  evi- 
dence but  the  weight  of  the  fire,  which  was  always  a  most  deadly 
one,  and  generally  delivered  from  the  ground — ^few  of  the  enemy 
showing  tLemsclves  afoot,  except  when  they  were  chaiged;  and 
that,  in  a  few  minutes  our  whole  camp,  which  extended  above  three 
hundred  and  fifty  yards  in  length,  was  entirely  surrounded  and  at- 
tacked on  all  quarters.  The  loss,  sir,  the  public  has  sustained  by 
the  fall  of  so  many  officers,  particularly  General  Butler  and  Major 
Ferguson,  cannot  be  too  much  regretted ;  but  it  is  a  circumstance 
that  will  alleviate  the  misfortune  in  some  measure,  that  all  of  them 
fell  most  gallantly  doing  their  duty.  I  have  had  very  particular 
obligations  to  many  of  them,  as  well  as  to  the  survivors,  but  to  none 
more  than  Colonel  Sargent.  He  has  dischaiged  the  various  duties 
of  his  office  with  zeal,  with  exactness,  and  with  intelligence,  and 
on  all  occasions  afforded  me  every  assistance  in  his  power,  which  I 
have  also  experienced  from  my  Aid-de-camp,  Lieutenant  Denny, 
and  the  Viscount  Malartie,  who  served  with  me  in  the  station  as  a 
volunteer." 

To  this  official  account  of  the  commander,  is  added  the  follow- 
ing sketch  by  Beigamin  Van  Cleve,  who  was  in  the  quarter-master 
general's  service,  and  fought  as  a  volunteer  on  the  occasion.  Mr. 
Van  Cleve  was  a  resident  of  Cincinnati,  early  in.  1790,  removed  to 
Dayton  in  1797,  and  during  the  principal  part  of  his  life  kept  a 
Journal  or  memorandum  of  the  events  that  transpired.  It  vividlypo^ 
trays  the  confusion  of  the  battle  and  flight: 

"On  the  4th  of  November,  at  daybreak,  I  began  to  prepare  for 
returning  to  Fort  Washington,  and  had  got  about  half  my  luggage 
on  my  horse,  when  the  firing  commenced.  We  were  encamped 
just  within  the  lines,  on  the  right  The  attack  was  made  on  the  Ken- 
tucky militia.  Almost  instantaneously  the  small  remnant  of  them 
that  escaped  broke  through  the  line  near  us,  and  this  line  gav* 


*Amerieui  Stat*  Pftp«n,  r.  187. 


1791. 


▼AN  OLBVB'B  8T0BT  OF  TBI  BATTU. 


688 


way.  Followed  by  a  tremendoua  fire  firom  the  enemy,  they  passed 
me.  I  threw  my  bridle  over  a  stamp,  from  which  a  tent  pole  had 
been  cut,  and  followed  a  short  distance,  when  finding  the  troops 
had  halted,  I  returned  and  brought  my  horse  a  little  fhrther.  I 
was  now  between  the  fires,  and  finding  the  troops  giving  way 
again,  was  obliged  to  leave  him  a  second  time.  As  I  quitted  him 
he  was  shot  down,  and  I  felt  rather  glad  of  it,  as  I  concluded  thai 
now  I  should  be  at  liberty  to  share  in  the  engagement. 

"My  inexperience  prompted  me  to  calculate  on  our  forces  be- 
ing fax  superior  to  any  that  the  savages  could  assemble,  and  that  we 
should  soon  have  the  pleasure  of  driving  them.  Not  more  than 
five  minutes  had  yet  elapsed,  when  a  soldier  near  me  had  his  arm 
swinging  with  a  wound.  I  requested  his  arms  and  accoutrements, 
as  ho  was  unable  to  use  them,  promising  to  return  them  to  him, 
and  commenced  firing.  The  smoke  was  settled  down  to  about 
within  three  feet  of  the  ground,  but  I  generally  put  one  knee  on 
the  ground,  and  with  a  rest  firom  behind  a  tree,  waited  the  appear- 
ance of  an  Indian's  head  from  behind  his  cover,  or  for  one  to  run 
and  change  his  position. 

"Before  I  was  convinced  of  my  mistaken  calculations,  the  battle 
was  half  over,  and  I  had  become  familiarized  to  the  scene.  Hear- 
ing the  firing  at  one  time  unusually  brisk  near  the  rear  of  the  left 
wing,  I  crossed  the  encampment.  Two  levy  officers  were  just  or* 
dering  a  charge.  I  had  fired  away  my  ammunition,  and  some  of 
the  bands  of  my  musket  had  flown  off.  I  picked  up  another,  and 
a  cartridge  box  nearly  full,  and  pushed  forward  with  about  thirty 
others.  The  Indians  ran  to  the  right,  where  there  was  a  small  ra- 
vine filled  with  logs.  I  bent  my  course  after  them,  and  on  looking 
round,  I  found  I  was  with  only  seven  or  eight  men,  the  others  havw 
ing  kepi  straight  forward,  and  halted  about  thirty  yards  off.  We 
halted  also,  and  being  so  near  where  the  savages  lay  concealed,  the 
Becond  fire  frx>m  them,  left  me  standing  alone.  My  cover  was  a 
small  sugar  tree  or  beech,  scarcely  large  enough  to  hide  me.  I 
fired  away  all  my  ammunition ;  I  am  uncertain  whether  with  any 
effisct  or  not  I  then  looked  for  the  party  near  me,  and  saw  them 
retreating,  and  half  way  back  to  the  lines.  I  followed  them,  run- 
ning my  best,  and  was  soon  in.  ^ 

"By  this  time  our  artillery  had  been  taken,  I  do  not  know 
whether  the  first  or  second  time,  and  our  troops  had  just  retaken 
it,  and  were  charging  the  enemy  across  the  creek  in  fix>nt ;  and 
some  person  told  me  to  look  at  an  Indian  running  with  one  of  our 
kegs  of  powder,  but  I  cUd  not  see  him.    There  were  about  thirty 


684 


VAV  OMVl'S  BTOBT  OF  TBI  BATTLK. 


1791. 


of  our  men  and  officers  Ijing  scalped,  around  the  pieces  of  artillery. 
It  appeared  that  the  Indians  had  not  been  in  a  hnriy,  for  their  hair 
was  all  skinned  off. 

"Daniel  Bonham,  a  yonng  man  raised  by  my  uncle  and  brought 
jip  with  me,  and  whom  I  regarded  as  a  brother,  had  by  this  time 
received  a  shot  through  his  hips  and  was  unable  to  walk.  I  pro- 
cured a  horse  and  got  him  on.  My  uncle  had  received  a  ball  near 
his  wrist  that  lodged  near  his  elbow.  The  ground  was  literally 
covered  with  dead  and  dying  men— the  commander  gave  orders  to 
take  the  way— perhaps  they  had  been  given  more  explicitly.  Hap- 
|>ening  to  see  my  uncle,  he  told  me  that  a  retreat  had  been  ordered 
And  that  I  must  do  the  best  I  could  and  take  care  of  myself.  Bon- 
ham  insisted  that  he  had  a  better  chance  of  escaping  than  I  had, 
and  urged  me  to  look  to  my  own  safety  alone.  I  found  the  troops 
j>ressing  like  a  drove  of  bullocks  to  the  right 

'"X  saw  an  officer  whom  I  took  to  be  Lieutenant  Morgan,  an  ud 
to  General  Butler,  with  six  or  eight  men  start  on  a  run  a  little  to 
the  left  of  where  I  was.  ,  I  immediately  ran  and  fell  in  with  them. 
In  a  short  distance  we  were  so  suddenly  among  the  Indians,  who 
were  not  apprised  of  our  object,  that  they  opened  to  us  and  ran  to 
the  right  and  left  without  firing.  I  think  about  two  hundred  of 
jomv  men  passed  through  them  before  they  fired,  except  a  ohanoe 
shot.  When  we  had  proceeded  about  two  miles,  most  of  those 
.mounted  had  passed  me. 

"My  friend  Bonham  I  did  not  see  on  the  retreat,  but  understood 

iie  was  thrown  off  about  this  place,  and  lay  on  the  left  of  the  trace, 

where  he  was  found  in  the  winter  and  was  buried.    I  took  the 

cramp  violently  and  could  scarcely  walk  until  I  got  within  a  hw- 

dred  yards  of  the  rear,  where  the  Indians  were  tomahawking  the 

^old  and  wounded  men;  and  I  stopped  here  to  tie  my  pocket  hand- 

iterehief  round  a  wounded  man's  knee.    I  saw  the  Indians  close  in 

j>ursuit  at  this  time,  and  for  a  moment  my  spirits  sunk  and  I  felt  in 

rdespair  for  my  safety.    I  considered  whether  I  should  leave  the 

jroad  or  whether  I  was  capable  of  any  further  exertion.  If  I  left  the 

joad  the  Indians  were  in  plain  »ght  and  could  eanly  overtake  me. 

X  threw  the  shoes  off  my  fee^  and  the  coolness  of  the  .ground  seemed 

to  revive  me.   I  again  began  to  run,  and  recollect  that  when  a  bend 

4n  the  road  offered  and  I  got  before  half-a-dozen  persons,  I  thought 

it  would  occnpy  some  time  to  massacre  them  before  my  turn  would 

scome.    By  the  time  I  bad  got  to  StUlwater,  about  eleven  miles,  I 

had  gained  the  centre  of  the  flying  troops,  and  like  them  came  to 

^  jqalk  ajod  amved  At  Fort  Jefferson  a  Uttie  after  sunset 


1751. 


VAir  0ISVI*8  STOBT  OV  TBI  BATTtl. 


{8ft 


"The  commander-in-cbief  had  ordered  Oolonel  Darke  to  preit 
forward  to  the  convoys  of  provisions  and  harry  them  on  to  the 
army.  M^jor  Truman,  Oaptain  Sedan  and  my  uncle  were  setting 
forward  with  him.  A  number  of  soldiers  and  paclc-horaemen  on 
foot,  and  myself  among  them,  joined  them.  We  came  oo  a  few 
miles,  when  all,  overcome  with  fatigue,  agreed  to  halt. 

'' Darius  Gurtius  Oroutt,  a  pack-horae  master,  had  stolen  at  Jeffer> 
son,  one  pocket  fall  of  flour  and  the  other  full  of  beef.  One  of  the 
men  had  a  kettle,  and  one  Jacob  Fowler  and  myself  groped  about 
in  the  dark  until  we  found  some  water,  where  a  tree  had  been 
blown  out  of  root  We  made  a  kettlo  of  soup,  of  which  I  got  a 
small  portion  among  the  many.  It  was  then  concluded,  as  there 
was  a  bend  in  the  road  a  few  miles  further  on,  that  the  Indians 
might  undertake  to  intercept  us  there,  and  we  decamped  and 
traveled  about  four  or  five  miles  further.  I  had  got  a  rifle  and 
ammunition  at  Jefferson,  from  a  wounded  militia-man,  an  old 
acquaintance,  to  bring  in.  A  sentinel  was  set  and  we  lay  down 
and  slept,  until  the  governor  came  up  a  few  hoars  afterward.  I 
think  I  never  slept  so  profoundly.  I  could  hardly  get  awake  after 
I  was  on  my  feet. 

"On  the  day  before  the  defeat  the  ground  was  covered  with 
SDOW.  The  flats  were  now  filled  with  water  frozen  over,  the  ice  as 
thick  as  a  knife-blade.  I  was  worn  out  with  fatigue,  with  my  feet 
knocked  to  pieces  against  the  roots  in  the  night  and  splashing 
through  the  ice  without  shoes.  In  the  morning  we  got  to  a  camp 
of  pock  horsemen,  and  amongst  them  I  got  a  doughboy  or  water- 
dumpling,  and  proceeded.  We  got  within  seven  miles  of  Hamilton 
on  this  day,  and  arrived  there  soon  on  the  morning  of  the  sixth." 


The  defeat  of  St  Glair  was  the  most  terrible  reverse  the  Ameri- 
can arms  ever  suffered  from  the  Indians.  Even  the  defeat  of 
Braddock  was  less  disastrous.  Braddock's  army  consisted  of 
twelve  hundred  men  and  eighty-six  officers,  of  whom  seven 
hundred  and  fourteen  men  and  sixty  three  officers  were  killed  or 
wounded.  St  Glair's  army  consisted  of  fourteen  hundred  men 
and  eighty-six  officers,  of  whom  eight  hundred  and  ninety  men 
and  sixteen  offieers  were  killed  or  wounded.  But  the  comparative 
losses  of  the  two  engagements,  represent  very  inadequately  the 
crushing  effect  of  the  defeat  of  St.  Glfur.  An  unprotected  frontier 
of  a  thousand  miles,  from  the  Allegheny  to  the  Mississippi,  was  at 
once  thrown  open  to  the  attack  of  the  infuriated  and  victorious 
88 


686 


coiriTiKHATioir  nr  wkitbiiv  pihnrtlvavia. 


1791. 


MvagM.    Th«  pMoa  enjoyed  for  the  MTenl  preoeding  yean  had 
wronght »  great  change  in  the  Weatem  aettlementa. 

The  Indian  hanten  of  the  Revolntionaiy  war  had  laid  atide 
their  arms  and  habita,  and  devoted  thenuelves  to  the  cultivation  of 
the  soil ;  the  block  honsea  and  forts,  aronnd  which  the  first  settlers 
had  gathered,  were  abandoned ;  and  cabins,  clearings,  and  hamlets 
instead,  were  scattered,  in  exposed  situations,  all -along  the  border. 
Every  where  the  settlers,  unprotected  and  unprepared,  were  ei. 
peoting  in  terror  the  approach  of  the  savages,  and  every  where 
abandoning  their  homes,  or  awaiting  in  helpless  despair,  the 
burnings,  massacres  and  cruelties  of  Indian  war. 

The  extent  of  the  consternation  that  pervaded  the  border,  may 
be  inferred  ftom  the  tone  of  the  memorials  of  the  people  of  the 
western  counties  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  to  the  governors  of 
those  States.* 

"  In  consequence,"  says  a  committee  of  the  citizens  of  Pittsburgh, 
"  of  the  late  intelligence  of  the  fate  of  the  campaign  to  the  West- 
ward, the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Pittsburgh  have  convened,  and 
appointed,  us  a  committee  for  the  purpose  of  addressing  your  excel- 
lency.  The  late  disaster  of  the  army  must  greatly  affect  the  safety 
of  this  place.  There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  the  enemy  will  now 
come  forward,  and  with  more  spirit,  and  greater  numbers,  than 
they  ever  did  before,  for  success  will  give  confidence  ana  secure 
allies. 

"Wo  seriously  apprehend  that  the  Six  Nations,  heretofore 
wavering,  will  now  avow  themselves ;  at  least,  their  young  men 
will  come  to  war.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  Indians  at  present 
hostile,  are  well  acquainted  with  the  defenseless  situation  of  this 
town.  During  the  late  war  there  was  a  garrison  at  this  place, 
though,  even  then,  there  was  not  s/^ch.  a  combination  of  the  savage 
nations,  nor  so  much  to  be  dreaded  from  them.  At  present,  we 
have  neither  garrison,  arms  nor  ammunition,  to  defend  the  place. 
If  the  enemy  should  be  disposed  to  pursue  the  blow  they  have 
given,  which  it  is  morally  certain  they  will,  they  would,  in  oar 
situation,  find  it  easy  to  destroy  us;  and,  should  this  place  be  lost, 
the  whole  country  is  open  to  them,  and  must  be  abandoned." 

"Your  excellency  is  Well  aware,"  say  the  people  of  Western 
Pennsylvania,  "  of  Uie  great  extent  of  our  frontier ;  and,  when  you 
consider  the  high  degree  of  spirit  which  the  savages,  animated  by 


•AmerieM  SUto  F»p«n,  t.  216,  216,  222. 


1791. 


OOMiTimr AVION  IN  WMTIIN  VIROIinA. 


68T 


-two  raooeMive  vietoriaa,  •ntertain,  yoa  may  more  omUj  oonoeive 
than  we  can  describe,  the  fears  wirioh  pervade  the  breast*  of  those 
men,  women  aod  children,  who  are  more  immediately  subject  to 
their  barbarities  a..  J  depredations.  Had  the  people  a  safflcienoy 
of  arms  in  their  hands,  thoy  might,  In  some  measure,  defeud 
themselves  until  the  General  Government,  to  whose  care  the 
common  defense  is  entrusted,  should  adopt  efficient  steps  for  that 
purpose.  At  the  same  time,  we  beg  leave  to  state  to  your  ezcel- 
leuoy,  what  occurs  to  us  as  the  most  speedy  and  effectual  mode. 
When  the  extent  of  country  to  be  protected  is  taken  into  view,  wo 
conceive  that  eight  hundred  effective  men  will  not  be  deemed  more 
than  sufficient.  They  should  be  active  partisans,  under  experi> 
enced  officers,  and  provided  with  good  rifles,  to  suit  the  grand 
object  of  meeting  the  enemy  upon  equal  terms ;  of  scouting,  and 
giving  the  alarm  when  needfbl.  Such  a  body  should  have  enoour^ 
agement  proportioned  to  the  price  of  common  labor  in  this  country, 
which  averages  fifty  shillings  per  month,  as  the  pay  allowed  to 
the  troops  of  the  United  States  would  not  be  a  sufficient  induce- 
ment to  able-bodied  men,  possessing  the  requisite  qualifications. 
We  suggest  these  general  ideas  from  our  knowledge  of  local  cir- 
cumstances, which  they  who  are  at  a  distance,  unacquainted  with 
the  actual  situation  of  the  western  country,  cannot  so  well  perceive. 
It  is  not  our  wish  to  enter  into  a  minute  detail,  being  convinced 
that  your  excellency  is  not  only  fully  acquainted  with,  but  feelingly 
alive  to,  those  impressions,  which  a  state,  such  as  ours,  must  give 
rise  to ;  nor  can  we  apply  to  any  person  more  proper  than  yourself 
to  procure  that  assistance  which  it  requires." 

"  The  alarming  intelligence  lately  received,"  say  the  people  of 
Western  Virginia,  "of  the  defeat  of  the  army  in  the  western 
countiy,  fills  our  minds  with  dreadful  fears  and  apprehensions, 
concerning  the  safely  of  our  fellow-citizens  in  the  country  we 
represent,  and  we  confidently  hope  will  be  an  ezonse  to  your 
excellency,  whose  zeal  has  been  so  frequently  evinced  in  behalf  of 
the  distressed  frontier  counties,  for  the  request  we  are  now  com- 
pelled to  make. 

"In  the  course  of  last  year,  upwards  of  fifty  of  our  people  were 
killed,  and  a  great  part  of  our  country  plundered,  notwithstanding 
the  aid  afforded  by  the  Pennsylvanians,  who  joined  the  Yiiginians 
for  our  defense.  The  sncoess  of  the  Indians  in  their  late  engage- 
ment with  General  St.  Clair,  will,  no  doubt,  render  them  more 
daring  and  bold  in  their  fhture  incursions  and  attacks  upon  our 
defenseless  inhabitants ;  those  acyoining  the  county  of  Harrison, 


68d 


CAltSBS  OF  BT.   CLAIR'S  DBFBAT. 


1791. 


extending  a  hundred  miles ;  covering  the  county  of  Monongalia ; 
and  we  conceive  that  not  less  than  sixty  or  seventy  men  will  be 
sufScient  to  defend  them.  Through  you,  sir,  we  beg  leave  to 
request  this  assistance. 

The  popular  clamor  against  St.  Clair  was  loud  and  deep.  In 
military  afiairs,  blame  is  almost  always  attached  to  misfortune ;  for 
the  greater  number  of  those  who  judge,  have  no  rule  to  guide  them 
but  the  event.  Misconduct  is  ever  inferred  from  the  want  of  suc- 
cess, and' the  greatest  share  of  blame  always  falls  upon  the  principal 
officer.  Thus  it  was  in  the  case  of  St.  Clair.  He  had  suffered  a 
great  reverse,  and  was,  therefore,  accused  by  the  public  voice,  of 
great  incompetence.  Aware  of  the  public  odium  under  which  be 
lay,  he  asked  from  the  President  the  appointment  of  a  court  of 
inquiry,  to  investigate  his  conduct;  but  the  request  was  denied, 
because  there  were  not  officers  enough  in  the  service  of  the  proper 
rank,  to  constitute  such  a  court.  He  then  offered  to  resign  his 
commission  on  condition  that  his  conduct  should  be  investigated; 
but  the  exigencies  of  service  would  not  admit  of  delay,  and  his 
request  was  again  refused. 

The  true  causes  of  the  disaster  have  been  made  the  subject  of 
much  controversy.  The  Secretary  of  War,  in  his  report  on  the 
state  of  the  frontiers,  affirms  that  the  principal  causes  of  the  failure 
of  the  expedition  were  the  deficiency  of  good  troops  according  to 
the  expectation  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  year,  the  want  of  sufficient 
discipline  according  to  the  nature  of  the  service,  and  the  lateness 
of  the  season. 

The  committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  to  whom  was 
referred  the  subject,  reported  that  the  causes  of  the  failure  of  the 
expedition,  were  the  delay  in  preparing  estimates  for  the  defense 
of  the  frontiers,  and  the  late  passage  of  the  act  for  that  purpose; 
the  delay  caused  by  the  neglects  in  the  quarter-master's  depart- 
ment, the  lateness  of  the  (>eason  when  the  expedition  was  com- 
menced, and  the  want  of  discipline  and  experience  in  the  troops, 
and  exonerated  St.  Clair  from  all  blame  in  relation  to  everything 
before  and  during  the  action.* 

It  is  obvious,  however,  that  these  causes  were  insufficient  to 
account  for  the  disaster.  The  late  passage  of  the  act  for  the  defense 
of  the  frontiers,  the  delays  of  the  expedition,  the  misconduct  of  the 
quarter-master,  and  the  advanced  period  of  the  season  were,  of 


*  Amcrl;»n  Stutc  rupcr.'-,  %\i.  88. 


1791. 


CAUSES  OF  ST.  OLAIR  S  DBFBAT. 


589 


course,  soffioient  reasons  for  the  failure  to  secure  the  position  at 
the  head  of  the  Maumee,  which  was  the  ultimate  object  of  the 
army;  but  they  could  not  of  themselves  have  occasioned  the  defeat 
of  the  army.  The  want  of  discipline  and  experience  in  the  troops 
doubtless  contributed  to,  but  did  not  occasion  the  disaster  of  their 
bravery,  there  can  be  no  doubt.  The  battle  began  at  six  o'clock 
and  lasted  till  about  half-past  nine,  and  the  troops,  though  exposed 
to  a  destructive  fire  from  a  foe  so  placed  that  they  could  not 
efficiently  return  it,  nevertheless  behaved  with  all  the  resolution 
aud  coolness  it  was  possible  for  them  to  exhibit,  under  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case.  They  were  not  overwhelmed,  as  St.  Glair  sup- 
posed,  by  superior  numbers.  The  army  consisted  of  more  than 
fourteen  hundred  men ;  the  Indians,  according  to  the  best  accounts, 
did  not  exceed  a  thousand.  They,  however,  fought  with  desperate 
valor,  and  at  a  great  advantage,  from  the  nature  of  the  ground,  and 
from  the  facilities  the  forest  afforded  for  their  favorite  mode  of 
attack.  They  were  led,  too,  by  the  greatest  chieftain  of  that  age. 
It  has  been  the  received  opinion,  that  the  leader  of  the  confederated 
tribes  on  that  fatal  day  was  Little  Turtle,  the  chief  of  the  Miamies ; 
but  from  the  family  of  that  celebrated  warrior  and  statesman,  it  is 
ascertained  that  Joseph  Brant,*  with  one  hundred  aud  fifty  Mohawk 
braves,  was  present,  and  commanded  the  warrior^  of  the  wilderness. 

The  true  reasons  then  of  the  disaster  of  the  day  were,  doubtless, 
the  surprise  of  the  army  and  the  consequent  confusion  and  flight 
of  the  militia  who  were  first  attacked.  Had  the  attack  been 
expected,  the  troops  prepared,  all  chance  of  confusion  avoided,  and 
had  the  officers  who  commanded  been  obeyed — with  all  the  dis- 
advantages of  raw  troops,  the  event  might  have  been,  probably 
would  have  been,  wholly  different.  The  militia,  as  St.  Clair  says, 
were  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in  advance  of  the  main  army,  and  beyond 
the  creek;  still  further  in  advance  was  Captain  Slough,  who,  with 
a  volunteer  party  of  regulars,  went  out  to  reconnoitor :  and  orders 
had  been  given  Colonel  Oldham,  who  commanded  the  militia,  to 
have  the  woods  thoroughly  examined  by  the  scouts  and  patrols,  as 
Indians  were  known  to  be  hanging  about  the  outskirts  of  the  army. 
In  all  this,  St.  Clair  seems  to  have  done  his  entire  duty,  as  far  as 
sickness  would  permit  him ;  could  he  have  attended  in  person  to 
the  details  of  the  command,  it  would  have  been  better. 

During  the  night,  Captain  Slough,  who  was  a  mile  beyond  the 


*  Stone's  Brant,  ii.  p.  818. 


590 


0AUSB8  Of  ST.  OLAIR'S  DlfBAT. 


1791. 


militiB,  fbQnd  so  lai^  a  body  of  savages  gathering  about  him,  that 
he  fell  back  and  reported  his  observations  to  General  Batler.  But 
the  general,  for  reasons  unexplained,  made  no  dispositions  in  con- 
sequence of  this  information,  and  did  not  report  it  to  the  comman- 
der-in-chief. Colonel  Oldham  also  obeyed  his  orders,  the  woods 
were  searched,  and  the  presence  of  the  enemy  detected;  but  he, 
too,  reported,  through  Captain  Slough,  to  General  Butler,  beyond 
whom  the  information  did  not  go. 

The  death  of  General  Butler  in  the  engagement,  in  regard  to 
which  there  are  many  conflicting  statements,  precluded  the  possi- 
bility of  any  explanation  on  his  part  of  his  conduct,  so  much  calcu- 
lated to  mislead  the  commander-in-chief,  and  so  to  endanger  the 
safety  of  the  army,  as  this  withholding  of  indispensable  information 
at  such  an  important  juncture.  It  is  only  known  that  there  was  an 
unfriendly  feeling  existing  between  Generals  St.  Clair  and  Butler, 
during  the  whole  progress  of  the  campaign. 

According  to  St.  Clair's  account  of  it,  the  difficulty  first  arose  on 
the  march  to  Fort  Jefferson.  Butler,  in  St.  Clair's  absence,  changed 
the  order  of  march,  and  on  his  arrival  an  altercation  occurred  be- 
tween them,  the  result  of  which  was,  says  St.  Clair,  "he  afterward 
seldom  came  near  me."  Subsequently,  at  Fort  Jefferson,  Butler 
proposed  to  proceed  at  once  with  one  thousand  men,  and  take  post 
at  the  Miami  village,  in  advance  of  the  march  of  the  remainder  of 
the  army.  St.  Clair  received  the  proposition  with  undisguised  con- 
tempt, and  that  circumstance  greatly  heightened  the  animosity 
between  them.  These  altercations  produced,  it  appears,  so  much 
mutual  aversion  between  the  parties,  that,  during  the  subsequent 
part  of  the  campaign,  little  intercourse  was  maintained  between 
them. 

Whatever  then  may  have  been  the  motives  which  influenced 
General  Butler  to  withhold  the  information  he  possessed  in  regard 
to  the  presence  of  the  Indians  in  the  neighborhood,  and  thus  ex- 
posed the  army  to  the  surprise  it  experienced,  and  which  may 
have  been  the  immediate  cause  of  the  disaster;  the  circumstances 
under  which  the  omission  occurred,  would  favor  an  inference 
that  he  eacriticed  the  safety  of  the  army  to  the  gratification  of 
hifl  animosity  against  St.  Clair.  The  evidence  given  before  the 
committee  of  Congress  is  conclusive  that  he  failed,  at  least  to 
perform  his  whole  duty  in  the  premises.  Captain  Slongh  deposes, 
that  he  was  sent  out  during  the  night  with  a  party  of  obser- 
vation, that  he  saw  a  large  body  of  Indians  going  toward  the 
camp,  apparently  for  the  purpose  of  reconnoitering  it,  and  that  in 


1791. 


0AV8I8  or  ST.  OLAXft'S  DBVKAT. 


69t 


that  belief  he  had  hastened  back  to  the  militia  camp,  to  communi- 
oate  the  information  he  had  received.  "  I  halted  my  party,"  said 
he,  "near  Oolonel  Oldham's  tent,  went  into  it,  and  awakened  him, 
I  belieye  about  twelve  o'clock.  I  told  him  that  I  was  of  his  opin- 
ion, that  the  camp  would  be  attacked  in  the  morning,  for  I  had 
seen  a  number  of  Indians.  I  proceeded  to  the  camp,  and  as  soon 
as  I  had  passed  the  camp  guard,  dismissed  the  party,  and  went  to 
General  Butler's  tent.  As  I  approached  it,  I  saw  him  come  out  of 
the  tent,  and  stand  by  the  fire.  I  went  up  to  him,  and  took  him 
some  distance  from  it,  not  thinking  it  prudent  that  the  sentry 
should  hear  what  I  had  seen.  I  also  told  him  what  Oolonel  Old- 
ham had  said,  and  that,  if  he  thought  proper,  I  would  go  and  make 
the  report  to  General  St.  Glair.  He  stood  some  time,  and  after  a 
pause,  thanked  me  for  my  attention  and  vigilance,  and  said,  as  I 
must  be  fatigued,  I  had  better  go  and  lie  down." 

General  Bt.  Clair  afterward  affirmed  that,  if  he  had  known  that 
the  Indians  were  near  and  in  force,  he  would  have  attacked  them 
during  the  night,  under,  as  he  supposed,  such  circumstances  as 
would  ensure  victory. 

To  all  these  circumstances  is  to  be  added,  that  General  St  Clair 
was  suffering  from  severe  indisposition,  and  for  a  portion  of  the 
march  had  to  be  carried  on  a  litter.  And  in  the  morning  of  the 
attack  the  army  was  taken  by  surprise  and  unprepared.  Even 
under  these  disadvantages,  the  American  army  might  have  been 
victorious  had  the  troops  not  been  unexpectedly  attacked,  and 
thrown  into  disorder  at  the  onset.  It  could  not  have  been  the  sin- 
gle fact  that  they  were  militia  or  volunteers,  for  in  too  many 
instances  have  this  class  of  troops  from  this  western  valley,  stood 
their  ground  in  severe  and  deadly  conflicts  with  both  Indians  and 
British.  Proofs  enough  of  firmness  and  self-government  have  been 
given  by  this  class  of  men,  to  put  an  end  to  the  prejudices  hereto- 
fore existing  against  volunteer  troops. 

The  following  communication  from  Colonel  John  Armstrong,  an 
experienced  warrior  with  Indians,  and  the  hero  of  Kittanning,  de- 
serves attention  in  this  connection : 

*'It  seems  probable,  that  too  much  attachment  to  regular  or  mil- 
itary rule,  or  a  too  great  confidence  in  the  artillery  (which  it  seemed 
formed  part  of  the  lines,  and  had  a  tendency  to  render  the  troops 
stationary,)  must  have  been  the  motives  which  led  to  the  adopted 
order  of  action.  I  call  it  adopted,  because  the  general  does  not 
speak  of  having  intended  any  other,  whereby  he  presented  a  large 
and  visible  object,  perhaps  in  close  orders,  too,  to  an  enemy  near 


^m' 


692 


OENBRAL  KNOX   PROPOSES  FURTHBR  ACTION. 


1791. 


enoagh  to  destroy,  but  fk>in  their  known  modes  of  action,  eom- 
paratively  invisible;  whereby  we  may  readily  infer,  that  five  hun- 
dred Indians  were  fully  sufficient  to  do  us  all  the  ir\jary  we  have 
sustained,  nor  can  I  conceive  them  to  have  been  many  more.  But 
tragical  as  the  event  has  been,  we  have  this  consolation,  that  du> 
ring  the  action  our  officers  and  troops  discovered  great  bravery,  and 
that  the  loss  of  a  battle  it  not  always  the  loss  of  the  cause.  In 
vain,  however,  may  we  expect  success  against  our  present  adversa- 
ries, without  taking  a  few  lessons  from  them,  which  I  thought 
Americans  had  learned  long  ago.  The  principles  of  their  military 
action  are  rational,  and  therefore  often  successful.  We  must,  in  a 
degree,  take  a  similar  method  in  order  to  counteract  them." 

If  these  opinions  are  correct,  there  was  no  such  neglect  on  the 
part  of  St.  Glair  as  on  the  part  of  Braddock  in  his  defeat;  no  over- 
whelming self-confidence,  or  disregard  of  sound  advice;  there  was 
nothing,  absolutely  nothing,  to  excuse  the  abuse  and  persecution 
to  which  he  was  afterward  subjected.  There  was,  however,  appa- 
rent neglect  on  the  part  of  General  Butler  and  Colonel  Oldham, 
leading  to  surprise ;  a  mistaken  position  assigned  the  militia  by  St 
Glair,  in  accordance  with  the  maxims  of  roost  officers  of  the  day; 
and  a  needless  adherence  to  military  rules  on  the  part  of  the 
commander-in-chief,  which  made  his  force  a  target  for  the  Indians 
to  shoot  at. 

The  defeat  of  St.  Glair  occurred  on  the  4th  of  November.  On 
the  8th,  the  remains  of  the  army  reached  Fort  Washington;  on 
the  9tb,  St.  Glair  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  War;  on  the  12th  of 
December  the  information  was  communicated  to  Congress,  and  on 
the  26th  of  December  General  Enox  laid  before  the  President  two 
reports,  the  second  of  which  contained  suggestions  as  to  future 
operations. 

After  noticing  the  policy  of  the  government  toward  the  native 
tribes,  the  futility  of  all  attempts  to  preserve  peace,  and  the  justice 
of  the  United  States  claim,  the  Secretary  proceeds — 

"  Hence,  it  would  appear  that  the  principles  of  justice,  as  well  as 
policy,  and  it  may  be  added,  the  principles  of  economy,  all  com- 
bine to  dictate  that  an  adequate  military  force  should  be  raised  as 
soon  as  possible,  placed  upon  the  frontiers,  and  disciplined  accord- 
ing to  the  nature  of  the  service,  and  in  order  to  meet,  with  the 
prospect  of  success,  the  greatest  probable  combination  of  the  Indian 
enemy. 

"Although  the  precise  manner  in  which  the  force  to  be  raiseu  be 
employed  cannot  be  pointed  out,  with  propriety,  at  this  time,  as  it 


1791. 


KNOX  PLANS  AKOTHKR  OAMPAIGN. 


m 


will  depend  on  the  circumstances  of  the  moment,  yet  it  may  not 
be  improper  to  observe  that,  upon  a  review  of  the  merits  of  the 
main  object  of  the  late  campaign,  to  wit,  the  establishment  of  a 
strong  military  post  at  the  Miami  village,  with  the  necessary  posts 
of  communication,  the  necessity  and  propriety  thereof  remain  the 
tame;  that  this  necessity  will  probably  continue  until  we  shall  be 
possessed  of  the  posts  upon  Lake  Michigan,  of  Detroit  and  Niagara, 
withheld  from  us  by  Great  Britain,  contrary  to  treaty. 

"Without  remarking  upon  the  principles  of  this  conduct,  it  may 
be  observed  generally,  that  every  arrangement  in  the  power  of  the 
United  States,  for  establishing  the  tranquillity  of  the  frontiers,  will 
be  inferior  to  the  possession  of  said  posts.  That  it  is,  however, 
considered  that,  if  the  said  posts  were  in  our  possession,  we  ought 
also  to  have  a  strong  post  at  the  Miami  village,  in  order  to  render 
the  protection  effectual,  and  that  the  posts  above  mentioned  will 
require  garrisons  whensoever  they  shall  be  given  up. 

"The  subscriber  having  deliberately  contemplated  the  present 
itate  of  affairs  upon  the  frontiers,  from  the  south  to  the  north, 
having  recurred  to  the  past,  in  order  to  estimate  the  probable  future 
events,  finds  himself  constrained  by  his  public  duty,  although  with 
great  reluctance,  to  state,  as  the  result  of  his  judgment,  Uiat  the 
public  service  requires  an  increase  of  the  military  force,  according 
to  the  following  arrangement: 

"  That  the  military  establishment  of  the  United  States  shall, 
daring  the  pleasure  of  Congress,  consist  of  five  thousand  one 
hundred  and  sixty-eight  non-commissioned  officers,  privates  and 
masicians. 

"  That  the  said  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates  shall  be 
enlisted  to  serve  three  years,  unless  sooner  discharged. 
"  That  the  said  troops  be  organized  as  follows : 
"One  squadron  of  cavalry,  of  four  troops,  each  of  seventy-six 
non-commissioned  officers  and  privates. 

"It  should  be  a  stipulation  in  the  engagements  of  these  men, 
that  they  should  serve  on  foot  whenever  the  service  requires  the 
measure. 

"  One  battalion  of  artilleiy,  of  four  companies  each,  to  consist  of 
seventy-six  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates. 

"Each  company  of  artillery  to  have,  as  part  of  its  composition, 
ten  artificers  each,  including  the  pay  of  artillerists  to  have  ten  dol- 
lars per  month. 

"  Five  regiments  of  infantiy,  one  of  which  to  be  riflemen  entirely, 
each  of  three  battalions ;  each  battalion  of  four  companies ;  each 


594 


KNQZ'8  PLAIT  OV  AVOTHUt  OAMPAIQN. 


1791. 


company  of  seventy-six  non-commissioned  ofSicers  and  privates, 
amoanting,  for  each  rej^ment,  to  nine  handred  and  twelve. 

**That,  in  addition  to  the  foregoing  arrangements,  it  would  be 
proper  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  should  be  authorized, 
besides  the  employment  of  militia,  to  take  such  measures  for  the 
defensive  protection  of  the  exposed  parts  of  the  frontiers,  by  calling 
into  service  expert  woodsmen,  as  patrols  or  scouts,  upon  such  terms 
as  he  may  judge  proper.  That  he  be  further  authorized,  in  case  he 
should  deem  the  measure  expedient,  to  engage  mounted  militia  for 
defensive  operations,  for  such  time,  and  on  such  terms,  as  he  may 
jadge  equitable.  That  he  be  further  authorized,  in  case  he  should 
deem  the  measure  expedient,  to  employ  a  body  of  Indians  belong- 
ing to  tribes  in  alliance  with  the  United  States,  to  act  against  the 
hostile  Indians;  and  that  he  be  authorized  to  stipulate  such  terms 
as  he  shall  judge  right. 

"That  it  does  not  seem  essential,  at  this  time,  that  there  should 
be  any  special  appropriations  for  the  defensive  protection,  the 
mounted  militia,  or  the  employment  of  Indians,  although  the  actual 
expenses  for  those  objects  may  amount  to  considerable  sums, 
because  the  estimates,  before  mentioned,  comprehend  the  entire 
expense,  for  one  year,  of  the  proposed  establishment,  as  complete. 
But,  let  the  exertions  to  complete  it  be  ever  so  great,  yet  it  is 
probable  a  deficiency  will  exist,  which  will,  of  course,  occasion  a 
less  expense. 

**  The  moneys,  therefore,  which  may  be  appropriated  to  the  estab- 
lishment, and  not  expended,  may  be  applied  to  the  extra  objects 
above  mentioned.  If,  however,  there  should  be  a  deficiency,  it 
may  hereafter  be  provided  for.  That  the  net  pay  of  the  private 
soldier,  at  present,  free  of  all  deductions,  is  two  dollars  per  month. 
But,  as  the  experience  of  the  recruiting  service  of  the  present  year 
evinces  that  the  inducement  is  insufficient,  it  seems  necessary  to 
raise  the  pay  to  three  dollars  per  month,  free  of  all  deductions,  and 
the  non-commissioned  officers  in  proportion.  The  rifle  corps  will 
require  more.  But  whether,  under  present  circumstances,  even 
the  additional  pay,  and  an  extension  of  bounty  to  eight  dollars, 
would  give  such  an  impulse  to  the  recruiting  service  as  to  fill  the 
battalions  immediately,  remains  to  be  trie^ 

^'Nothing  has  been  said  upon  an  increased  pay  to  the  commis- 
sioned officers,  because  a  memorial  upon  that  subject  has  been  pre- 
sented to  Congress.  But  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  a  small  increase 
would  be  highly  grateful  to  the  officers,  and  probably  beneficial  to 
the  service.    The  mounted  militia  is  suggested  to  be  used  during 


1791. 


KNOX'S  PLAH  Of  ANOTHIB  OAUPAIOIT. 


696 


the  preparation  for  the  main  expedition,  and  afterward,  if  oirenm- 
stances  should  render  it  indispensable.  The  effect  of  sach  desul- 
tory operations  upon  the  Indians  will,  by  occupying  them  for  their 
own  safety,  and  that  of  their  families,  prevent  their  spreading  terror 
ttnd  destruction  along  the  frontiers.  These  sort  of  expeditions  had 
that  precise  effect  during  the  last  season,  and  Kentucky  ei^joyed 
more  repose,  and  sustained  less  injury,  than  for  any  year  since  the 
war  with  Great  Britain.  This  single  effect,  independent  of  the 
injury  done  to  the  force  of  the  Indians,  is  worth  greatly  more  than 
the  actual  expense  of  such  expeditions. 

"But,  while  it  is  acknowledged  that  mounted  militia  may  be 
very  proper  for  sudden  enterprises,  of  short  duration,  it  is  conceived 
that  militia  are  utterly  unsuitable  to  carry  on  and  terminate  the 
war  in  which  we  are  engaged,  with  honor  and  success.  And,  be- 
sides, it  would  be  ruinous  to  the  purposes  of  husbandry  to  keep 
them  out  long,  if  it  were  practicable  to  accomplish  it 

*'Good  troops,  enlisted  for  a  considerable  period,  armed  and  well 
disciplined,  in  a  suitable  manner  for  the  nature  of  the  service,  will 
he  equal,  individually,  to  the  best  militia ;  but  when  it  is  considered 
to  these  qualities  are  added  the  obedience,  the  patience,  the  prompt- 
ness, the  economy  of  discipline,  and  the  inestimable  value  of  good 
officers,  possessing  a  proper  pride  of  reputation,  the  comparison  no 
longer  holds,  and  disciplined  troops  attain,  in  the  mind  and  in 
actual  execution,  that  ascendency  over  the  militia  which  is  the 
result  of  a  just  comparative  view  of  their  relative  force,  and  the 
experience  of  all  nations  and  ages. 

"The  expediency  of  employing  the  Indians  in  alliance  with  us 
against  the  hostile  Indians,  cannot  be  doubted.  It  has  been  shown 
before  how  difficult,  and  even  impracticable,  it  will  probably  be  fo 
restrain  the  young  men  of  the  friendly  tribes  from  action,  and  that 
if  we  do  not  employ  them,  they  will  be  employed  against  us.  The 
justice  of  engaging  them  would  depend  upon  the  justice  of  the 
war.  K  the  war  be  just  on  our  part,  it  will  certainly  bear  the  test 
of  examination,  to  use  the  same  sort  of  means  in  our  defense  as 
are  used  against  us.  The  subscriber,  therefore,  submits  it  as  his 
opinion,  that  it  would  be  proper  to  employ  judiciously,  as  to  time 
and  circumstances,  as  many  of  the  friendly  Indians  as  may  be 
obtained,  not  exceeding  one  thousand  in  number."* 
In  the  necessity  for  v'\  competent  army,  all  seem  to  have  agreed, 


■ 


*  AmericAn  State  Papers,  v.  198, 199. 


ao6 


PAOIVIO  OVflRS  TO  TBB  IB0QU0I8. 


1792. 


but  it  was  the  wish  of  Washington  that  before  this  army  was 
organized  every  effort  should  be  again  made  to  prevent  bloodshed. 
Oolonel  Pickering,  in  his  meeting  of  June  and  July,  1791,  with 
the  Iroquois,  at  the  Painted  Post,  had,  among  other  things,  pro- 
posed  that  certain  chiefs  should,  in  the  following  January,  go  to 
Philadelphia  while  Congress  was  in  session,  and  shake  hands  with 
their  newly  adopted  father. 

The  importance  of  the  proposed  visit  became  more  evident  after 
the  news  of  St  Glair's  discomfiture,  for  the  fidelity  of  the  New 
Tork  Indians  even  was  doubted.  On  the  20th  of  December,  1791, 
accordingly,  Knox  wrote  to  the  Rev.  Samuel  Eirkland,  the 
Iroquois  missionary,  pressing  through  him  the  invitation  given  by 
the  commissioner,  and  especially  urging  the  presence  of  Brant. 

To  aid  the  proposed  peace  measures,  a  respectful  and  kind 
message  was  sent  to  the  Senecas  on  the  7th  of  January,  1792; 
while,  to  guard  against  surprise,  means  were  adopted  to  learu  the 
purpose  of  a  great  council  called  at  Buffalo  creek,  and  also  to 
ascertain  the  intentions  of  the  tribes  on  the  Wabash  and  Miami. 
This  was  done  in  part  through  the  agency  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Eirkland, 
and  partly  by  the  mission  of  Captain  Peter  Pond  and  William 
Stedman,  who,  on  the  9th  of  January,  two  days  before  Knox's  two 
plans  above  referred  to  were  laid  before  Congress,  received  their 
instructions  as  secret  messengers  or  spies  among  the  western 
Indians.    Fronrthose  instructions  a  few  paragraphs  are  quoted: 

**  Repair  to  Niagara  and  Detroit,  without  sudering  your  business 
to  escape  you,  until  the  proper  time.  When  at  Detroit,  assume  the 
character  of  traders  with  the  Indians — ^a  business  Mr.  Pond  is  well 
acquainted  with.  Mix  with  the  Miami  and  Wabash  Indians. 
Find  their  views  and  intentions  through  such  channels  as  your 
discretion  shall  direct.  Learn  the  opinions  of  the  more  distant 
Indians.  Insinuate  upon  all  favorable  occasions,  the  humane 
disposition  of  the  United  States;  and,  if  you  can  by  any  means 
ripen  their  judgment,  so  as  to  break  forth  openly,  and  declare  the 
readiness  of  the  United  States  to  receive,  with  open  arms,  the 
Indians,  notwithstanding  all  that  is  passed,  do  it.  If  such  declara- 
tion should  be  made,  at  the  Miami  or  Wabash,  and  bo  well 
received,  you  might  persuade  some  of  the  most  influential  chiefs 
to  repair  to  our  posts  on  the  Ohio,  and  so,  from  post  to  post,  to 
this  place. 

"But  if  you  should  be  so  fortunate  as  to  succeed  in  persuading 
the  chiefs  of  the  Miami,  and  hostile,  and  any  other  neighboring 
tribes,  to  repair  here,  every  possible  precaution  must  be  taken  by 


1792. 


PBAOl  MI88AOK  TO  MAVIHB  IirDIANS. 


6dT 


yon,  and  by  the  commanding  officer  of  the  troops,  who  is  hereby 
required  to  afford  the  necessary  escorts,  in  order  to  guard  the 
Indians  from  being  injured  by  the  whites. 

"While  among  the  Indians,  or  at  Niagara,  or  Detroit,  endeavor 
to  find  out  the  numbers  and  tribes  of  the  Indians  who  were  in  the 
attack  of  Qenoral  St.  Olair,  and  their  loss,  killed  and  wounded ; 
what  number  of  prisoners  they  took,  and  what  they  did  with  them ; 
what  disposition  they  made  of  the  cannon  taken,  arms,  tents,  and 
other  plunder;  what  are  their  intentions  for  the  next  year;  the 
numbers  of  the  association;  how  they  arc  supplied  with  arms, 
ammunition,  and  provisions. 

"You  will  readily  perceive,  that  the  information  required,  must 
be  given  me  at  the  earliest  period  possible.  You  will,  therefore, 
let  me  know,  by  some  mean?  which  you  must  devise,  your  arrival 
at  Niagara,  Detroit,  and  the  Miami  village;  and,  if  possible,  from 
thence,  what  are  your  prospects."  ♦ 

Pond  and  his  companion,  however,  could  get  no  further  than 
Niagara.  While  by  the  northern  route  this  was  attempted,  Wil- 
kinson,  commanding  at  Fort  Washington,  on  the  10th  of  February, 
was  instructed  to  send  word  to  Major  Hamtramck,  at  Yincennes, 
that  the  government  wished  to  secure  the  agency  of  the  French 
colonists  and  friendly  Indians  in  quelling  the  war-spirit.  In 
February  also,  further  friendly  messages  were  sent  to  the  Senecas, 
and  an  invitation  forwarded  to  Brant  from  the  Secretary  of  War 
himself,  asking  him  to  come  to  Philadelphia. 

In  March,  fifty  Iroquois  chiefs  reached  the  oily  of  brotherly  love, 
and  in  the  spirit  of  love  transacted  their  business  with  the  American 
rulers;  and  during  April  and  May,  Captain  Truman  and  others 
were  sent  from  the  Ohio  to  the  hostile  tribes,  bearing  messages  of 
friendship.  But  before  wc  relate  the  unhappy  issue  of  Truman's 
expedition,  we  must  notice  the  steps  taken  by  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment in  reference  to  military  preparations,  which  were  to  be  looked 
to  in  case  all  else  should  fail. 

St.  Clair  had  requested  a  court  of  inquiry  to  examine  the  reasons 
of  his  defeat,  and  had  expressed  his  wish  to  surrender  his  post  as 
commander  of  the  western  forces  so  soon  as  the  examination  had 
taken  place ;  but  this  proposition  to  retain  his  commission  until 
after  his  trial  was  rendered  nugatory  by  the  fact,  that  under  the 
existing  system  no  court  of  inquiry  could  be  constituted  to  adjudge 


*  Amorioan  State  Papers,  t.  227. 


596 


WAYiri  BILBOTID  TO  COMMAKD. 


1792. 


his  oase,  and  WMhington  aooordlnglj  informed  him  that  it  wm 
neither  poeeible  to  gmnt  him  the  trinl  he  deeired  nor  allow  him  to 
retain  hit  position.  8t  Glair  having  withdrawn,  it  became  a  very 
difflonlt  qnestion  for  the  Bxeentive  to  hit  upon  a  person  in  all 
respects  suited  for  such  a  ohai^ge.  General  Morgan,  Oenerol  Scott, 
General  Wayne,  Colonel  Darke,  and  Qeneral  Henry  Lee  were  all 
thought  of.  Of  these,  Wayne  was  the  one  selected,  although  hia 
appointment  caused,  sm  General  Lee,  then  GK>vemor  of  Virginia, 
wrote  Washington,  "  extreme  disgust"  among  all  orders  in  the  Old 
Dominion.*  But  the  President  had  selected  Wayne  not  hastily 
nor  through  "partiality  or  influence,"  and  no  idle  words  affected 
him.  Li  June,  General  Wayne  moved  westward  to  Pittsburgh,  aud 
proceeded  to  oiganize  the  army  which  was  to  be  the  ultimate 
argument  of  the  Americans  with  the  Indian  confederation.  Through 
the  summer  of  1792  the  preparation  of  the  soldiers  was  steadily 
attended  to;  "train  and  discipline  them  for  the  service  they  are 
meant  for,"  said  Washington,  "and  do  not  spare  powder  and  lead, 
so  the  men  be  made  marksmen." 

Li  December,  1792,  the  forces  now  recruited  and  trained,  were 
gathered  at  a  point  about  twenty-two  miles  below  Pittsbargb,  on 
the  Ohio,  called  Legiouville ;  the  army  itself  having  been  denomi- 
nated the  Legion  of  the  United  ;'?tates,  diidded  into  four  sub-legioni 
Mid  provided  with  legionary  and.  sub-legionary  officers.  Meantime, 
at  Fort  Washington,  Wilkinson  had  succeeded  8t.  Glair  as  com- 
mandant, and  in  January  had  ordered  an  expedition  to  examine 
the  field  of  the  late  disastrous  conflict  This  body  reached  the 
point  designated  on  February  1st,  and  fh>m  the  letter  of  Captain 
Buntin  to  St.  Glair,  relative  to  what  was  found  there,  is  taken  the 
following  passage : 

"La  my  <^inion,  those  unfortunate  men  who  fell  in  the  enemy'a 
hands,  with  life,  were  used  with  the  greatest  torture — ^having  their 
limbs  torn  oS;  and  the  women  have  been  treated  with  the  most 
indecent  cruelty,  having  stakes  as  thick  as  a  person's  arm 
drove  through  their  bodies.  The  first  I  observed  when  burying 
the  dead,  and  the  latter  was  discovered  by  Colonel  Sargent  and 
Doctor  Brown.  We  found  three  whole  carriages ;  the  other  five 
were  so  much  damaged  that  they  were  rendered  useless. 

"By  the  general's  orders,  pits  were  dug  in  different  places,  and 
all  the  dead  bodies  that  were  e3q;>osed  to  view  or  could  be  oonveni- 


•  8m  ABtriew  Stot«  Pspers,  t.  228,  229, 286.    Spwrlu'  WuhingtoB,  x.  240, 244,  Note. 


1791 


DISOBXPnON  Of  IT.  OLAXR'S  BATTLl  OROVXD. 


ently  found,  the  uiotp  being  yeiy  deep,  were  bnried.  During  this 
time  there  were  sundry  partiei  detached,  lome  for  our  otfetj,  and 
othera  in  examining  the  couree  of  the  oreek;  and  some  distance  in 
advance  of  the  ground  occupied  by  the  militia,  they  found  a  larg« 
camp,  not  Ich  than  three-quarters  of  a  mile  long,  which  was  suppo^ 
sed  to  be  that  of  the  Indians  the  night  before  the  action.  We 
remained  on  the  field  that  night,  and  next  looming  fixed  geared 
horses  to  the  carriages  and  moved  ibr  Fort  Jefferson. 

"As  there  is  little  reason  to  believe  that  the  enemy  have  carried 
off  the  cannon,  it  is  the  received  opinion  that  they  are  either  buried 
or  thrown  into  the  creek,  and  I  think  the  latter  the  most  probable; 
but  as  it  was  frozen  over  with  a  thick  ice  and  that  covered  with  ft 
deep  snow,  it  was  impossible  to  make  a  search  with  any  prospect 
of  success.  In  a  former  part  of  this  letter  I  have  mentioned  the 
camp  occupied  by  the  enemy  the  night  before  the  action;  had 
Colonel  Oldham  been  able  to  have  complied  with  your  orders  on 
that  evening,  things  at  this  day  might  have  worn  a  different 
sspeot"* 

While  Wayne's  army  was  being  collected  and  drilled,  the  peace 
measures  of  the  United  States  were  pressed  with  equal  perse> 
veranoe.  In  the  first  place  the  Iroquois,  through  their  chieft  who 
came  to  Philadelphia,  were  led  to  act  as  peace-makers ;  in  addition 
to  them,  on  the  8d  of  April,  Oolonel  Truman  received  his  instruo> 
tions  to  repair  to  the  Miami  village  with  friendly  messages,  oflfering 
all  reasonable  terms : 

"Brothers: — ^The  President  of  the  United  States  entertaint 
the  opinion,  that  the  war  which  exists  is  founded  in  error  and  mis- 
take on  your  parts.  That  you  believe  the  United  States  want  to 
deprive  you  of  your  lands  and  drive  you  out  of  the  country.  Be 
assured  this  is  not  so :  on  the  contrary,  that  we  should  be  greatly 
gratified  with  the  opportunity  of  imparting  to  you  all  the  blessings 
of  civilized  life ;  of  teaching  you  to  cultivate  the  earih  and  raise 
com;  to  raise  oxen,  sheep,  and  other  domestic  animids;  to  build 
-comfortable  houses  and  to  educate  your  children,  so  as  ever  to 
dwell  upon  the  land. 

"Brothers: — ^The  President  of  the  United  States  requests  you 
to  take  tliis  subject  into  your  serious  consideration^  and  to  reflect 
how  abundantly  more  it  will  be  for  your  interest  to  be  at  peace 
with  the  United  States,  and  to  receive  all  the  benefits  thereof  than 


*  Dillon,  i.  808.    S«e  alao  Cist's  Cinoinnati  MiseellMiy,  U.  80. 


600 


fVftTBim  OVflU  Of  flAOl  TO  WDUHf. 


1792. 


to  oontinuo  a  wmt,  which,  however  flattering  it  may  be  to  you  for 
a  moment,  mast  in  the  end  proTO  roinooe. 

"Thii  deeire  of  )ieaoe  hae.not  arisen  in  oonseqnenoe  of  the  late 
defisat  of  the  troope  under  Mi^or>Oeneral  8t  Olair;  because,  in  ths 
bei^nning  of  the  last  year,  a  similar  message  was  sent  you  by  Col. 
Procter,  but  who  was  prevented  ftx>m  reaching  you  by  some  imnt- 
mountable  difficalties.  All  the  Senecas  at  Baflalo  creek  can 
witness  for  the  truth  of  this  auertion,  as  beheld,  daring  the  month 
of  April  last,  long  conferences  with  them,  to  devise  the  means  of 
getting  to  you  in  safety. 

"War,  at  all  times,  is  a  dreadfhl  evil  to  those  who  are  engaged 
therein,  and  more  particularly  so  where  a  few  people  engage  to  act 
agidnst  so  great  numbers  as  the  people  of  the  IJnited  States. 

"Brothers: — ^Do  not  suffer  the  advantages  you  have  gained  to 
mislead  your  judgment,  and  to  influence  you  to  continue  the  war; 
but  reflect  upon  the  destructive  consequences  which  must  attend 
such  a  measure. 

"  The  President  of  the  United  States  is  highly  desirous  of  seeing 
a  number  of  your  principal  chiefs,  and  convincing  you,  in  person, 
how  much  he  wishes  to  avoid  the  evils  of  war  for  your  sake,  and 
the  sake  of  humanity. 

"Consult,  therefore,  upon  the  great  object  of  peace;  call  in 
your  parties,  and  enjoin  a  cessation  of  all  other  depredations :  and 
as  many  of  the  principal  chiefs  as  shall  choose,  repair  to  Philadel- 
phia, the  seat  of  the  General  Qovemment,  and  there  make  a  peace, 
founded  upon  the  principles  of  justice  and  humanity.  Remember 
that  no  additional  lands  will  be  required  of  you,  or  any  other 
tribe,  to  those  that  have  been  ceded  by  former  treaties,  particularly 
by  the  tribes  who  had  a  right  to  make  the  treaty  of  Muskingnm  in 
the  year  1789. 

"  Bat,  if  any  of  your  tribes  can  prove  that  you  have  a  fair  right 
to  any  lands,  comprehended  by  the  said  treaty,  and  have  not  been 
compensated  therefor,  you  shall  receive  full  satisfaction  upon  that 
head. 

"The  chiefs  you  send  shall  be  safely  escorted  to  this  city;  and 
shall  be  well  fed  and  provided  with  all  things  for  their  journey; 
and  the  faith  of  the  IJnited  States  is  hereby  pledged  to  you  for 
the  true  and  liberal  performance  of  everything  herein  contained 
and  suggested ;  and  all  this  is  confirmed,  in  your  manner,  by  the 
great  white  belt,  hereunto  attached."  * 


*  AmerioM  State  Papers,  r.  280. 


1792. 


XXBTRU0TI0X8  TO  KUFUS  PUTNAM. 


601 


To  Msiat  farther  in  attaining  the  desired  oljects,  Captain  Hen- 
drloky  chief  of  the  Stockhridge  Indians,  on  the  8th  of  May,  was 
dispatched  to  urge  the  views  of  Washii^^on  at  the  approaching 
coui>  il  of  the  north-western  confederacy ;  and  on  the  22d  of  the 
same  month,  the  following  instructions  were  also  issued  to  General 
Rufus  Putnam,  to  go  in  company  with  the  Moravian  missionary, 
John  Heokewelder,  into  the  Indian  country,  and  strive  to  secure 
peace  and  a  permanent  treaty.* 

"The  chiefs  of  the  five  nations  of  Indians,  who  were  so  long  in 
this  city,  lately,  were  astonished  at  the  moderation  of  our  claim  of 
land,  it  being  very  different  from  what  they  had  been  taught,  by 
designing  people,  to  believe. 

"  It  would  seem  that  the  Indians  have  beep  misled  with  respect 
to  our  claims,  by  a  certain  map,  published  in  Connecticut,  wherein 
are  laid  out  ten  new  States,  agreeably  to  a  report  of  a  committee 
of  Congress. 

"  The  United  States  are  desirous,  in  any  treaty  which  shall  be 
formed  in  future,  to  avoid  all  causes  of  war,  relative  to  boundaries, 
by  fixing  the  same  in  such  a  manner  as  not  to  be  mistaken  by  the 
meanest  capacity.  As  the  basis,  therefore,  of  your  negotiation, 
you  will,  in  the  strongest  and  most  explicit  terms,  renounce,  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States,  all  claim  to  any  Indian  land  which 
shall  not  have  been  ceded  by  fair  treaties,  made  with  the  Indian 
nations. 

"You  may  say — that  we  conceive  the  treaty  of  Fort  Harmar  to 
have  been  formed  by  the  tribes  having  a  just  right  to  make  the 
same,  and  that  it  was  done  with  their  full  understanding  and  free 
consent. 

"That  if,  however,  the  said  tribes  should  judge  the  compensa- 
tion to  have  been  inadequate  to  the  object,  or  that  any  other  tribes 
have  a  just  claim,  in  both  cases  they  shall  receive  a  liberal  allow- 
aDce,  on  their  finally  settling  all  disputes  upon  the  subject. 

"As  the. United  States  never  made  any  treaties  with  the  Wabash 
Indians,  although  the  said  Indians  have  been  repeatedly  invited 
thereto,  their  claims  to  the  lands  east  and  south  of  the  said 
Wabash  have  not  been  defined. 

"This  circumstance  will  be  a  subject  of  your  inquiry  with  the 
assembled  Indian  tribes;  and  you  may  assure  the  parties  con- 
cerned, that  an  equitable  boundary  shall  be  arranged  with  them. 


*Aineriofta  State  Pspera,  t.  288 


602 


FURtfiBft  O^fEtlg  6P  »BA€a  tO  tttB  tSttAKB, 


1792. 


"  You  will  make  it  clearly  understood,  that  we  want  not  a  foot 
of  their  land,  and  that  it  ia  theirs,  and  theirs  only ;  that  they  have 
the  right  to  sell,  and  the  right  to  refuse  to  sell,  and  the  IJnited 
States  will  gaarbntee  to  them  the  said  just  right. 

"That  all  we  require  of  the  Indians  is  a  peaceable  demeanor; 
that  they  neither  plunder  the  firontiera  of  tlieir  horses,  or  murder 
the  inhabitants ;  that  the  United  States  are  bound  to  protect  the 
inhabitants  at  the  risk  of  every  inconvenience  of  men  or  money. 

"Tou  will  represent  to  them,  that  a  new  state  of  things  has 
taken  place  in  the  United  States ;  that  formerly  we  were  an  asso- 
ciation of  several  separate  States,  like  their  several  separate  tribes, 
and  that  there  was  no  portion  of  union  and  strength  sufficient  to 
regulate  the  several  parts,  as  belonging  to  the  same  machine. 

"But,  that  now  we  have  a  general  government  embracing  all 
parts  of  the  Union,  as  respects  foreign  nations  and  Indian  tribes. 
That  General  Washington  is  placed  at  the  head  of  this  govern- 
ment ;  and  that  he,  or  some  person  immediately  authorized  by  him, 
must  make  all  treaties  with  the  ludiftu  tribes. 

"  That,  therefore,  in  future,  all  the  Indian  nations  may  rest  with 
great  confidence  upon  the  justice,  the  humanity,  and  the  liberality 
of  the  United  States. 

"  That  it  is  not  only  the  sincere  desire  of  the  United  States  to 
be  at  peace  with  all  the  neighboring  Indian  tribes,  but  to  protect 
them  in  their  just  rights,  against  lawless  violent  white  people.  K 
such  should  commit  any  injury  on  the  person  <»>  property  of  a 
peaceful  Indian,  they  will  be  regarded  equally  as  the  enemies  of 
the  general  government  as  of  the  Indians,  and  will  be  punieheil 
accordingly. 

"  That  the  United  States  are  highly  desirous  of  imparting  to  all 
the  Indian  tribes,  the  blessings  of  civilization,  as  the  only  means 
of  perpetuating  them  on  the  earth. 

"  That  we  are  willing  to  be  at  the  expense  of  teaching  them  to 
read  and  write,  to  plough  and  to  sow,  in  order  to  raise  their  own 
bread  and  meat  with  certainty,  as  the  white  people  do. 

"  In  short,  that  the  United  States,  willing  to  believe  that  the 
conduct  of  the  hostile  Indians  hitherto  has  been  more  the  effect  of 
misrepresentations  of  bad  people,  than  funy  hardened  malignity  of 
the  human  heart,  axe  desirous  of  forge^ng  and  burying  deep 
forever,  all  the  evils  that  have  passed,  and  to  administer  such  good 
things  to  the  said  Indians  as  will  make  them  rejoice  forever  at  the 
annual  return  of  the  day  on  which  they  may  conclude  a  treaty  with 
the  United  States. 


1792. 


A  GENERAL  TREATY  PROPOSED. 


608 


"Year  first  object  on  meeting  with  the  Indians,  will  be  to 
convince  them  that  the  United  States  require  none  of  their  lands. 
*<  The  second,  that  we  shali  gaarantee  all  that  remain,  and  take 
the  Indians  under  our  protection. 

"Thirdly:  they  must  agree  to  the  truce,  and  immediately  to  call 
in  all  their  war  parties.  It  will  be  in  vain  to  be  negotiating  with 
them  while  they  shall  be  murdering  the  frontier  citizens. 

"Having  happily  effected  a. truce  founded  on  the  above  assu* 
ranees,  it  will  then  be  your  primary  endeavor  to  obtain  from  each 
of  the  hostile  and  neighboring  tribes,  two  of  the  most  respectable 
chiefs,  to  repair  to  the  seat  of  the  government,  and  there  conclude 
a  treaty  with  the  President  of  the  United  States,  in  which  all  causes 
of  difference  should  be  buried  forever. 

"Ton  will  give  the  chiefs  every  assurance  of  personal  protection, 
while  on  their  journey  to  Philadelphia,  and,  should  they  insist  upon 
it,  hostages  of  officers  for  the  safe  return  of  the  ohieft,  and,  in  case 
of  tiieir  compliance,  you  will  take  every  precaution  by  the  troops 
for  the  protection  of  the  said  chiefb,  which  the  nature  of  the  case 
may  require. 

"But  if,  after  having  used  your  utmost  exertions,  the  chiefs 
ehonld  decline  t)ie  journey  to  Philadelphia,  then  you  will  agree 
with  them  on  a  plan  for  a  general  treaty.* 

"In  considering  upon  this  plan,  perhaps  Pittsburgh  or  its  vicinity 
would  be  as  proper  a  place  as  could  be  decided  upon.    Provisions  ^ 
could  be  procured  in  abundance,  and  it  would  be  the  point  to  which 
the  goods  could  be  easily  transported. 

"In  this  event,  it  will  be  necessary  that  t  should  be  informed 
by  the  earliest  opportunity,  in  Order  that  the  principles  and 
arrangements  for  the  treaty  should  be  fixed.  It  has  been  conceived 
that  were  you  to  repair  to  Fort  Washington,  and  thence  to  Fort 
Jefferson,  you  would  more  readily  than  from  any  other  point,  find 
a  communication  with  the  hostile  Indians.  Upon  a  nearer  approach 
you  will  form  your  own  judgment,  and  take  your  own  measures. 
Having  ^ven  you  a  view  of  the  object  and  the  train  in  which 
things  are,  the  rest  must  be  left  entirely  to  your  discretion." 

The  invitation  given  in  February  by  the  Secretary  of  War  to 
Brant  to  visit  Philadelphia,  has  been  mentioned.  Some  of  his 
English  friends  urged  the  Mohawk  by  no  means  to  comply  vrith 
the  request,  but  he  had  the  independence  to  think  and  act  for  him- 


»  AnMrioMt  Stat*  Pftpen,  t.  284,  2(6. 


604 


PKACE  MGSSENaERS   MURDERED. 


1792. 


self,  and  on  the  20th  of  June,  appeared  at  the  then  federal  capital. 
He  remained  there  ten  or  twelve  dajs,  and  was  treated  by  all  with 
marked  attention ;  great  pains  were  taken  to  make  him  understand 
the  posture  of  affairs  and  the  wishes  of  the  United  States;  and,  iu 
the  hope  that  he  would  prove  a  powerful  pacificator,  on  the  27th 
of  June,  a  letter  was  addressed  to  him  by  General  Knox,  laying 
before  him  the  wishes  of  the  government,  and  making  him  another 
messenger  of  peace. 

The  fjBtct  that  five  independent  embassies,  asking  peace,  were 
sent  to  the  inimical  tribes;  and  the  tone  of  the  papers  which  have 
been  extracted  so  fully,  will  demonstrate  the  wish  of  the  United 
States  to  do  the  aborigines  entire  justice.  But  the  victories  they 
had  gained,  and  the  favorable  whispers  of  the  British  agents,  closed 
the  ears  of  the  red  men,  and  all  propositions  for  peace  were  rejected 
in  one  form  or  another.  Freeman,  who  left  Fort  Washington, 
April  7th;  Truman,  who  left  it  May  22d  for  the  Maumec,  and 
Colonel  Hardin,  who  on  the  same  day  started  for  Sandusky,  were 
all  murdered ;  Truman,  it  would  seem,  however,  not  by  a  body  of 
Indians,  but  by  a  man  and  boy  whom  he  met  in  hunting.'*'  Brant, 
from  sickness  or  caution,  did  not  attend  the  western  council,  as  had 
been  expected.  Hendricks  gave  his  message  into  the  hands  of 
Colonel  McKee,  and  kept  away  from  the  gathering  of  the  nations; 
and  of  the  four  individual  messengers,  TTruman,  Brant,  Hendricks, 
and  Putnam,  Putnam  alone  reached  his  goal.  That  gentleman 
left  Marietta  on  the  26th  of  June,  and  on  the  2d  of  July  was  at 
Fort  Washington ;  here  he  heard  of  Indian  hostilities  at  Fort  Jef- 
ferson, and  of  the  probability  of  Truman's  murder.  He  found  also 
that  it  would  be  in  vain  to  ask  the  chiefs,  under  any  circumstances, 
io  go  to  Philadelphia,  and  that  it  was  extremely  doubtful  if  they 
could  be  prevailed  on  to  visit  oven  Fort  Washington. 

Under  these  circumstances,  conceiving  it  desirable  that  some 
step  should  be  taken  at  once,  he  determined  to  proceed  to  Fort 
Knox,  and  there  meet  such  of  the  Wabash  leaders  as  could  be  got 
together,  in  the  hope  that  they  might  at  least  be  detached  from  the 
general  league.  This  determination  he  carried  into  efiTect  on  the 
17th  of  Augtist,  when,  with  several  Indian  prisoners  to  be  restored 
to  their  friends,  and  presents  for  them  beside,  he  left  Cincinnati 
and  reached  Vincennes  in  due  time,  accompanied  by  the  missionary 
Hcckcwelder.    On  the  27th  of  September,  he  met  thirty-one  chiefs, 


*  May's  Deposition. — American  State  Papers,  t.  248. 


1792. 


Putnam's  ikdian  treaty  at  viNossNEa. 


605 


representing  the  Weas,  Piankeshaws,  EaskaBkias,  Peorias,  Illinois, 
Pottawattamies,  Musquitoes,  Eickapoos  and  Eel  river  Indians,  and 
concladed  with  them  a  treaty  of  peace  and  friendship,  on  the  fol- 
lowing terms:  * 

"A  treaty  of  peace  and  friendship  made  and  concladed  between 
the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America,  on  the  part  of  the 
said  States,  and  the  undersigned  kings,  chiefs  and  warriors,  of  the 
Wabash  and  Illinois  Indian  tribes,  on  the  part  and  behalf  of  the 
said  tribes : 

''  The  parties  being  desirous  of  establishing  a  permanent  peace 
and  friendship  between  the  United  States  and  the  said  Indian 
tribes,  and  the  citizens  and  members  thereof,  and  to  remove  the 
causes  of  war,  the  President  of  the  United  States  by  Rufus  Putnam, 
one  of  the  judges  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States  north-west  of 
the  river  Ohio,  and  Brigadier-General  in  the  army,  whom  he  hath 
vested  with  full  powers  for  these  purposes;  and  the  said  Wabash 
and  Illinois  tribes,  by  the  undersigned  kings,  chiefs,  and  warriors, 
representing  the  said  tribes,  have  agreed  to  the  following  articles, 
namely : 

^'  There  shall  be  perpetnal  peace  and  friendship  between  all  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States  of  America,  and.  all  the  individuals, 
villages  and  tribes  of  the  said  Wabash  and  Illinois  Indians. 

"The  undersigned  kings,  chiefs,  and  warriors,  for  themselves, 
and  all  parts  of  their  villages  and  tribes,  do  acknowledge  themselves 
to  be  under  the  protection  of  the  United  States  of  America,  and 
stipulate  to  live  in  amity  and  friendship  with  them. 

"  The  said  tribes  shall  deliver,  as  soon  as  practicable,  to  the 
commanding  officer  at  Fort  Enox,  all  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
white  inhabitants  or  negroes,  who  are  now  prisoners  among  any  of 
the  said  tribes. 

"  The  United  States  solemnly  guarantee  to  the  Wabash  and  Illinois 
nations  or  tribes  of  Indians,  all  the  lands  to  which  they  have  a  just 
claim,  and  no  part  shall  ever  be  taken  from  them,  but  by  a  fair 
purchase  and  to  their  satisfaction.  That  the  lands  originally 
belonged  to  the  Indians :  it  is  theirs,  and  theirs  only.  That  they 
have  a  right  to  sell,  and  a  right  to  refuse  to  sell.  And  that  the 
United  States  will  protect  them  in  their  said  just  rights. 

"  The  said  kings,  chiefs,  and  warriors  solemnly  promise,  on  their 
part,  that  no  future  hostilities  or  depredations  shall  be  committed 


*  Dillon's  Indiana,  p.  817. 


606 


ORAKt  INDIAH  OOVROlL  At  AV  dLAfZBi 


17M. 


by  them,  or  any  belonging  to  the  tribes  they  i^preseilt,  flgunat  the 
persons  or  property  of  any  of  the  oitizens  of  the  tfnited  Statesi 
That  the  practice  of  stealing  negroes  and  horses  from  the  people  of 
Kentucky,  and  other  inhabitants  of  the  United  States,  shall  forever 
cease.  That  they  will,  at  all  times,  give  notice  to  the  oitizens  of 
the  United  States  of  any  designs  which  they  may  know,  or  suspect 
to  be  fbrmed,  in  any  neighboring  tribe,  or  by  any  person  whatever 
against  the  peace  and  interest  of  the  United  States. 

"Tn  cases  of  violence  on  the  persons  or  property  of  the  individu- 
als of  eilher  party,  neither  retaliation  or  reprisal  shall  be  committed 
by  the  other  nntil  satisfaction  shall  have  been  demanded  of  the 
party,  of  which  the  aggressor  is,  and  shall  have  been  refused. 

"  All  animosities  for  past  grievances  shall  henceforth  cease,  and 
the  contracting  parties  will  carry  the  foregoing  treaty  into  full 
execution,  with  all  good  faith  and  sincerity." 

This  treaty  was  laid  before  the  Senate  for  confirmation  on  the 
ISth  of  February,  1798,  but  the  fourth  article  was  deemed  objec- 
tionable, as  containing  a  guarantee  to  the  Indians  of  their  lands ; 
and  after  much  discussion  the  Senate  refused,  on  that  account,  to 
ratify  it. 

In  October,  a  great  council  of  all  the  tribes  of  the  north-west  was 
held  at  An  Glaize.*  It  was  the  largest  Indian  council  of  the  time. 
The  chiefs  of  all  the  tribes  of  the  north-west  territory  were  there. 
The  representatives  of  the  seven  nations  of  Canada  were  in  attend- 
ance. Gomplanter,  and  forty-eight  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  ofSevr 
York,  repaired  thither.  "Beside  these,"  says  Gomplanter,  "there 
were  so  many  nations  that  we  cannot  tell  the  names  of  them. 
There  were  three  men  from  the  Q  jra  nations ;  it  took  them  a  whole 
season  to  come ;  and  twenty-seven  nations  from  beyond  Canada." 
The  question  of  peace  or  war  was  long  and  earnestly  discussed. 
The  chiefs  of  the  Sfaawanese  were  the  only  speakers  for  war,  «nd 
Sed  Jacket,  the  Seneca  chief,  for  peace.  A  report  made  by  the 
chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  to  the  Indian  agent  in  a  conference  at 
Buffiilo,  of  the  result  of  their  mission  to  the  council,  will  serve  as 
the  best  account  of  its  proceedings  and  conclusions  tf 

"Brothers,  people  of  the  United  States,  and  King's  people,  take 
notice : 

"Last  winter,  the  President  took  us  by  the  hand  and  led  us  to 


*  Fort  Defiance,  Ohio. 


f  American  State  Fapers,  t.  828. 


1792. 


GRAND  nn>IA5  OOVNOIL  AT  AIT  GLATZB. 


607 


the  council  firo  at  Philadelphia;  there  they  made  known  to  us 
their  fHendaliip,  and  requested  of  us  to  proceed  to  the  westward, 
and  to  use  our  influence  to  make  peace  with  the  hostile  Indians; 
we  went  accordingly,  and  made  known  to  them  our  agreement. 

"When  we  returned  from  Philadelphia  to  Buffalo  creek,  the 
(diiefe  that  remained  at  home  on  their  seats,  were  well  pleased  with 
what  we  had  done  at  Philadelphia;  and  after  we  had  determined 
to  proceed  on  our  journey,  some  of  our  chiefs  were  detained 
by  sickness. 

<<  Brothers,  people  of  the  United  Stiites,  and  King's  people: 

"After  we  arrived  at  the  westward,  we  met  with  an  agreeable 
reception ;  they  informed  us  that  we  were  their  oldest  brothers, 
and  appeared  as  the  sun  risen  upon  them,  as  they  always  looked 
to  them  for  advice.  It  is  now  four  years  since  we  have  heard  your 
voices,  and  should  be  happy  now  to  bear  what  you  have  to  relate 
to  us." 

The  Bix  Kations  then  requested  of  the  western  Indians  what 
they  had  to  relate  to  them,  as  they  kindled  the  council  fire. 

The  western  Indians  replied ; 

"About  four  years  since,  your  voices  came  to  us,  desiring  us  to 
combine  ourselves  together,  as  we  were  the  eldest  people  of  this 
Island,  and  all  of  one  color,  that  our  minds  may  be  one. 

"  This  they  informed  us,  they  had  attended  to,  and  exhibited  a 
lai^e  belt  of  wampum  to  prove  the  same,  from  each  nation. 

"To  confirm  it  still  further,  they  informed  us,  we  sent  them  a 
pipe,  which  passed  through  all  the  nations  at  the  west  and  south- 
ward; all  smoked  out  of  it,  both  women  and  children ;  and  as  this 
pipe  has  been  through  all  the  nations,  and  all  smoked  out  of  it, 
they  then  returned  it  to  us,  and  bid  us  smoke  out  of  it  ourselves. 

"Brothers:  Listen  once  to  your  eldest  brothers;  ou  .  ^fathers 
have  handed  down  to  us  that  we  are  one  people,  of  one  color,  on 
this  island,  and  ought  to  be  of  one  mind,  and  had  made  our  minds 
strong,  and  had  become  as  one  people  in  peace  and  friendship. 

"  This  being  done,  our  chiefs  agreed  to  hand  it  down  to  future 
posterity,  and  the  same  combination  to  continue  down  to  them. 

"  The  nation  called  the  Unions,  took  a  brand  from  our  fire  and 
kindled  it,  and  became  a  people  with  us;  then  we  considered  our- 
selves as  one  people  combined  together. 

"  And  now  there  is  a  white  people  on  this  island  who  are  watch- 
ing our  conduct;  but  let  us  attend  to  our  own  concerns,  and 
brighten  the  chain  of  friendship  with  our  nations;  and  as  our 
miads  are  one,  let  ns  consider  future  posterity,  and  not  consider 


608 


GRAND  INDIAN  COUNCIL  AT  AU   QLAIZE. 


1792. 


those  yoaug  warriors  who  are  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  so  much 
eugaged  in  the  pursuit  of  land,  which  is  the  cause  of  so  much  diffi< 
culty  at  present. 

"Brothers,  consider  jour  country,  which  is  good,  and  conduct 
yourselves  in  such  a  way  as  to  keep  it  to  yourselves  and  posterity. 

"  Now  brothers,  you  present  us  the  pipe  yon  say  your  oldest 
brothers  sent  you ;  you  say  your  head  chiefs  all  smoked  out  of  it, 
and  returning  it  to  us  again,  all  took  it  and  smoked  out  of  it  our- 
selves in  friendship.  Now,  as  we  are  thus  combined  together,  we 
are  able  to  lift  a  heavy  burden." 

The  Shawanese  nation  replied: 

"Our  Eldest  Brothers: — ^We  have  heard  what  you  have  related; 
we  have  heard  it  with  attention ;  we  consider  it  as  if  yon  delivered 
it  from  the  outside  of  your  lips;  although  you  consider  us  your 
younger  brothers,  your  seats  are  not  at  such  a  distance  but  that 
we  can  see  your  conduct  plainly;  these  are  the  reasons  why  wo 
consider  you  to  speak  from  the  outside  of  your  lips;  for  whenever 
you  hear  the  voice  of  the  United  States,  you  immediately  take 
your  packs  and  attend  their  councils. 

""We  see  plainly  folded  under  your  arm  the  voice  of  the  United 
States,  we  wish  you  to  unfold  it  to  us,  that  we  may  see  it  and 
consult  on  it.  (Speaking  on  a  string  of  wampum  of  three  strings, 
throwing  it  across  the  fire  to  us,  instead  of  handing  it  to  us  in  a 
friendly  manner.) 

"Then  we  proceeded  to  relate  the  instructions  of  Congress, 
which  is  too  tedious  to  relate,  and  which  they  already  know ;  but 
when  we  first  related  it,  we  failed  for  interpreters,  so  that  they  had 
not  a  proper  idea  of  it ;  they  appeared  to  be  very  much  rufSed  in 
their  minds,  and  adjourned  till  the  next  day ;  then  it  was  inter- 
preted properly  to  them,  and  they  appeared  easy  in  their  minds. 

"Eldest  Brothers: — ^You  desire  us  to  consider  our  country  and 
our  property ;  we  will  accept  of  your  advice,  and  proceed  ac- 
cordingly." 

The  Six  Nations  replied: 

"  Let  US  look  back  to  the  time  of  white  people  coming  into  this 
country ;  very  soon  they  began  to  traffic  for  land.  Soon  after,  Sir 
William  Johnson  was  sent  as  an  agent  for  the  king,  and  he  began 
to  purchase  at  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  and  purchased  all  east 
of  the  Ohio  river. 

"A  few  years  after  this  purchase,  the  people  of  the  States  and 
the  king's  people  broke  apart,  and  we  being  persuaded  to  take  the 
king's  part  became  very  bad  for  us.    After  a  few  years,  the  king 


1792. 


QRAND  INDIAN  OOVNOIL  AT  AU  QLAIZB. 


m 


was  beat;  then  the  States  took  possession  of  all  the  land  tho 
English  formerly  took  from  the  French. 

"  You  tell  us  we  come  with  the  voice  of  the  United  States ;  wo 
do,  together  with  the  advice  of  the  king.    He  tells  us  not  to  throw 
our  minds  on  either  side,  but  to  listen  to  reason,  and  remain  a 
people  confederated." 
The  Shawanese  nation  replied: 

"Now Eldest  Brothers:— You  come  to  us  with  your  opinion  and 
the  voice  of  the  United  States.  It  is  your  mind  to  put  an  end  to 
all  hostilities. 

"Brothers:— Kow  we  will  relate  what  took  place  last  fall,  in  our 
country.  General  Washington  sent  out  an  army  into  our  country, 
which  fell  into  our  hands ;  their  orders  were  thus,  to  proceed  into 
our  country  as  far  as  the  Miami  towns,  to  the  Glaize;  thence  to 
Detroit ;  but  not  to  molest  the  king's  people ;  and  if  the  army 
should  meet  any  people  that  appeared  friendly,  to  leave  them 
behind  their  backs  without  harm. 

"  The  President  of  the  United  States,  must  well  know  why  the 
blood  is  so  deep  in  our  paths.  We  have  been  informed,  that  he 
has  sent  messengers  of  peace  on  these  bloody  roads,  who  fell  on 
the  way ;  and  now,  lie  knows  that  road  to  be  bloody,  no  commu- 
nication can  take  place  through  that  bloody  way,  as  there  is  a  path 
through  the  Six  Nations'  country,  which  is  smooth  and  easy.  If 
he  wants  to  send  the  voice  of  peace,  it  must  pass  through  this 
road. 

"Eldest  Brothers: — ^We  have  been  informed  that  the  President 
of  the  United  States  thinks  himself  the  greatest  man  on  this 
island.  We  had  this  country  long  in  peace,  before  we  saw  any 
person  of  a  white  skin ;  we  consider  the  people  of  a  white  skin  the 
younger. 

"Brothers: — ^You  inform  us  that  it  is  the  wish  of  the  white 
people  to  hold  council  with  us.  General  Washington  being  the 
head  man ;  we  will  consent  to  treat  with  them;  we  desire  you,  our 
older  brothers,  to  inform  General  Washington  we  will  treat  with 
him,  at  the  rapids  of  Miami,  next  spring,  or  at  the  time  when  the 
leaves  are  fully  out. 

"  We  consider  ourselves  still  the  proper  owners  of  some  land  on 
the  east  side  of  the  Ohio ;  but  we  will  deliver  up  that,  for  money 
that  has  been  paid  to  some  individuals  for  land  on  the  west  side  of 
the  river  Ohio. 

"Brothers:— You  have  given  us  a  dish  and  one  spoon,  desiring 
the  whole  combination  to  eat  with  them ;  we  accept  of  them,  and 
shall  do  accordingly.  , 


! 


610 


0LO8B  Of  THB  QBAND  COUNCIL. 


1792. 


"We  are  now  about  to  complete  the  basineM  yon  came  on. 
When  you  return,  you  will  make  known  to  the  President  what  we 
have  done ;  it  may  be  that  he  will  oonsent  to  what  we  have  pro- 
poeed ;  and  if  he  will  not,  we  roust  call  on  you  to  assist  in  the 
heavy  burden  that  will  lie  upon  us.  We  have  opened  a  path  for 
them  and  pointed  out  a  way,  and  if  he  will  not  walk  in  it  we  mnet 
have  your  assistance. 

'*  Now  our  Eldest  Brothers: — ^When  the  President  came  to  yon, 
he  took  you  aside  to  hear  what  he  had  to  say.  He  desired  you  to 
come  to  us,  and  deliver  the  messages ;  yon  have  delivered  them, 
and  we  desire  you  to  deliver  the  messages  we  have  ^ven  you  to 
deliver  to  him;  and  desire  him  to  send  a  message  back,  what  be 
will  do,  respecting  what  we  have  done  and  concluded  on;  to 
forward  it  to  you,  and  you  to  ns.  We  will  lay  the  bloody  toma- 
hawk aside,  until  we  hear  from  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  when  this  message  comes  to  ns,  we  will  send  it  to  all  the  dif* 
ferent  nations." 

After  having  reported  the  history  and  result  of  their  mission  in 
this  peculiar  way,  the  chiefti  of  the  Six  Nations  prepared  and  fot- 
warded  the  following  report  to  the  President,  embodying  their 
advice  in  regard  to  the  course  of  policy  necessaiy  to  be  pursued  in 
order  to  secure  a  peace  with  the  hostile  tribes: 

"Ton  sent  us  on  to  the  westward,  with  a  message  of  peace  to 
the  hostile  Indians. 

"We  proceeded  according  to  your  directions,  and  were  protected, 
going  and  coming,  by  the  Oreat  Spirit. 

«  We  give  thanks  to  the  Great  Spirit,  that  we  have  all  returned 
safe  to  our'  seats. 

"  While  we  were  at  the  westward  we  exerted  oureelves  to  bring 
about  peace.  The  fatigues  we  underwent  are  not  small.  Now  it 
is  our  desire  for  your  peoplo  on  the  Ohio  to  lay  down  their  arms, 
or  otherwise  it  is  all  in  vain  what  we  have  done. 

"Now,  if  you  wish  for  peace,  you  must  make  every  exertion, 
and  proceed  through  this  path  we  have  directed  for  you.  If  peace 
does  not  take  place,  the  fiiult  must  arise  from  your  own  people. 

"  We  now  desire  you,  brother,  to  send  forward  agents,  who  are 
men  of  honesty,  not  proud  land-jobbers,  but  men  who  love  and 
desire  peace.  Also,  we  desire  that  they  may  be  accompanied  by 
some  Friend,  or  Quaker,  to  attend  the  council. 

"  We  wish  you  to  exert  yourself  to  forward  the  message  to  the 
western  Indians  as  soon  as  possible ;  and  we  are  taken  by  the  band, 
and  have  agreed,  next  spring,  to  attend  the  council  at  the  rapids  of 
the  Miami,  when  we  shall  hear  all  that  takes  pUK»  thwe." 


im. 


At>Altl  AttA()MBl>  trttAll  96Bf  6f.  OLAttt. 


eu 


The  armiBtico  which  the  hostile  Indians  promised  to  observe  till 
gprlng  was  not,  however,  very  faithftilly  kept.  On  the  6tb  of  No- 
vember, the  Kentucky  mounted  infantry,  under  M^jor  Adair,  was 
attacked  by  a  body  of  Indians,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  St. 
Glair,  a  post  recently  established  aboat  twenty-five  miles  north  of 
Fort  Hamilton,  and  near  the  present  site  of  the  town  of  Eaton, 
Ohio. 

'*This  morning,'*  says  Adfdr  in  his  report  to  Wilkinson,  <*  about 
the  first  appearance  of  day,  the  enemy  attacked  my  camp,  within 
sight  of  this  post.  The  attack  was  sudden,  and  the  enemy  came 
on  with  a  degree  of  courage  that  bespoke  them  warriors  indeed. 
Some  of  my  men  were  hand  in  hand  with  them  before  we  retreated, 
which,  however,  we  did  to  a  kind  of  stockade,  intended  for  stables; 
we  then  made  a  stand.  I  then  ordered  Lieatenant  Madison  to  take 
a  party  and  gain  their  right  flank,  if  possible.  I  called  for  Lieu- 
tenant Hail,  to  send  to  the  left,  but  found  he  had  been  slain.  I 
then  led  forward  the  men  that  stood  near  me,  wbich,  together  with 
the  ensigns,  Buchanan  and  Florin,  amounted  to  about  twenty-five, 
and  pressed  the  left  of  their  centre,  thinking  it  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  assist  Madison.  We  made  a  manly  push,  and  the  enemy 
retreated,  taldng  all  our  horses  except  five  or  six.  We  drove  them 
about  six  hundred  yards,  through  our  camp,  where  they  again 
made  a  stand,  and  we  fought  them  some  time ;  two  of  my  men 
were  here  shot  dead. 

"At  that  moment  I  received  information  that  the  enemy  were 
about  to  flank  us  on  the  right,  and  on  turning  that  way  I  saw  about 
sixty  of  them  running  to  that  point.  I  had  yet  heard  nothing  of 
Madison.  I  then  ordered  my  men  to  retreat,  which  they  did  with 
deliberation,  heartily  cursing  the  Indiana,  who  pursued  us  close  to 
our  camp,  where  we  again  fought  them  till  they  gave  way ;  and 
when  they  retreated  our  ammunition  was  nearly  expended,  although 
we  had  been  supplied  from  the  garrison  in  the  course  of  the  action. 
I  did  not  think  proper  to  follow  them  again,  but  ordered  my  men 
into  the  garrison,  to  draw  ammunition.  I  returned  in  a  few  min- 
utes to  a  hill  to  which  we  had  first  driven  them,  where  I  found  two 
of  my  men  scalped,  who  were  brought  in. 

"  Since  I  began  to  write  this,  a  few  of  the  enemy  appeared  in 
eight,  and  I  pursued  them  with  a  party  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile, 
but  could  not  overtake  them,  and  did  not  think  proper  to  go  fur- 
ther. Madison,  whom  I  sent  to  the  right,  was,  on  I  is  first  attack, 
wounded,  and  obliged  to  retreat  into  the  garrison,  leaving  a  man 
or  two  dead.    To  this  misfortune  I  think  the  enemy  are  indebted 


BIS  CoMMtSSIbNKtlH  APPOIMTSD  16  ThflAt  WITH  INDIANS.        1798. 

for  the  lionses  they  liavo  got;  had  ho  gained  their  right  flank,  and 
I  once  hod  possosHion  of  their  left,  I  think  we  might  have  routed 
them  at  tiiat  stage  of  the  action,  as  we  had  them  on  the  retreat. 

"  I  have  six  killed  and  five  wounded ;  four  men  are  missing.  I 
think  they  went  ufi'  early  in  the  action,  on  horseback,  and  are,  I 
suppose,  by  this  time,  at  Fort  Hamilton.  My  officers,  and  a  num- 
ber of  my  men,  distinguished  themselves  greatly.  Poor  Hail  died, 
calling  to  bis  men  to  advance.  Madison's  bravery  and  conduct 
need  no  comment;  they  ure  well  known.  Florin  and  Buchanan 
acted  with  a  coolness  and  courage  that  do  them  much  honor; 
Buchanan,  after  firing  his  gun,  knocked  an  Indian  down  with  the 
barrel. 

"They  have  killed  and  taken  a  great  number  of  the  pack-horses. 
I  intend  following  them  this  evening,  some  distance,  to  ascertain 
their  strength  and  route,  if  possible.  I  can,  with  propriety,  say 
that  about  fifty  of  my  men  fought  with  a  bravery  equal  to  any  men 
in  the  world ;  and  had  not  the  garrison  been  so  nigh,  as  a  place  of 
safety  for  the  bashful,  I  think  many  more  would  have  fought  well. 
The  enemy  have,  no  doubt,  as  many  men  killed  as  myself;  they 
left  two  dead  on  the  ground,  and  I  saw  two  carried  ofi:  The  only 
advantage  they  have  gained  is  our  horses,  which  is  a  capital  one, 
as  it  disables  me  from  bringing  the  interview  to  a  more  certain  and 
satisfactory  conclusion.""' 

This  action,  however,  together  with  other  evidences  of  continued 
hostilities,  did  not  prevent  the  United  States  from  taking  measures 
to  meet  the  hostile  tribes  "at  the  rapids  of  the  Miami  (Maumee) 
when  the  leaves  were  fully  out."  For  this  purpose  the  President  at 
first  selected  Charles  Carroll  and  Charles  Thompson,  but  as  they 
declined  the  nomination,  Benjamin  Lincoln,  Beverly  Randolph,  and 
Timothy  Pickering  were,  on  the  first  of  March,  1793,  appointed  to 
attend  the  proposed  meeting,  which  it  was  concluded  should  be 
held  at  Sandusky. 

On  the  26th  of  April,  the  commissioners  received  their  instruc- 
tions; on  the  27th,  General  Lincoln  lett  Philadelphia  for  Niagara, 
by  the  way  of  New  York;  and  on  the  80th,  Pickering  and  Randolph 
started  by  the  route  through  Pennsylvania,  which  led  up  the  valleys 
of  the  Schuylkill,  Susquehanna,  Lycoming,  and  Coshocton,  and 
across  to  Genessee.  These,  traveling  more  rapidly,  for  Lincoln  had 


'American  State  Papers,  t.  S85. 


1798. 


COMMISSIONERS*   LETTER  TO  QOVSRNOR  8IMC0B. 


018 


the  stores  and  baggage,  reached  Niagara  on  the  17th  of  May,  and 
were  at  onoe  invited  by  Lieutenant-Qeneral  Simcoe  to  take  up 
their  residence  at  his  seat.  Navy  Hall;  with  this  invitation  thoy 
complied  and  remained  there  until  the  28th  of  June.  The  cause 
of  this  delay  was  the  belief  expressed  by  M'Kee  and  others,  that 
the  Indians  would  not  be  ready  to  meet  the  commissioners  before 
the  last  of  June,  as  private  councils  had  first  to  be  held  among  the 
various  tribes.  While  there,  the  ambassadors,  on  the  7th  of  June, 
presented  the  following  note  to  Governor  Simcoe : 

"The  commissioners  of  the  United  States,  for  making  peace 
with  the  western  Indians,  beg  leave  to  suggest  to  Governor  Simcoe : 
that  the  very  high  importance  of  the  negotiation  committed  to 
their  management,  makes  them  desirous  of  using  every  proper 
moans  that  may  contribute  to  its  success.  That  they  have  observed, 
with  pleasure,  the  disposition  manifested  by  the  Governor  to  afford 
every  requisite  assistance  in  the  preparatory  arrangements  for 
holding  the  treaty  with  the  hostile  Indians. 

"But  all  the  facilities  thus  afforded,  and  all  the  expenses  incurred 
by  the  British  government,  on  this  occasion,  will,  perhaps,  be  fruit- 
less, unless  some  means  are  used  to  counteract  the  deep-rooted 
prejudices,  and  unfounded  reports  among  the  Indian  tribes:  for, 
the  acts  of  a  few  bad  men,  dwelling  among  them,  or  having  a 
familiar  intercourse  with  them,  by  cherishing  those  prejudices,  or 
raising  and  spreading  those  reports,  may  be  sufficient  to  defeat 
every  attempt  to  accomplish  a  peace.  As  an  instance  of  such 
unfounded  reports,  the  commissioners  have  noticed  the  declaration 
of  a  Mohawk,  from  Grand  river,  that  Oovemor  Simcoe  advised  the 
Indians  to  make  peace,  biU  not  to  give  tip  any  of  their  lands. 

"  The  commissioners  further  observe,  that  if  any  transactions  at 
former  treaties  were  excepticuable,  the  principles  of  the  present 
treaty  are  calculated  to  remove  the  causes  of  complaint;  for  the 
views  of  government  are  perfectly  fair.  And,  although  i^  is 
impossible  to  retrace  all  the  steps  then  taken,  the  United  States 
are  disposed  to  recede,  as  far  as  shall  be  indispensable,  and  the 
existing  state  of  things  will  admit;  and  for  the  lands  retained,  to 
make  ample  compensation.  The  views  of  the  United  States  .being 
thus  fair  and  liberal,  the  commissioners  wish  to  embrace  every 
means  to  make  them  appear  so  to  the  Indians,  against  any  contrary 
suggestions. 

"Among  these  means,  the  commissioners  consider  the  presence 
of  some  gentlemen  of  the  army  to  be  of  consequence ;  for,  although 
the  Indians  naturally  look  up  to  their  superintendents  as  their 


614 


OOVIBNOB  8I1I00B  8  PACinO  RBSPOMBI. 


179S. 


patronS)  yet  the  presenoe  of  lome  offioen  of  the  armj  will  probably 
induce  them  to  negotiate  with  greater  confidence  on  the  termb  of 
peace.  Independently  of  theee  considerations,  the  comroissiouerB, 
for  their  own  sakes,  request  the  pleasure  of  their  company.  The 
commissioners,  feeHng  the  greatest  solicitude  to  accomplish  the 
object  of  their  mission,  will  be  happy  to  receive  from  the  governor 
every  information  relating  to  it,  which  his  situation  enableft  him 
to  communicate.  He  must  bo  aw»re  that  the  sales  and  settlements 
of  the  lands  over  the  Ohio,  founded  on  the  treaties  of  Forts  M'Intosh 
and  Harmar,  render  it  impossible  now  to  make  that  river  the 
boundaiy.  The  expression  of  his  opinion,  on  this  point  in 
particular,  will  give  them  great  satisfaction."  * 

To  this  note  the  following  answer  was  sent: 

"Colonel  Simooe,  commanding  the  King's  forces  in  Upper 
Canada,  has  the  honor,  in  answer  to  the  paper  delivered  to  him 
this  morning  by  the  commissioners  of  the  United  States  for  makini;; 
peace  with  the  western  Indians,  to  state  to  those  gentlemen,  that 
he  is  duly  impressed  with  the  serious  importance  of  the  negotiation 
committed  to  their  charge,  and  shall  be  happy  to  contribute  bj 
every  proper  means  that  may  tend  to  its  success.  Ho  is  much 
obliged  to  them  for  the  polite  manner  in  which  they  have  expressed 
their  sense  of  his  readiness  to  afford  them  such  facilities  as  may 
have  been  in  his  power,  to  pssist  in  the  preparatory  arrangements 
for  holding  the  treaty.  He  is  perfectly  aware  that  unfounded 
reports  and  deep-rooted  prejudices  have  arisen  among  the  Indian 
tribes ;  but  whether  from  the  acts  of  a  few  bad  men  living  among 
thorn,  he  cannot  pretend  to  say. 

*'But,  he  must  observe,  upon  the  instance  given  hj  the  commiB- 
sioners,  of  one  of  '  those  unfounded  reports,  that  a  Mohawk  from 
the  Grand  river  should  say,  that  Gov.  Simcoe  advised  the  Indians 
to  make  peace,  but  not  to  give  up  their  lands,'  it  is  of  that  natnre 
that  cannot  be  true;  the  Indians,  as  yet,  not  having  applied  for  his 
advice  on  the  subject ;  and  it  being  a  point,  of  all  others,  on  which 
they  are  the  least  likely  to  consult  the  British  officers  commanding 
in  Upper  Canada. 

<*  Colonel  Simcoe  considers  himself  perfectly  justified  in  admit- 
ting, on  the  requisition  of  the  commissioners,  some  officers  to 
attend  the  treaty;  and,  therefore,  in  addition  to  the  gentlemen 
appointed  to  control  the  delivery  of  the  British  provisions,  &c.,  he 


*  AaMieui  SUU  Pkpws,  t.  7?7. 


1798. 


OOUHOIL  oraitS  At  MAVT  BALL. 


61» 


will  desire  Oaptain  Bnnbtiry,  of  the  fifth  regiment,  and  Lieutenant 
Qivens,  who  has  some  knowledge  of  one  of  the  Indian  langnages, 
to  accompany  the  commisaioners.  Colonel  Simcoe  can  give  the 
oommiaaioners  no  farther  information  than  what  is  affoi.^ad  by  the 
speeches  of  the  confederate  nations,  of  which  General  Hull  has 
aathentio  copies.  Hut,  as  it  has  been,  ever  rince  the  conquest  of 
Oanada,  the  priuoii«le  of  the  British  government  to  unite  the 
American  Indiana,  that,  all  petty  jealouaios  being  crtinguished,  the 
real  wishes  of  the  several  tribes  may  be  f^Uy  expressed,  and  in 
conseqaenoe  of  all  the  treaties  made  with  them,  may  have  the  moat 
complete  ratification  and  universal  concurrence,  so,  he  feels  it 
proper  to  state  to  the  commiaeioners,  that  a  jealousy  of  a  contrary 
oondact  in  the  agents  of  the  United  States,  appears  to  him  to  have 
been  deeply  impressed  upon  the  minds  of  the  confederacy." 

On  the  day  before  this  correspondence,  the  aix  Quakers,  who,  by 
their  own  request,  and  that  of  the  Indians,  had  accompanied  the 
deputation,  together  with  Heckewelder  and  others,  sailed  for 
Detroit  to  learn  how  matters  stood ;  and,  on  the  26th  of  the  month, 
the  commissioners  themselves,  receiving  no  news  from  Sandusky, 
prepared  to  embark  for  the  mouth  of  Detroit  river.  On  the  16th 
of  July,  while  still  detained  by  head  winds.  Colonel  Butler,t 
Brant  and  some  fifty  natives,  arrived  from  the  Maumee,  and  two 
days  after,  in  the  presence  of  the  Governor,  Brant  thus  addressed 
the  Americans: — 

"Brothers: — We  have  met  to-day  our  brothers,  the  Bostonians 
and  English ;  wo  are  glad  to  have  the  meeting,  and  think  it  is  by 
the  appointment  of  the  Great  Spirit 

"Brothers  of  the  United  States: — We  told  you  the  other  day  at 
Fort  Erie,  that  at  another  time,  we  would  inform  you  why  we  had 
not  assembled  at  the  time  and  place  appointed  for  holding  the 
treaty  with  you.  We  now  inform  you  that  it  is  because  there  is  so 
much  of  the  appearance  of  war  in  that  quarter. 

"We  have  given  the  reason  for  our  not  meeting  you;  and  now 
we  request  an  explanation  of  those  warlike  appearances. 

"The  people  you  see  here  are  sent  to  represent  the  Indian 
nations  who  own  the  lands  north  of  the  Ohio,  as  their  common 
property,  and  who  are  all  of  one  mind— one  heart. 

"We  have  cone  to  speak  to  you  for  two  reasons;  one,  be> 
caase  your  warriors  being  in  our  neighborhood,  have  prevented 


t  The  eommander  of  the  Tories  at  Wyoming,  afterward  Indian  Agent. 


616 


BRANT  ADDRESSKS  THB  00MMI8BI0NBRS. 


1798. 


our  meeting  at  the  appointed  place ;  the  other,  to  know  if  you  are 
properly  authorized  to  run  and  establish  a  new  boundary  Hue 
between  the  lands  of  the  United  States  and  the  Indian  nations. 
We  are  still  desirous  of  meeting  you  at  the  appointed  place. 

"We  wish  you  to  deliberate  well  on  this  business.  We  have 
spoken  our  sentiments  in  sincerity,  considering  ourselves  in  the 
presence  of  the  Qreat  Spirit,  from  whom,  in  iime  of  danger,  we 
expect  assistance." 

On  the  following  day  the  commissioners  replied : 

"Brothers : — ^You  have  mentioned  two  objects  of  your  coming  to 
meet  us  at  this  place.  One,  to  obtain  an  explanation  of  the  war- 
like appearances  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  on  the  north- 
western side  of  the  Ohio;  the  other,  to  learn  whether  we  have 
authority  to  run  and  establbh  a  new  boundary  line  between  your 
lands  and  ours. 

"On  the  first  point  we  cannot  but  express  our  extreme  regret, 
that  any  reports  of  warlike  appearances,  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  should  have  delayed  our  meeting  at  Sandusky.  The  nature 
of  the  case  irresistibly  forbids  all  apprehensions  of  hostile  incar- 
sions  into  the  Indian  country  north  of  the  Ohio,  during  the  treaty 
at  Sandusky. 

"We  are  deputed  by  the  Great  Chief  and  the  Great  Council 
of  the  United  States  to  treat  with  you  of  peace ;  and  is  it  possible 
that  the  same  Great  Chief  and  his  Great  Council  could  order  their 
warriors  to  make  fresh  war,  while  we  Were  sitting  around  the  same 
fire  with  you,  in  order  to  make  peace?  Is  li,  pot.-'iblo  that  our 
Great  Chief  and  his  Council  could  act  so  deceitfully  toward  us, 
their  commissioners,  as  well  as  toward  you  ? 

"We  think  it  not  possible;  but  will  quit  arguments  and  come 
to  facts. 

"We  assure  you,  that  our  Great  Chief,  General  Washington, 
has  strictly  forbidden  all  hostilities  against  you,  until  the  event 
of  the  proposed  treaty  at  Sandusky  shall  be  known.  Here  is 
the  proclamation  of  his  head  warrior,  General  Wayne,  to  that 
effect. 

"Bat  our  Great  Chief  is  so  sincere  in  his  professions  for  peace, 
and  so  desirous  of  preventing  everything  which  could  obstruct 
the  treaty  and  prolong  the  war,  that,  besides  giving  the  above 
orders  to  his  head  warrior,  he  has  informed  the  governors  of 
the  several  States  acyoining  the  Ohio,  of  the  treaty  proposed  to 
be  held  at  Sandusky,  and  desired  them  to  unite  their  power  with 
his  to  prevent  any  hostile  attempts  against  tlie  Indians  north  of 


1798. 


OOMIIISSIONBBS  AMD  INDIANS  IN  COUNCIL. 


617 


the  Ohio,  until  the  result  of  the  treaty  is  made  known.  Those 
governors  have  accordingly  issued  their  orders,  strictly  forbidding 
all  such  hostilities.  The  proclamations  of  the  Governors  of  Penn- 
sylvania and  Virginia,  we  have  here  in  our  hands. 

"  If,  after  all  these  precautions  of  our  Great  Chief,  any  hostilities 
should  be  committed  north  of  the  Ohio,  they  must  proceed  from  a 
few  disorderly  people,  whom  no  considei'ations  of  justice  or  public 
good  can  restrain.  But  we  liope  and  believe  that  none  such  can 
be  found. 

"After  these  explanations,  we  hope  you  will  possess  your  minds 
in  peace,  relying  on  the  good  fnith  of  the  United  States  that  no 
injury  is  to  be  apprehended  by  you  during  the  treaty. 

"We  come  now  to  the  second  point:  whether  we  are  properly 
aathorized  to  run  and  establish  a  new  boundary  line  between^ 
jour  lands  and  ours. 

"We  answer  explicitly  that  we  have  that  authority.  Where 
this  line  should  run,  will  be  the  great  subject  of  discussion  at  the 
treaty  between  you  and  us;  and  we  sincerely  hope  and  expect 
that  it  may  then  be  fixed  to  the  satisfaction  of  both  parties.  Doubt- 
less some  concessions  must  be  made  on  both  sides.  In  all  disputes 
and  quarrels,  both  parties  usually  take  some  wrong  steps ;  so  that 
it  is  only  by  mutual  concessions  that  a  true  reconciliation  can  be 
effected. 

"We  wish  you  to  undcratand  us  clearly  on  this  head;  for  we 
mean  that  all  our  proceedings  should  be  made  with  candor.  We 
therefore  repeat  and  say  explicitly  that  some  concession  will  be 
necessary  on  your  part,  as  well  as  on  ours,  in  order  to  establish  a 
jnst  and  permanent  peace. 

"After  this  great  point  cf  the  boundary  shall  be  fully  considered 
at  the  treaty,  we  shall  know  what  concessions  and  stipulations  it 
will  be  proper  to  make  on  the  part  of  the  United  States ;  and  we 
trust  they  will  be  such  as  the  woild  will  pronounce  reasonable  and 
just. 

"You  told  us  you  represent  the  nations  of  Indians  who  own  the 
lands  north  of  the  Ohio,  and  whose  chiefs  are  now  assembled  at  the 
rapids  of  the  Maumee.  ^ 

"  It  would  be  a  satisfaction  to  us  to  be  informed  of  the  names 
of  those  nations,  and  of  the  numbers  of  the  chiefs  of  each  so 
assembled. 

"We  once  more  turn  our  eyes  to  youB  representation  of  war- 
like appearances  in  your  country ;  to  give  you  complete  satisfac- 
tion on  this  Doint,  wo  now  assure  you  as  soon  as  our  council  at 
40      * 


618 


INDIAN  TBIBB8  PRESBNT  AT  THK  COUNCIL. 


1798- 


this  place  is  ended,  we  will  send  a  messenger  on  horseback  to 
the  Qreat  Chief  of  the  United  States,  to  desire  him  to  renew 
and  strongly  repeat  his  orders  to  his  head  warrior,  not  only  to 
abstain  from  all  hostilities  against  yon ;  but  to  remain  qnietly  at  his 
posts  until  the  event  of  the  treaty  shall  he  known." 

On  the  next  day,  according  to  the  customary  form,  the  council 
was  convened  again,  and  Brant  replied : 

"We  are  glad  the  Great  Spirit  has  preserved  us  in  peace,  to  meet 
together  this  day. 

"Brothers  of  the  United  States :  Yesterday  you  made  an  answer 
to  the  message  delivered  by  us,  from  the  great  council  at  the  Mau- 
mee,  in  the  two  particulars  which  we  have  stated  to  you. 

"You  may  depend  upon  it  we  fully  understood  your  speech. 
We  shall  take  with  us  your  belt  and  white  strings,  and  repeat  it  to 
the  chiefs  at  the  great  council  at  the  Maumee. 

"  We  have  something  further  to  say,  though  not  much.  We  are 
small  compared  with  our  great  chie&  at  Maumee.  But,  though 
small,  we  have  something  to  say. 

"  We  think  from  your  speech,  that  there  is  a  prospect  of  xa 
coming  together.  We,  who  are  the  nations  at  the  westward,  are 
of  one  mind ;  and,  if  we  agree  with  you,  as  there  is  a  prospect  we 
shall,  it  will  be  binding  and  lasting. 

"Our  prospects  are  the  fairer,  because  all  our  minds  are  one; 
you  have  not  before  spoken  to  us  unitedly.  Formerly,  becaase 
you  did  not  speak  to  us  unitedly,  what  was  done  was  not  binding. 
Now  you  have  an  opportunity  of  speaking  to  us  together,  and  we 
now  take  you  by  the  hand,  to  lead  you  to  the  place  appointed  for 
the  meeting." 

Recollecting  that  he  had  not  replied  to  the  inquiry  of  the  com- 
missioners, in  regard  to  i,ho  tribes  assembled  at  the  Miiumec,  Brant 
rose  again  and  said : 

"Brothers: — ^Yesterday  you  expressed  a  wish  to  be  informed  of 
the  names  of  the  nations,  and  numbers  of  chiefs  assembled  at  the 
Maumee ;  but,  as  they  were  daily  coming  in,  we  cannot  give  you 
exact  information.  You  will  see  for  yourselves  in  a  few  days. 
When  we  left  it  the  following  nations  were  there,  to  wit:  Five 
Nations,  Wyandots,  Shawanese,  Delawares,  Munsees,  Miamies, 
Ghippewas,  Ottawas,  Pottawattamies,  Nantikokies,  Mingoes,  Chero- 
kees, — the  principal  men  of  these  were  there." 

The  commissioners  then  roplied : 

"Brothers: — Our  ears  have  been  open  to  your  speech.  It  i> 
agreeable  to  us.    We  are  ready  to  accompany  you  to  the  place  of 


1798. 


IMDIANS  JKALOVS  OV  WATKB'S  IIOVIMINTS. 


610 


treatj,  where,  under  the  direction  of  the  Great  Spirit,  we  hope  for 
a  apeedy  tenninadon  of  the  present  w  .r,  on  terms  equally  interest- 
ing and  agreeahle  to  all  parties." 

The  great  anxiely  and  distmst  manifested  hy  the  Indians  at  this 
conference,  arose  from  what  they  deemed  the  hostile  movements 
of  General  Wayne,  in  violation,  as  they  affirmed,  of  the  armistice 
previously  agreed  upon.  Wayne's  head-qnarters  was  then  near 
Fort  Washington,  and  he  was  engaged  there  in  organizing  and 
drilling  his  army,  in  forwarding  supplies  to  Fort  Jefferson,  and  in 
catting  militaiy  roads  through  the  Indian  country.  These  proceed- 
ings, altogether  justifiahle  on  the  supposition  that  a  resumption  of 
hostilities  was  inevitahle,  were,  at  that  juncture,  ill-timed,  and 
calculated  to  endanger  the  success  of  the  negotiation  and  the  lives 
of  the  commissioners.  Under  these  circumstances  the  commis- 
sioners addressed,  under  date  of  July  10th,  the  following  letter  to 
the  secretary  of  war,  to  ask  that  all  warlike  demonstrations  should 
be  suspended  until  the  result  of  their  mission  should  be  ascer<^ 
tained : 

"We  think  the  coming  of  the  deputation  from  the  western 
Indians  a  fortunate  event.  It  must  have  been  their  extreme 
jealousy  of  the  United  States  that  made  them  solicitous  to  speak 
with  us  in  presence  of  the  governor;  and  our  answer  being 
satisfactory,  we  believe  it  will  have  a  better  effect,  than  the  same 
sentiments  delivered  under  any  other  circumstances. 

"Oar  promise  to  send  a  special  messenger  to  the  President,  to 
desire  fresh  orders  might  be  sent  to  General  Wayne,  not  only  to 
abstain  from  hostUitieaj  but  to  remain  quietly  at  his  posts^  was.  thought  a 
very  necessary  measure;  and  it  will  be  alike  necessary  that  those 
orders  be  issued  and  strictly  observed.  In  a  former  letter  we 
intimated  our  opinion  and  wishes  on  this  point.  We  now  think, 
Und  our  duty  obliges  us  to  declare  it,  that  an  exact  observation  of 
the  laws  of  a  truce  is  essential  to  the  success  of  the  treaty. 

"The  Indians  have  information,  confirmed  by  repeated  scouts, 
that  General  Wayne  has  cut  and  cleared  a  road,  straight  from  Fort 
Washington  into  the  Indian  country,  in  a  direction  that  would  have 
missed  Fort  Jefferson,  but  that,  meeting  with  a  large  swamp,  it 
was  of  necessity,  turned  to  that  fort,  and  then  continued  six  miles 
beyond  it:  that  large  quantities  of  provisions  are  accumulated  at 
the  forts,  fue  exceeding  the  wants  of  the  garrisons,  and  numerous 
herds  of  horses  and  cattle  assembled  beyond  Fort  Jefferson, 


'■4^' 


62Q 


C0MMms;0NEIt8  OFPOSS  WATMK  8  NOYBMSNTS. 


1798. 


guarded  by  considerable  bodies  of  troops.  With  these  preparations 
for  war  in  their  neighborhood,  for  it  is  bat  three  (lays'  journey 
firom  thence  to  the  Glaize,  they  say  their  minds  cannot  rest  easy. 
The  distance  here  mentioned,  is  from  Captain  Brant's  information, 
and  is,  no  doubt,  exact  We  suppose  that  twenty  to  twenty-five 
miles  ma^  be  deemed  A  day's  journey. 

'*Tho  manner  in  which  negotiations  for  peace  are  conducted  by 
Indians,  demands  a  particular  consideration.  On  such  occasions, 
not  commissioners  or  a  few  counselors,  but  the  body  of  the  nations 
assemble.  The  negotiations  will  of  course  be  delayed  or  interrup- 
ted, if  the  movements  of  their  enemies  call  the  warriors  from  the 
council  to  watch  or  check  them.  The  measures  pursued  by  Qen. 
Wayne  appear  to  have  produced  this  unhappy  e£fect,  and  probably 
Strengthened  jealousies,  before  almost  insurmountable.  We  know 
that  those  measurea  are  viewed  by  the  British  as  unfair  and 
unwarrantable,  and  we  cannot  suppose  that  their  opinion  will  be 
concealed  from  the  Indians;  if  the  latter  have  not  previously 
entertained  the  same  ideas. 

*<After  this  detail,  it  can  hardly  be  necessaiy  to  express  our 
opinions  on  the  subject.  It  is  obvious,  that  to  ensure  a  qaiet, 
uninterrupted  treaty,  the  cattle,  horses,  and  troops,  beyond  what 
are  proper  for  the  posts  themselves,  should  not  be  advanced  from 
the  Ohio:  any  that  are  now  in  advance  beyond  Fort  Jefferson, 
should  certainly  be  immediately  withdrawn;  and  we  doubt  whether 
that  would  be  satisfactory,  if  their  numbers,  in  any  degree,  corres- 
pond with  the  reports  among  the  Indians  at  their  council." 

On  the  14th  of  July  the  commissioners  left  Fort  Erie,  and  ar- 
rived on  their  way  to  the  council,  on  the  2l8t,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Detroit  river.  Their  further  advauce  was  prevented  by  the  British 
authorities  at  Detroit;  and  accordingly  they  took  up  their  quarters 
sfi,  the  house  of  Mathew  Flliott,  the  famous  renegade,  then  a  subor- 
dinate agent  in  the  British  Indian  department,  under  Alexander 
M'Kce.  M'Kee  was  in  attendance  at  the  council,  and  the  commis- 
sioners addressed  liim  a  note,  borne  by  Elliott,  to  inform  him  of 
their  arrival,  and  to  ask  when  they  could  be  received. 

Elliott  returned  on  the  29th,  bringing  with  him  a  deputation  of 
twenty  chiefs  from  the  council.  On  the  next  day  a  conference  was 
held,  and  Sa-wagh-da-wunk,  a  chief  of  the  Wyandots,  presented  to 
the  commissioners  in  writing,  the  following  explicit  demand  in  re- 
gard to  their  powers  and  purposes : 

"Brothers:— The  deputies  we  sent  you  did  not  fully  explain  our 


1798. 


XNDIANB  IKSIBT  OH  OHIO  FOR  BOVHDABT. 


621 


meaning.  "We  Have  therefore  sent  others  to  meet  yon  once  more, 
that  yon  may  fhlly  onderBtand  the  gi^at  qnestion  we  have  to  aak 
yon,  and  to  which  we  expect  an  explicit  answer  in  writing. 

"You  ure  sent  here  hy  the  United  States,  in  order  to  make  peace 
with  as,  the  confederated  Indians. 

"You  know  very  well  that  the  honndary  line  which  was  mn 
by  the  white  people  and  us,  at  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwiz,  was 
the  river  Ohio. 

"Kyon  seriously  design  to  make  a  firm  and  lasting  peace,  yOti 
will  immediately  remove  all  your  people  from  our  side  of  the  river. 

"We  therefore  ask  you,  Are  you  fully  authorized  by  the  United 
States  to  continue  and  fix  firmly  on  the  Ohio  river,  as  the 
boundary  line  between  your  people  and  ours  ? 

"Bone  in  general  council,  at  the  foot  of  the  Miami  rapids,  on 
tbe  27th  of  July,  1798.  In  behalf  of  ourselves  and  the  whole  con- 
federacy,  and  agreed  to  in  full  council" 

This  message  was  signed  by  the  Wyandots,  Delawares,  Shawa- 
nese,  Miamies,  Mingoes,  Pottawattamies,  Ottawas,  Connoys,  Ghip- 
pewas,  and  Munsees.  In  the  afternoon  of  the  next  day,  the 
commissioners  delivered  the  following  answer  to  them  in  writing : 

"Brothers: — You  yesterday  addressed  us,  mentioning  a  former 
deputation  who  met  .b  at  Niagara.  At  that  meeting  you  said  we 
did  not  come  to  a  right  understanding ;  that  your  deputies  did  not 
folly  explain  your  meaning  to  us,  nor  we  ours  to  them ;  that  yon  de- 
sired we  might  rightly  understand  each  other,  and  therefore  thought 
it  best  that  what  you  had  to  say  should  be  put  into  writing.  Then, 
handing  us  a  paper,  you  said, '  here  is  the  meaning  of  our  hearts.' 
Brothers :  That  paper  is  directed  to  the  commissioners  of  the  United 
States,  and  speaks  to  them  these  words,  viz :  [Hero  was  repeated 
the  written  address  of  the  Indians.] 

"Brothers,  the  deputies  present:  We  have  now  repeated  the 
words  contained  in  the  paper  which  you  delivered  to  us;  and  those 
words  are  interpreted  to  you.  We  presume  the  interpretation 
agrees  with  your  ideas  of  the  contents  of  the  paper.  It  is  expressed 
to  be  signed  by  the  Wyandots,  Delawares,  Miamies,  Shawanese, 
Mingoes,  Pottawattamies,  Ottawas,  Connoys,  Chippewas,  and 
Mansees,  in  behalf  of  themselves  and  the  whole  confederacy,  and 
agreed  to  in  full  council. 

"We  are  a  little  surprised  at  the  suggestion,  that^  in  the 
conference  at  Niagara,  we  did  not  come  to  a  right  understand- 
ing, and  that  your  deputies  did  not  fhlly  explfun  your  meaning. 
Those  deputies  appeared  to  be  men  of  good  understanding,  and 


ett 


m- 


nrDIANS  INSIST  ON  OHIO  FOR  BOUNOAKT. 


1798. 


when  we  saw  them  they  were  perfectly  sober :  in  short,  we  never  saw 
men  in  public  council  more  attentive,  or  behave  with  more  propn- 
ety.  We  could  not,  therefore,  suppose  they  could  nustake 
your  meaning  or  ours.  Certainly  we  were  sufficiently  explicit,  for, 
in  plain  terms,  we  declared, '  that  in  order  to  establish  a  just  and 
permanent  peace,  some  concessions  would  be  necessary,  on  your 
part  as  well  as  on  ours.' 

**  These  words,  brothers,  are  a  part  of  our  speech  to  your  depu- 
ties; and  that  speech,  they  assured  us  they,  fully  understood.  What 
those  concessions  should  be,  on  both  sides,  and  where  the  bounda- 
ry line  should  be  fixed,  were  proper  subjects  of  discussion  at  the 
treaty,  when  we  should  speak  face  to  face.  This  we  are  certain 
would  be  the  best  way  to  remove  all  difficulties.  But  your  nations 
have  adopted  another  mode,  which,  by  keeping  us  at  a  distance, 
prevents  our  knowing  each  other,  and  keeps  alive  those  jealousies 
which  are  the  greatest  obstacles  to  a  peace.  We  are,  therefore, 
desirous  of  meeting  your  nations  in  full  council,  without  more  do- 
lay.  Wo  have  already  waited  in  this  province  sixty  days  beyond 
the  time  appointed  for  opening  the  treaty. 

"We  have  now  expressed  our  opinion  of  the  proper  mode  of 
settling  the  differences  between  you  and  the  United  States;  but, 
as  your  nations  have  desired  answers  to  certain  quesdons,  previous 
to  our  meeting,  and  we  are  disposed  to  act  with  frankness  and 
sincerity,  we  will  give  you  an  explicit  answer  to  the  great  question 
you  have  now  proposed  to  us.  But,  before  we  do  this,  we  think 
it  necessary  to  look  back  to  some  former  transactions,  and  we 
desire  you  patiently  to  hear  us. 

"  We  do  know  very  well,  that,  at  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwiz, 
twenty-five  years  agOf  the  river  Ohio  was  agreed  on  as  the  boun- 
dary line  between  you  and  the  white  people  of  the  British 
colonies;  and,  we  all  know  that,  about  seven  years  after  that 
boundary  was  fixed,  a  quarrel  broke  out  between  your  father,  the 
king  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  people  of  those  colonies,  which  are 
now  the  United  States.  This  quarrel  was  ended  by  the  treaty  of 
peace  made  with  the  king,  about  ten  years  ago,  by«  which  the 
Great  Lakes,  and  the  waters  which  unite  them,  were  by  him  de- 
clared to  be  the  boundaries  of  the  United  States. 

"Peace  having  been  thus  made,  between  the  king  of  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States,  it  remained  to  make  peace  be- 
tween them  and  the  Indian  nations,  who  had  taken  part  with 
the  king;  for  this  purpose,  commissioners  were  appointed,  who 
sent  messengers  to  all  those  Indian  nations,  mviting  them  to  come  and 


1798. 


SBOAPITULATION  OV  TRBATIK8. 


make  peace.  The  first  treaty  was  held  about  nine  years  ago,  at  Fort 
Stanwix,  with  the  Six  Nations,  which  has  stood  firm  and  anviplap 
ted  to  this  day.  The  next  treaty  was  made  about  ninety  days  after,  at 
Fort  M'Intosh,  with  the  Half-King  of  the  Wyandots,  Captain  Pipe, 
and  other  chiefe,  in  behalf  of  the  Wyandot,  Delaware,  Ottawa,  and 
Ohippewa  nations. 

"Afterward,  treaties  were  made  with  divers  Indian  nations  south 
of  the  Ohio  river ;  aud  the  next  treaty  was  made  with  Ea-kia>pila- 
thy,  hero  present,  aud  other  Shawanee  chiefs,  in  behalf  of  the 
Shawanee  nation,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Qreat  Miami,  which  runs  into 
the  Ohio.  r 

"The  commissioners  who  conducted  tlio  treaties  in  behalf  of 
^e  United  States,  sent  the  papers  containing  them  to  the  Great 
Council  of  the  States,  who,  supposing  them  satisfoctory  to  the 
nations  treated  with,  proceeded  to  dispose  of  large  tracts  of 
land  thereby  ceded,  and  a  great  number  of  people  removed  from 
other  parts  of  the  United  States,  and  settled  upon  them:  also  many 
fitmilies  of  your  ancient  fathers,  the  French,  came  over  the  great 
waters,  and  settled  upon  a  part  of  the  same  lands.* 

"After  some  time,  it  appeared  that  a  number  of  people  in 
your  nations  were  dissatisfied  with  the  treaties  of  Fort  Mcintosh 
and  Miami;  therefore,  the  Great  Council  of  the  United  States 
appointed  Governor  St.  Clair  their  commissioner,  with  full  powers, 
for  the  purpose  of  removing  all  causes  of  controversy,  regulating 
trade,  and  settling  boundaries,  between  the  Indian  nations  in  the 
northern  department  and  the  United  States.  He  accordingly  sent 
messages,  inviting  all  the  nations  concerned  to  meet  him  at  a  council 
fire  which  he  kindled  at  the  falls  of  the  Muskingum. 

"While  he  was  waiting  for  them,  some  mischief  happened  at 
that  place,  and  the  fire  was  put  out;  so  he  kindled  a  council  fire  at 
Fort  Harmar,  where  near  six  hundred  Indians,  of  different  nations, 
attended.  The  Six  Nations  then  renewed  and  confirmed  the  treaty 
of  Fort  Stanwix;  and  the  Wyandots  aud  Delawares  renewed  and 
confirmed  the  treaty  of  Fort  Mcintosh ;  some  Ottawas,  Chippewas, 
PottawattamicL,  and  Sacs  were  also  parties  to  the  treaty  of  Fort 
Harmar. 

"All  these  treaties  we  have  here  with  us.  We  have,  also,  the 
speeches  of  many  chiefs  who  attended  them,  and  who  voluntaiily 
declared  their  satisfaction  with  the  terms  of  the  treaties. 


*  The  Freneh  settlement  at  Gallipolia. 


tfS4 


COUMISSIOHIIUI  DIKT  TBI  ISJUAM'  OLAIM. 


1791 


**  After  ihaUng  §M  thoM  tresties,  and  after  hearing  the  obieft 
express  hwAj  their  satisihetion  with  them,  the  United  States 
expected  to  ei^joy  peaee,  and  quietly  to  hold  the  lands  ceded  by 
tiiem.  Accordingly  large  tracts  have  been  sold  and  settled,  as 
before  mentioned.  And  now,  brothers,  we  answer  explicitly,  that, 
for  the  reasons  here  stated  to  yoo,  tl  is  imposmMe  to  make  the  rwtr 
Ohio  the  boumiary  between  yowr  people  and  ike  peopie  of  the  Vmted 
Slates. 

"Yon  are  men  of  nndenrtanding,  and  if  you  consider  the 
customs  of  white  people,  the  great  expenses  which  attend  their 
settling  in  a  new  country,  the  nature  of  their  Improvements,  in 
building  houses  and  bams,  and  clearing  and  fencing  their  lands, 
how  valuable  the  lands  are  &us  rendered,  and  thence  how  dear 
they  we  to  them,  you  will  see  that  it  is  now  impracticable  to 
remove  our  people  from  the  northern  side  of  the  Ohio.  Tour 
brothers,  the  English,  know  the  nature  of  white  people,  and  they 
know  that,  under  the  circumstances  which  we  have  mentioned,  the 
United  States  cannot  make  the  Ohio  the  boundary  between  yon 
and  us. 

"Tou  seem  to  consider  all  the  lands  in  dispute  on  your  side 
of  the  Ohio,  as  claimed  by  the  United  States;  but  suffer  us  to 
remind  you  that  a  large  tract  was  sold  by  the  Wyandot  and 
Delaware  nations  to  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  This  tract  lies 
east  of  a  line  drawn  from  the  mouth  of  Beaver  creek,  at  the  Ohio, 
due  north  to  Lake  Erie.  This  line  is  the  western  boundary  of 
Pennsylvania,  as  claimed  under  the  charter  given  by  the  king  of 
England  to  your  ancient  friend,  William  Penn ;  of  this  sale  made 
by  the  Wyandot  and  Delaware  nations,  to  the  State  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, we  have  never  heord  any  complaint. 

"We  are,  on  this  occasion,  obliged  to  make  a  long  speech. 
We  again  desire  yon  to  hear  us  patiently.  The  business  is  of  the 
highest  importance,  and  a  great  many  words  are  necessary  fally 
to  explain  it;  for  we  desire  you  may  perfectly  understand  us,  and 
there  is  no  danger  of  your  forgetting  what  we  say,  because  we  will 
give  you  our  speech  in  writing. 

"  We  have  explicitly  declared  to  you,  that  we  cannot  now  make 
tiie  Ohio  river  the  boundary  between  us.  This  agrees  with  our 
speech  to  your  deputies  at  Niagara,  *that  in  order  to  establish  a 
just  and  permanent  peace,  some  concessions  would  be  necessary  on 
your  part,  as  well  as  on  ours.' 

"The  concessions  which  we  think  necessary  on  your  part  are, 
that  you  yield  up,  and  finally  relinquish  to  the  United  States, 


1798. 


OOMMXflStONSBS  DBRT  TBI  IITDXAKS'  CLAIM. 


6125 


some  of  the  lands  oti  your  side  of  the  river  Ohio.  The  XTnited 
States  wish  to  have  confirmed  all  the  lamh  e«ded  to  them  by 
the  treaty  of  Fort  Barmar;  and,  alao,  a  amtdl  tract  of  land  at  thi 
Rapida  of  the  Ohio,  claimed  by  Oeneral  Clarkjfor  the  use  of  hirnse^ 
ana  ufarriors.  And,  in  consideration  thereof,  the  United  BtateS 
would  give  $uch  a  large  awn,  in  money  or  goods,  0$  was  never  given,  at 
one  time,  for  any  quantity  of  Indian  landa,  einee  the  white  people  ftrtt 
set  their  foot  on  this  island.  And  beoati84  those  lands  did,  evety 
year,  fhrnish  you  with  skins  and  fhrs,  with  which  you  bought 
clothing  and  other  necessaries,  the  United  States  will  now  ftimish 
the  like  constant  supplies;  and,  therefore,  besides  the  great  sum  to 
be  delivered  at  once,  they  will,  every  year,  deliver  you  a  large 
quantity  of  such  goods  as  are  best  suited- to  the  wants  of  yourselves, 
your  women  and  children. 

"If  all  the  lands,  before  mentioned,  cannot  be  delivered  up 
to  the  United  States,  then  we  shall  desire  to  treat  and  agree 
with  you  on  a  new  boundary  line;  and  for  the  quantity  of  land 
you  relinquish  to  us  within  that  new  boundary  line  we  shall  stipu- 
late a  generous  compensation,  not  only  for  a  large  sum  to  be  paid 
at  once,  but  for  a  yearly  rent,  for  the  benefit  of  yourselves  and  your 
children  forever. 

"  Here  you  see  one  concession,  which  we  are  willing  to  make 
on  the  part  of  the  United  States.  Kow,  listen  to  another,  of  A 
claim  which  probably  has  more  disturbed  your  minds  than  any  other 
whatever. 

**  The  commissioners  of  the  United  States  heme  formerly  set  up  a 
ckim  to  yottr  whole  country,  southward  of  the  Great  Lakes,  as  tiie 
property  of  the  United  States;  grounding  this  claim  on  the  treaty 
of  peace  with  your  father,  the  king  of  Qreat  Britain,  who  declared, 
as  we  have  before  mentioned,  the  middle  of  those  lakes,  and  the 
waters  which  unite  them,  to  be  the  boundaries  of  the  United 
States. 

"We  are  determined  that  our  whole  conduct  shall  be  marked 
with  openness  and  sincerity.  We  therefore  frankly  tell  you,  that 
we  think  those  commissioners  put  an  erroneous  construction  on 
that  part  of  our  treaty  with  the  king.  As  he  had  not  purchabed 
the  country  of  you,  of  course  he  could  not  ^ve  it  away.  He 
only  relinquished  to  the  United  States  his  claim  to  it.  That 
claim  was  founded  on  a  right  acquired  by  treaty  with  other  white 
nations,  to  exclude  them  from  purchasing  or  settling  in  any  part 
of  your  country ;  and  it  is  this  right  which  the  king  granted  to  the 
ITuited  States.    Before  that  grant,  the  Ung  alone  had  a  right  to 


626 


▲xorniB  oouKaL  pAopo«iid. 


17M. 


parohase  of  the  Indian  nationi,  any  of  Ibe  lands  between  the  Great 
Lakes,  the  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi,  excepting  the  part  within  the 
charter  boundary  o#  Pennsylvania;  and  the  king,  by  the  treaty  of 
peace,  having  granted  this  right  to  the  TTnited  States,  they  alone 
have  DOW  the  right  of  parohasing ;  so  that  now  neither  the  king 
nor  any  of  his  people,  have  any  right  to  interfere  with  the  TTnited 
States,  in  respect  to  any  part  of  those  lands.  All  yonr  brothers, 
the  English,  know  this  to  be  true ;  and  it  agrees  with  the  declara- 
tions of  Lord  Dorchester,  to  your  deputies,  two  years  ago  at 
Quebec. 

"We  now  concede  this  great  point.  We,  by  the  express  authority 
of  the  President  of  the  tTnited  States,  acknowledge  the  property, 
or  right  of  soil,  of  the  great  country  above  described,  to  be  in  the 
Indian  nations,  so  long  as  they  desire  to  occupy  the  same.  We 
only  claim  particular  tracts  in  it,  as  before  mentioned,  and  the 
general  right  granted  by  the  king,  as  above  stated,  and  which  is 
well  known  to  the  English  and  Americans,  and  called  the  right  of 
pre-emption,  or  the  right  of  purchasing  of  the  Indian  nations  dis- 
posed to  sell  their  lands,  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  white  people 
whatever. 

"We  have  now  opened  our  hearts  to  you.  We  are  happy  in 
having  an  opportunity  of  doing  it ;  though  we  should  have  been 
more  happy  to  have  done  it  in  the  full  council  of  your  nations. 
We  expect  soon  to  have  this  satisfaction,  and  that  your  next 
deputation  will  take  us  by  the  hand,  and  lead  us  to  the  treaty. 
When  we  meet,  and  converse  with  each  other  freely,  we  may 
easily  remove  any  difficulties  which  may  come  in  the  way  of 
peace." 

On  the  next  day,  Sa-wagh-da-wuuk  replied : 

"Brothers : — ^We  are  all  brothers  you  see  here  now. 

"  It  is  now  three  years  since  you  desired  to  speak  with  us.  We 
heard  you  yesterday,  and  understood  you  well — perfectly  well. 
We  have  a  few  words  to  say  to  you. 

"You  mentioned  the  treaties  of  Fort  Stanwix,  Beaver  creek,* 
and  other  places.  Those  treaties  were  not  complete.  There  were 
but  a  few  chiefs  who  treated  with  you.  Tou  have  not  bought  oar 
lands.    They  belong  to  us.    Tou  tried  to  draw  off  some  of  us. 

"Many  years  ago,  we  all  know  that  the  Ohio  was  made  the 
boundary.  It  was  settled  by  Sir  William  Johnson.  This  side  ii 
ours.    We  look  upon  it  as  our  property. 


•Fort  Molntosh. 


1798. 


OOUMOIL  At  QAVtAXK  BLUOVT'S  OriHID. 


6fl7 


"You  mentioued  Qeneral  WMhington.  He  and  jott  know  yoa 
have  your  hoaiM»ii  and  your  people  on  our  land.  Ton  My  yoo 
cannot  move  them  off:  and  we  cannot  give  up  our  land. 

"We  are  sorry  we  cannot  oome  to  an  agreement  The  line 
has  been  fixed  long  ago. 

"  We  don't  say  much.  There  has  been  much  mischief  on  both 
sides.  We  came  here  upou  peace,  and  thought  yon  did  the  same. 
We  shall  talk  to  our  head  warriors.  You  may  return  whence  yoa 
came,  and  tell  Washington." 

The  council  here  breaking  up,  Captain  Slliott  went  to  the  Shawa« 
nese  chief  Ea-kia-pilathy,  and  told  him  that  the  last  part  of  the 
speech  was  wrong.  The  chief  came  back  and  said  it  was  wrong. 
Girty  said  that  he  hkd  interpreted  truly  what  the  Wyandot  chief 


An  explanation  took  place;  and  Oirty  added  as  follows: 
"Brothers: — Instead  of  going  home,  we  wish  you  to  remain  here 
for  an  answer  from  us.  We  have  your  speech  in  our  breasts,  and 
shall  consult  our  head  warriors."  * 

On  the  16th  of  August,  the  commissioners  received  from  two 
Wyandot  runners,  the  following  final  answer  from  the  council  to 
their  message  of  the  81st  of  July : 

"  To  the  Cbmmiasimers  of  the  United  States.-^Brothen:  We  have 
received  your  speech,  dated  the  81st  of  last  month,  and  it  has 
been  interpreted  to  all  the  different  nations.  We  have  been  long 
in  sending  you  an  answer,  because  of  the  great  importance  of  the 
subject.  But  we  now  answer  it  fully;  having  given  it  all  the  con- 
sideration in  our  power. 

"You  tell  us  that,  after  you  had  made  peace  with  the  king, 
our  father,  about  ten  years  ago,  *it  remained  to  make  peace 
between  the  United  States  and  the  Indian  nations,  who  had 
taken  part  with  the  king.  For  this  purpose  commissioners  were 
appointed,  who  sent  messages  to  all  those  Indian  nations,  inviting 
them  to  come  and  make  peace ;'  and  after  reciting  the  periods  at 
which  yon  say  treaties  were  held,  at  Fort  Stanwbc,  Fort  Mcintosh 
and  Miami,  all  which  treaties,  according  to  your  own  acknowl- 
edgment, were  for  the  sole  purpose  of  making  peace,  you  then 
say,  'Brothers,  the  commissioners  who  conducted  these  treaties,  in 
behalf  of  the  Fnited  States,  sent  the  papers  containing  them  to 
the  geneid  cuuncil  of  the  States,  who,  supposing  thorn  satisfactory 


«AmerieMi  Stete  P«pen,  t.  849. 


688 


KIOANTULATIOH  Of  TREATIIS. 


1798. 


to  the  nftUons  treated  with,  proceeded  to  dispose  of  the  landa 
tiiereby  ceded.' 

"This  is  telling  us  plainly,  what  we  always  understood  to  be 
the  case,  and  it  agrees  with  the  declarations  of  those  few  who 
attended  those  treaties,  viz:  That  thoy  went  to  your  commis- 
aioners  to  make  peace ;  bnt,  through  fear,  were  obliged  to  sign  any 
paper  that  was  laid  before  them ;  and  it  has  since  appeared  that 
deeds  of  cession  were  signed  by  them,  instead  of  treaties  of  peace. 

"You  then  say,  'after  some  time  it  appears  that  a  number  of 
people  in  your  nations  were  dissatisfied  with  the  treaties  of  Forts 
Mcintosh  and  Miami,  therefore  the  council  of  the  United  States 
iq;>pointed  Oovemor  St  Clair  their  commissioner,  with  full  power, 
for  the  purpose  of  removing  all  causes  of  controversy  relating  to 
trade,  and  settling  boundaries,  between  the  Indian  nations  in  the 
northern  department  and  the  United  States.  He  accordingly  sent 
messages,  inviting  all  the  nations  concerned  to  meet  him  at  a 
council  fire  he  kindled  at  the  falls  of  the  Muskingum.  While  he 
was  widting  for  them,  some  mischief  happened  at  that  place,  and 
the  fire  was  put  out ;  so  he  kindled  a  council  fire  at  Fort  Hnrmar, 
where  near  six  hundred  Indians,  of  different  nations,  attended. 
The  Six  Nations  then  renewed  and  confirmed  the  treaty  of 
Fort  Stanwix;  and  the  Wyandots  and  Delawares  renewed  and 
confirmed  the  treaty  of  Fort  Mcintosh ;  some  Ottawas,  Ghippewas, 
Pottawattamies,  and  Sacs,  were  also  parties  to  the  treaty  of  Fort 
Harmar.'  Kow,  brothers,  these  are  your  words ;  and  it  is  necessary 
for  us  to  make  a  short  reply  to  them. 

"A  general  council  of  all  the  Indian  confederacy  was  held,  as 
you  well  know,  in  the  foil  of  the  year  1788,  at  this  place ;  and  that 
general  council  was  invited  by  your  commissioner,  Governor  St. 
Glair,  to  meet  him  for  the  purpose  of  holding  a  treaty,  with  regard 
to  the  lands  mentioned  by  you  to  have  been  ceded  by  the  treaties 
of  Fort  Stanwix  and  Fort  Mcintosh. 

"We  are  in  possession  of  the  speeches  and  letters  which  passed 
On  that  occasion,  between  those  deputed  by  the  confederated 
Indians,  and  Governor  St.  Clair,  the  commissioner  of  the  United 
States.  These  papers  prove  that  your  said  commissioner,  in  the 
beginning  of  the  year  1789,  and  after  having  been  informed  by  the 
general  council  of  the  preceding  foil,  that  no  bargain  or  sale  of  any 
part  of  these  Indian  lands  would  be  considered  as  valid  or  binding 
unless  agreed  to  by  a  general  council,  nevertheless,  persisted  in 
collecting  together  a  few  chiefs  of  two  or  three  nations  only,  and 
with  them  held  a  treaty  for  the  cession  of  an  immense  country,  in 


1798. 


INDIAN  PIIIL080PHT  AKD  LOOIO. 


wliioh  they  were  no  more  interested,  than  m  a  branch  of  tha 
general  confederacy,  and  who  were  in  no  manner  aatborized  to 
make  any  grant  or  concession  whatever. 

"How  then  was  it  possible  for  you  to  expect  to  e^joy  peace,  and 
qaietly  to  hold  these  lands,  when  your  commissioner  was  informed, 
long  before  he  had  the  treaty  of  Fort  Harmar,  that  the  consent  of 
a  general  council  was  absolutely  necessary  to  convey  any  part  of 
these  lands  to  the  United  States.  The  part  of  these  lands  which 
the  United  States  now  wish  us  to  relinquish,  and  which  you  say  are 
settled,  have  been  sold  by  the  United  States  since  that  time. 

"You  say  'the  United  States  wf'^h  to  have  conHrmed  all  the 
Ian  '  ^  ceded  to  them  by  the  treaty  of  ^ort  Harmar,  and  also  a  small 
tract  ut  the  rapids  of  the  Ohio,  claimed  by  Qeu*jral  Clark,  for  the 
use  of  himself  and  his  warriors.  And,  in  considcii'ation  thereof,  the 
United  States  would  give  such  a  large  mm  of  money  ov  goo>' .,  as 
was  never  given,  at  any  one  time,  for  any  quantity  of  I.  Man  lauds, 
since  the  white  people  first  set  their  feet  on  this  isla  1 1.  And,  bo- 
cause  these  lands  did  every  year  furnish  you  with  skins  and  '  )r8, 
with  which  you  bought  clothing  and  other  rscc  saries,  the  United 
States  will  now  furnish  the  like  constant  supplies.  And,  therefore, 
beside  the  great  sum  to  be  delivered  at  once,  they  will  every  year 
deliver  you  a  large  quantity  of  such  goods  as  are  best  fitted  to  the 
wairts  of  yourselves,  your  women,  and  children.' 

"Money  to  us  is  of  no  value;  and  to  most  of  us  unknown;  and, 
as  no  consideration  whatever  can  induce  us  to  sell  the  lands  on 
which  we  get  sustenance  for  our  women  and  children,  we  hope  we 
may  be  allowed  to  point  out  a  mode  by  which  your  settlers  may  bo 
easily  removed,  and  peace  thereby  obtained. 

"We  know  that  these  settlers  are  poor,  or  they  would  never  have 
ventured  to  live  in  a  country  wL.  1^  has  been  in  continual  trouble 
ever  since  they  crossed  the  Ohio.  L>ivide,  therefore,  this  large  sum 
of  money,  which  you  have  offered  to  us,  among  these  people.  Give 
to  each,  also,  a  proportion  of  what  you  say  you  would  give  to  us, 
annually,  over  and  above  il'm  very  large  sum  of  money;  and,  as  we 
are  persuaded,  they  would  most  readily  accept  of  it,  in  lieu  of  the 
land  you  sold  them.  If  you  add,  also,  the  great  sums  you  must 
expend  in  raising  and  paying  armies,  with  a  view  to  force  us  to 
yield  you  our  country,  you  will  certainly  have  more  thaa  sufficient 
for  the  purpose  of  reptgring  these  settlers  for  all  their  labor  and 
their  improvements. 

"You  have  talked  to  us  about  coneesaions.  It  iq^pean  strange 
that  you  should  ejq^ct  any  from  us  who  have  only  been  defending 


^"^m, 
<«j- 


680 


IKOIAH  PniLOSOPHT  AND  LOOIO. 


1798/ 


onrJQBt  rights  against  your  invasions.    We  want  peace.    Bestore 
to  us  onr  coantry,  and  we  shall  he  enemies  no  longer. 

"Yoa  make  one  concession  to  ns  hy  offering  ns  your  money; 
and  another  hy  having  agreed  to  do  ns  jastice,  after  having 
long  and  iiyuriously  withheld  it;  we  mean  in  the  acknowledgment 
you  now  have  made,  that  the  king  of  England  never  did,  nor 
never  had  a  right  to  give  you  our  country,  hy  the  treaty  of 
peace.  And  you  want  to  make  this  act  of  common  justice 
a  great  part  of  your  concessions;  and  seem  to  expect  that, 
hecause  you  have  at  last  acknowledged  our  independence,  we 
should,  for  such  a  favor,  surrender  to  you  our  country. 

**You  have  talked,  also,  a  great  deal  ahout  pre-emption,  and 
your  exclusive  right  to  purchase  Indian  lands,  as  ceded  to  you  by 
the  king,  at  the  treaty  of  peace. 

"We  never  made  any  agreement  with  the  king,  nor  with  any 
other  nation,  that  we  would  give  to  eitherj  the  exclusive  right  of 
purchasing  our  lands;  and  we  declare  to  you,  that  we  consider 
ourselves  free  to  make  any  hargain  or  cession  of  lands,  whenever 
and  to  whomsoever  we  please.  If  the  white  people,  as  you  say, 
made  a  treaty  that  none  of  them  but  the  king  should  purchase  of 
us,  and  that  he  has  given  that  right  to  the  United  States,  it  is  an 
affair  which  concerus  you  and  him,  and  not  us ;  we  have  never 
parted  with  such  a  power. 

"  At  our  general  council,  held  at  the  Glaize  last  fall,  we  agreed 
to  meet  commissioners  from  the  United  States,  for  the  purpose  of 
restoring  peace,  provided  they  consented  to  acknowledge  and 
confirm  our  boundary  line  to  be  the  Ohio,  and  we  determined  not 
to  meet  you,  until  you  gave  us  satisfaction  on  that  point;  that  is 
the  reason  we  have  never  met. 

<*We  desire  yon  to  consider,  that  onr  only  demand  is  the 
peaceable  possession  of  a  small  part  of  our  once  great  country. 
Look  back  and  review  the  lands  from  whence  we  have  been  driven 
to  this  spot.  We  can  retreat  no  further;  because  the  countiy 
behind  hardly  affords  food  for  its  inhabitants;  and  we  have,  there* 
fore,  resolved  to  leave  our  bones  in  this  small  space  to  which  we 
are  now  confined. 

"We  shall  be  persuaded  that  you  mean  to  do  us  justice,  if 
you  agree  that  the  Ohio  shall  remain  the  boundary  line  between 
us.  If  you  will  not  consent  thereto,  our  meeting  will  be  altogether 
unnecessary.  This  is  the  great  point  which  we  hoped  would  have 
been  esqplained  before  you  left  your  homes,  as  our  message,  last 
fidl,  was  prindpally  directed  to  obtain  that  information. 


1798. 


COUNCIL  AT  CAPTAIN  BLLIOTT'S  CLOSKD. 


631 


"Done  in  general  counoilyat  the  foot  of  the  Manmee  Itapids,  the 
18th  day  of  August,  1798." 

The  commissioners  immediately  sent  the  following  answer  to  the 
council. 

"  To  the  chiefs  and  vmrnurs  of  the  Indian  natiom,  assembled  at  the 
foot  of  the  Maumee  rapids. 

"Brothers:  We  have  just  received  your  answer,  dated  the  ISfili 
iustant,  to  our  speech  of  the  81st  of  last  month,  which  we  delivei'ed 
to  your  deputies  at  this  place.  Ton  say  it  was  interpreted  to  all 
your  nations ;  and  we  presume  it  was  well  understood.  We  therein 
explicitly  declared  to  you  that  it  was  now  impossihle  to  make  the 
river  Ohio  the  houndaty  hetween  your  lauds  and  the  lands  of  the 
United  States;  your  answer  amounts  to  a  declaration  that  you  will 
agree  to  no  other  houndary  than  the  Ohio.  The  negotiation  is 
therefore  at  an  end.  We  sincerely  regret  that  peace  is  not  the 
result,  hut  knowing  the  upright  and  liberal  views  of  the  United 
States,  which,  so  far  as  you  gave  us  an  opportunity,  we  have  ex- 
plained to  you ;  we  trust  that  impartial  judges  will  not  attribute  - 
the  continuance  of  the  war  to  them. 

"Done  at  Captain  Elliott's,  at  the  mouth  of  Detroit  river,  on  the 
16th  day  of  August,  1793." 

Thus  closed  the  efforts  of  the  government  to  negotiate  with  the 
Indians,  and  there  remained  of  necessity  no  other  mode  of  settling 
the  quest'on  at  issue,  than  the  decision  of  war.  Liberal  terms  were 
indeed  offered  to  them,  but  the  bonndaiy  of  the  Ohio  was  the  only 
condition  on  which  the  confederate  tribes  would  lay  down  their 
arms.  Among  the  rude  statesmen  of  the  wilderness,  there  was 
exhibited  here  as  pure  patriotism  and  as  lofty  devotion  to  the 
good  of  their  race,  as  ever  won  applause  among  civilized  men.  The 
white  men  had,  ever  since  they  came  into  the  country,  been  en- 
croacliing  upon  their  lands.  They  had  long  before  occupied  all  the 
regions  beyond  the  mountains.  They  had  crushed  the  confederacy 
which  the  far-sighted  Pontiachad  formed  to  protect  his  race,  thir^ 
years  before.  They  had  taken  possession  of  the  common  hunting 
grounds  of  all  the  tribes,  on  the  faith  of  treaties  they  did  not 
acknowledge.  They  were  now  laying  out  settlements  and  building 
forts  in  the  heart  of  the  country,  to  which  all  the  tribes  had  been 
driven,  and  which  now  was  all  they  could  call  their  own.  And 
now  they  asked  that  it  should  be  guaranteed  to  them,  that  the 
boundary  which  they  had  so  long  asked  for  should  be  drawn,  and 
a  final  end  should  be  made  of  the  continual  aggressions  of  the 
whites,  or,  if  not,  they  solemnly  determined  to  stake  their  all 


■#•. 


BtiflNISCEFOSS  Of  CAPTAIN  BRANT. 


1798. 


^gaiuBt  fearful  odds,  in  defense  ot  thei^  homes,  their  country  and 
the  inheritance  of  their  children.  Nothing  could  be  more  patriotic 
than  the  position  they  occupied^  and  nothing  could  be  more  noble 
than  the  declarations  of  their  great  council. 

Biit  while  it  was  noble  and  patriotic  thus  to  stake  their  veiy 
existenoe  on  the  issue  of  the  contest  for  their  rights,  a  prudent 
j^licy  would  have  dictated  to  them  the  necessity  of  acceding  to 
the  very  liberal  terms  offered  by  the  government.  But  there  were 
^1^0  reasons  for  the  decision  they  made.  They  had  a  very  inade- 
quate idea  of  the  strength  and  resources  of  the  white  men,  and  the 
victories  they  had  gained  W!0ire  to  them  the  presage  of  success. 
Aside  from  this,  they  had  hope  of  British,  and  even  of  Spanish 
aid  in  their  contest  with  the  Americans.  The  proof  of  this  is  to  be 
found  in  the  declarations  of  the  Indians  themselves,  and  in  the 
recorded  speeches  and  messages  of  the  British  and  Spanish  emis- 
earies. 

"  For  several  years,"  said  Brant,  "  we  were  engaged  in  getting  a 
confederacy  formed,  and  the  unanimity  occasioned  by  these  en- 
deavors among  our  western  brethren,  enabled  them  to  defeat  two 
American  armies.  The  war  continued  without  our  brothers,  the 
English,  giving  any  assistance,  except  a  little  ammunition;  and 
they  seeming  to  desire  that  a  peace  might  be  concluded,  we  tried 
to  bring  it  about  at  a  time  that  the  United  States  desired  it  very 
much,  so  that  they  sent  commissioners  from  among  their  first  people, 
to  endeavor  to  make  peace  with  the  hostile  Indians. 

"  We  assembled  also  for  that  purpose  at  the  Miami  (Maumee) 
river,  in  the  summer  of  1793,  intending  to  act  as  mediators  in 
bringing  about  an  honorable  peace ;  and  if  that  could  not  be  ob- 
tained, we  resolved  to  join  our  western  brethren  in  trying  the  for- 
tune of  war.  But  to  our  surprise,  when  upon  the  point  of  entering 
upon  a  treaty  with  the  commissioners,  we  found  that  it  was  opposed 
by  those  acting  under  the  British  government,  and  hopes  of  fuilher 
assistance  were  given  to  our  western  brethren,  to  encourage  them 
to  insist  on  tho  Ohio  as  a  boundary  between  them  and  the  United 
States."* 

Through  Elliott,  McKee  and  Butler,  this  confidence  in  English 
aid  was  thus  excited  among  the  savages,  before  their  final  refasal 
of  the  generous  terms  offered  by  Washington ;  and  soon  after,  the 
higher  functionaries  endorsed  the  representations  of  their  f^ubordi- 


«  stone,  ii.,  868. 


1794. 


LOKD  DOROHBSTKE'I  imOB  TO  IHDIAITS. 


688 


nater>.    In  Febrnaiy)  1794i,Iiord  Dorohestoi^  addresang  the  depu- 
ties h'^iu  the  council  of  1798,  said : 

"  Children : — ^I  wm  in  expectation  of  hearing  fiom  the  people  of 
the  I7nit«4  States  what  was  required  by  them ;  I  hoped  that  I  should 
have  been  zbU  to  bring  yOa  together,  and  make  you  friends. 

"  I  have  waited  long,  and  listened  with  great  attention,  bat  have 
not  heard  one  word  from  them. 

"  I  flattered  myself  with  the  hope  that  the  line  proposed  in  tha 
year  eighty-three,  to  separate  us  from  the  United  States,  which  vhu 
immediately  broken  by  themselves  as  soon  as  the  peace  was  signedy  would 
have  been  mended,  or  a  new  one  diikwn,  in  an  amicable  manner. 
Here,  also,  I  have  been  disappointed. 

"  Since  my  return,  I  find  no  appearance  of  a  line  remains ;  and 
from  the  manner  in  which  the  people  of  the  United  States  rush  on, 
and  act,  and  talk  on  this  side ;  and  from  what  I  learn  of  their  con- 
dact  toward  the  sea,  I  shall  not  be  surprised  if  we  are  at  war  with 
them  in  the  course  of  the  present  year;  and  if  so,  a  line  must  then 
be  drawn  by  the  warriors. 

"  Yon  talk  of  selling  your  lands  to  the  State  of  New  York.  I 
have  told  you  that  there  is  no  line  between  them  and  us.  I  shall 
acknowledge  no  lands  to  be  theirs  which  have  been  encroached  on 
by  them  since  the  year  17S3.  They  then  broke  the  peace;  as  they 
kept  it  not  on  their  part,  it  doth  not  bind  on  ours. 

"  They  then  destroyed  their  right  of  pre-emption.  Therefore, 
all  their  approaches  toward  us  since  that  time,  and  all  the  purchases 
made  by  them,  I  consider  as  an  infringement  on  the  king's  rights. 
And  when  a  line  is  drawn  between  us,  be  it  in  peace  or  war,  they 
mast  lose  all  their  improvements  and  houses  on  our  side  of  it. 
Those  people  must  all  be  gone  who  do  not  obtain  leave  to  become 
the  king's  subjects.  What  belongs  to  the  Indians  will,  of  course, 
be  secured  and  confirmed  to  them. 

"  What  further  can  I  say  to  you  ?  You  are  witnesses  that  on  our 
parts  we  have  acted  in  the  most  peaceable  manner,  and  borne  the 
language  and  conduct  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  with 
patience.    But  I  believe  our  patience  is  almost  exhausted." 

And  when,  during  the  summer  of  1794,  there  was  a  contest 
between  the  United  States  and  the  Six  Nations,  relative  to  the 
erection  of  a  fort  by  the  former  at  Presqu'  Isle,  on  Lake  Erie, 
Brant,  in  writing  to  the  British  authorities,  on  the  19th  of  July, 
says: 

"In  regard  to  the  Presqu'  Isle  business,  should  we  not  get  an 
answer  at  the  time  limited,  it  is  our  business  to  push  those  fellowr 
41 


•J 


,1 


I  ■ ' 

Ik  » 


■^* 


684 


LOBD  DOROHESTBR'S  BlPnOH  TO  IXDIANS. 


1794. 


liard,  and  therefore  it  is  my  intention  to  form  my  camp  alli'^Pointe 
Appineau ;  and  I  would  esteem  it  a  fovor  if  hia^  Excellency  the 
Lieutenant-Governor  would  lend  me  foar  or  five  batteaux.  Should 
it  so  turn  out,  and  shonld  tho.e  fellows  not  go  o£^  and  O'Biel  con- 
tinue in  the  same  opinion,  an  expedition  against  those  Yankees 
must  of  consequence  take  place. 

**  His  Excellepcy  has  been  so  good  as  to  fomish  us  with  a  hun- 
dred weight  of  powder,  and  ball  in  proportion,  which  is  now  at 
Fort  Erie ;  but  in  the  event  of.  an  attack  upon  Le  Boeuf  people,  I 
.  oould  wish,  if  consistent,  that  his  Excellency  would  order  a  like 
quantity  in  addition  to  be  at  Fort  Erie,  in  order  to  be  in  readiness ; 
likewise  I  would  hope  for  a  little  assistance  in  provision." 

But  the  conduct  of  England,  in  sending,  as  she  did,  Governor 
Simcoe,  in  the  month  of  April,  1794,  to  the  rapids  of  the  Maumee, 
there,  within  the  acknowledged  territories  of  the  United  States,  to 
erect  a  fort,  was  the  strongest  assurance  that  could  have  been  given 
to  the  north-western  tribes,  that  she  would  espouse  their  quarrel. 
In  May  of  1794,  a  messenger  from  the  Mississippi  provinces  of 
Spain  also  appeared  in  the  north-west,  offering  assistance.'*' 

'*  Children!"  he  said,  *'you  see  me  on  my  feet,  grasping  the 
tomahawk  to  strike  them.  We  will  strike  together.  I  do  not 
desire  you  to  go  before  me,  in  the  front,  but  to  follow  n^e. 

"  I  present  you  with  a  war-pipe,  which  has  been  sent  in  all  our 
names  to  the  Musquakies,  and  all  those  nations  who  live  toward 
the  setting  sun,  to  get  upon  their  feet  and  take  hold  of  our  toma- 
hawk: and  as  soon  as  they  smoked  it,  they  sent  it  back  with  a 
promise  to  get  immediately  on  their  feet,  and  join  us,  and  strike 
this  enemy. 

*'  You  hear  what  these  distant  nations  have  said  to  us,  so  that 
we  have  nothing  further  to  do  but  to  put  our  designs  into  imme- 
diate execution,  and  to  forward  this  pipe  to  the  three  warlike 
nations  who  have  so  long  been  struggling  for  thek*  country,  and 
who  now  sit  at  the  Glaize.  Tell  them  to  smoke  this  pipe,  and  for- 
ward it  to  all  the  lake  Indians  and  their  northern  brethren.  Then 
nothing  will  be  wanting  to  i-< uplete  our  general  union  from  the 
rising  to  the  setting  of  the  .un,  and  all  nations  wial  be  ready  to 
add  strength  to  the  blow  we  are  going  to  make.'*t 

The  explanation  of  the  conduct  of  England  is  not  difficult   In 


*  An«rieMii0tat«  Pftpon,  ▼.  003. 
t  StoM't  Br^nt,  U.,  375. 


I 


» 


1794. 


BBITISH  AND  SPANISH  AID  HOPED  FOB. 


686 


March,  1798,  Great  Britaio  and  Russia  had  united  for  the  purpose 
of  cutting  off  all  the  commerce  of  revolutionary  France,  in  the  hope 
thereby  of  conquering  her.  In  June,  the  court  of  St  James,  in 
accordanpe  with  this  agreement,  issued  orders — 

"To  stop  and  detain  all  vessels  loaded  wholly  or  in  part  with 
cffm^flowr^  or  TKiealy  bound  to  any  port  in  France,  or  any  port  occu- 
pied by  the  armies  of  France,  and  to  send  them  to  such  ports  as 
should  be  most  convenient,  in  order  that  such  corn,  meal,  or  flour 
might  be  purchased  on  behalf  of  his  mtgesty's  government,  and  the 
ships  to  be  released  after  such  purchase,  and  after  a  due  allowance . 
for  freight;  or  that  the  masters  of  such  ships,  on  giving  due  secu- 
rity, to  be  approved  by  the  court  of  admiralty,  be  permitted  to  dis- 
pose of  their  cargoes  of  com,  meal,  or  flour,  in  the  ports  of  any 
country  in  amity  with  his  miyesty." 

Against  this  proceeding  the  United  States  protested,  while  Eng- 
land justified  the  measure  as  a  very  mild  application  of  international 
law.  On  both  sides  great  irritation  prevailed,  and  during  this 
period  it  was  that  the  various  acts  of  Governor  Simcoe  and  others 
took  place. 

As  for  Spain,  she  had  long  been  fearful  and  jealous  of  the 
western  colonists;  she  had  done  all  in  her  power  to  sow  dissen- 
sions between  the  Americans  and  the  southern  Indians,  and  now 
hoped  to  cripple  her  Anglo-Saxon  antagonist  by  movements  at  the 
north. 

But  the  Americans  were  not  disposed  to  yield  even  to  this  "Hy- 
dra "  of  British,  Spanish,  and  Indian  hostility,  as  General  Wayne 
characterized  it.  On  the  16th  of  August,  the  commissioners 
received  the  final  answer  of  the  council.  On  the  17th  they  left  the 
mouth  of  the  Detroit  river,  and  arrived  on  the  23d  at  Fort  Erie, 
wliere  they  immediately  dispatched  messengers  to  General  Wayne, 
to  inform  him  of  the  issue  of  the  negotiation.  Wayne  had  spent 
the  winter  of  1792  at  Legionvillc,  in  collecting  and  organizing  his 
army.  On  the  80th  of  April,  1793,  the  army  moved  down  the 
river,  and  encamped  near  Fort  Washington,  at  a  point  called  by 
the  soldiers  Ilobson's  Choice,  because  from  the  extreme  high  wa- 
ter they  were  prevented  from  lauding  elsewhere.  Hero  Wayne 
was  engaged,  during  the  negotiations  for  peace,  in  drilling  his  sol- 
diers in  cutting  roads  and  collecting  snpplies  in  the  Indian  country, 
and  in  making  preparations  for  an  immediate  campaign  in  case 
that  the  efforts  of  the  commissioners  to  obtain  peace  should  be  un- 
Baccessfal. 

On  the  5th  of  October,  he  addressed  the  following  letter  to  the 
Bficrotaiy  of  war: 


686 


GBKIRAL  WATNB'B  LBTTBR. 


1798. 


"Agreeably  to  the  authority  vested  in  me  by  your  letter  of  the 
17th  of  May,  1798, 1  have  used  every  means  in  my  power  to  bring 
forward  the  mounted  volunteers  from  Kentucky,  as  yon  will  observe 
by  the  enclosed  correspondence  with  his  excellency  Governor 
Shelby  and  Miyor-General  Scott  upon  this  interesting  occasion.  I 
have  even  adopted  their  own  proposition,  by  ordering  a  draft  of 
militia.  Add  to  this,  that  we  have  a  considerable  number  of  offi> 
cers  and  men  sick  and  debilitated,  from  fevers  and  other  disorders, 
incident  to  all  armies.  But  this  is  not  all ;  we  have  recently  been 
'visited  by  a  malady  called  the  influenza,  which  has  pervaded  the 
whole  line  in  a  most  alarming  and  rapid  degree.  Fortunately,  this 
complaint  has  not  been  fatal  except  in  a  few  instances,  and  I  have 
now  the  pleasure  of  informing  you,  that  we  are  generally  recov- 
ered, or  in  A  fair  way;  but  our  effective  force  will  be  much  reduced. 
After  leaving  the  necessary  garrisons  at  the  several  posts,  which 
will  generally  be  composed  of  the  sick  and  invalids,  I  shall  not  he 
able  to  advance  beyond  Fort  Jefferson  with  more  than  twenty-six 
hundred  regular  effectives,  officers  included.  What  auxiliary  force 
we  shall  have  is  yet  to  be  determined;  at  present  their  numbers 
are  only  thirty-six  guides  and  spies,  and  three  hundred  and  sixt; 
mounted  volunteers. 

'*  This  is  not  a  pleasant  picture,  but  something  must  be  done  im- 
mediately, to  save  the  frontiers  from  impending  savage  fury. 

**  I  will  therefore  advance  to-morrow  with  the  force  I  have,  in 
order  to  gain  a  strong  position  about  six  miles  in  front  of  Fort  Jef- 
ferson, BO  as  to  keep  the  enemy  in  check  (by  exciting  a  jealousy 
and  apprehension  for  the  safety  of  their  own  women  and  children,) 
until  some  favorable  circumstance  or  opportunity  may  present  to 
strike  with  effect. 

"  The  present  apparent  tranquillity  on  the  frontiers,  and  at  the 
head  of  the  line,  is  a  convincing  proof  to  mo,  that  the  enemy  arc 
collected  or  collecting  in  force,  to  oppose  the  legion,  either  on  its 
march,  or  in  some  unfavorable  position  for  the  cavalry  to  act  in. 
Disappoint  them  in  this  favorite  plan  or  maneuver,  they  may  prob- 
ably be  tempted  to  attack  our  lines.  In  this  case  I  trust  they  will 
not  have  much  reason  to  triumph  from  the  encounter. 

"They  cannot  continue  longembodiedfor  want  of  provision,  and 
at  their  breaking  up  they  will  most  certainly  make  some  desperate 
effort  upon  some  quarter  or  other;  should  the  mounted  volunteers 
advance  in  force,  we  might  yet  compel  those  haughty  savages  to 
sue  for  peace,  before  the  next  opening  of  the  leaves.  Be  that  as  it 
may,  I  pray  you  not  to  permit  present  appearances  to  cause  too 
much  anxiety  either  in  tlie  mind  of  the  president,  or  yourself,  on 


1798. 


aBMSRAL  WATNB'e  8B00HD  LBTTIE. 


68f 


aoconnt  of  this  army.  Knowing  the  critical  situation  of  onr  infant 
nation,  and  feeling  for  the  honor  and  reputation  of  government, 
(which  I  will  support  with  my  latest  breath,)  you  may  rest  assured 
thati  will  not  commit  the  legion  unnecessarily;  and  unless  more 
powerfully  supported  than  I  at  present  have  reason  to  expect,  I 
will  content  myself  by  taking  a  strong  position  in  advance  of  Jef- 
ferson,  and  by  exerting  every  power,  endeavor  to  protect  the  fron- 
tiers, and  to  secure  the  posts  and  army  during  the  winter,  or  until 
I  am  honored  with  your  further  orders. 

On  the  28<1  of  October,  Wayne  wrote  again  to  the  Secretary  of 
War,  from  his  camp  on  the  south-west  branch  of  the  Great  Miami, 
six  miles  beyond  Fort  Jefiersou. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  the  legion  took  up  its  line 
of  march  from  Hobson's  Choice,  on  the  7th  inst,  and  arrived  at 
this  place  in  perfect  order,  and  without  a  single  accident,  at  ten 
o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  18th,  when  I  found  myself  arrested 
for  want  of  provisions.    Notwithstanding  this  defect   I  do  not 
despair  of  supporting  the  troops  in  our  present  position,  or  rather 
at  a  place  called  Still  Water,  at  an  intermediate  distance  between 
the  field  of  St.  Glair's  battle  and  Fort  Jefferson.    The  safety  of 
the  western  frontiers,  the  reputation  of  the  legion,  the  dignity  and 
interest  of  the  nation,  all  forbid  a  retrograde  maneuver,  or  giving 
up  one  inch  of  ground  we  now  possess,  until  the  enemy  are  com- 
polled  to  sue  for  peace.    The  greatest  difficulty  which  at  present 
presents  itself,  is  that  of  furnishing  a  sufficient  escort  to  secure  our 
convoys  of  provisions  and  other  supplies  from  insult  and  disaster, 
aud  at  the  same  time  to  retain  a  sufficient  force  in  camp  to  sustain 
aud  repel  the  attacks  of  the  enemy,  who  appear  to  bo  desperate 
and  determined.    We  have  recently  experienced  a  little  check  to 
our  convoys,  which  may  probably  be  exaggerated  into  something 
serious  by  the  tongue  of  fame,  before  this  reaches  you.    The  fol- 
lowing is,  however,  the  fact: 

'*  Lieutenant  Lowry,  of  the  second  sub-legion,  and  Ensign  Boyd, 
of  the  first,  with  a  command  consisting  of  ninety  non-commissioned 
officers  and  privates,  having  in  charge  twenty  wagons,  belonging 
to  the  quartermaeter-geDeral's  department,  loaded  with  grain,  and 
oae  of  the  contractor's  wagons,  loaded  with  stores,  were  attacked 
early  on  the  morning  of  the  17th  instant,  about  seven  miles 
advanced  of  Fort  St  Clair,  by  a  party  of  Indians.  Those  gallant 
young  gentlemen,  (who  promised,  at  a  future  day,  to  be  ornaments 
to  their  profession,)  together  with  thirteen  non-commissioned  offi- 
cers and  privates,  bravely  fell,  after  an  obstinate  resistance  against 


•K' 


688 


WATiri  DXSHIS8K8  KBRTUOKT  MILITIA. 


179& 


stipenor  nnmbeTs,  being  abandoned  by  the  greater  part  of  the 
escort,  upon  the  first  dischaige.  The  savages  killed  or  carried  off 
about  seventy  horses,  leaving  the  wagx>ns  and  stores  standing  in 
the  road,  which  have  all  been  brought  to  this  camp,  without  any 
other  loss  or  damage,  except  some  trifling  articles. 

"One  company  of  light  infantry,  and  one  troop  of  dragoons, 
have  been  detached  this  morning,  to  reinforce  fbnr  other  companies 
of  infantry  commanded  by  Colonel  Hamtramck,  as  an  escort  to 
the  quart»rma8ter-genen»r8  and  contractor's  wagons  and  pack- 
horses.  I  have  this  moment  received  the  retarn  of  the  mounted 
volunteers,  consisting  of  about  one  thousand  men,  team  Kentucky, 
under  General  Scott,  recently  arrived  and  encamped  in  the  vicinity 
of  Fort  Je^rson.  I  shall  immediately  order  a  strong  detachment 
of  those  volunteers,  as  a  further  reinforcement  to  Oolonel  Ham- 
tramck. I  fear  the  season  is  too  far  advanced  to  derive  that  essen- 
tial service  which,  otherwise,  might  be  expected  from  them. 
Whether  they  can  act  with  effect  or  not,  is  yet  eventual.  It  is 
reported  that  the  Indians  at  Au  QIaize  have  sent  their  women  and 
children  into  some  secret  recess  or  recesses,  from  their  towns,  and 
that  the  whole  of  the  warriors  are  collected  or  collecting  in  force. 
The  savages,  however,  cannot  continue  long  embodied,  for  want  of 
provisions.  On  the  contrary,  we  have,  by  great  exertions,  secured 
.  in  this  camp  seventy  thousand  rations.  I  expect  one  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand,  in  addition,  by  the  return  of  the  present  convoy, 
unless  they  meet  with  a  disaster — a  thing  that  can  scarcely  happen, 
should  my  orders  be  duly  executed,  which  I  have  no  cause  to  doubt, 
from  the  character,  vigilance,  and  experience  of  the  commanding 
officer.  Colonel  Hatntramck.  A  great  number  of  men,  as  well  as 
officers,  have  been  left  sick  and  debilitated  at  the  respective  garri- 
sons, from  a  malady  called  the  influenza.  Among  others.  General 
Wilkinson  has  been  dangerously  ill ;  he  is  now  at  Fort  Jefferson, 
and  on  the  recovery.  I  hope  he  will  soon  bo  sufficiently  restored 
to  take  his  command  in  the  legion." 

The  approach  of  winter,  which  was  regarded  as  an  unfavorable 
season  for  carrying  on  active  hostilities  against  the  Indians,  in- 
daced  General  Wayne  to  dismiss  the  Kentucky  militia,  and  to 
place  the  regular  troops  in  winter  quarters.  On  a  tributary  of  the 
southwest  branch  of  the  Great  Miami  river  he  erected  Fort  Green- 
ville, near  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Greenville,  Ohio,  where 
he  established  his  head-quarters. 

This  being  done  on  the  23d  or  24th  of  December,  a  detechment 
was  sent  forward  to  take  possession  of  the  field  of  St.  Clair's  defeat. 


1794. 


BYIDIirOB  or  BBITUH  INTBBTI0N8. 


089 


They  arrived  upon  tlie  spot  upon  Ghristmas  day.  "  Six  hundred 
skulls,"  says  one  present,  <*were  gathered  up  and  buried;  when 
we  went  to  lay  down  in  our  tents  at  night,  we  had  to  scrape  the 
bones  together  and  carry  them  out,  to  make  our  beds."  *  Here 
was  built  Fort  Recovery,  which  was  properly  gamsoned,  aud 
placed  under  the  charge  of  Oaptain  Alexander  Gibson.  During 
the  early  months  of  1794,  Wayne  was  steadily  engaged  iu  pro- 
paring  everything  for  a  sure  blow  when  the  time  came,  and  by 
means  of  Captain  Qibson  and  his  various  spies,  kept  himself  in- 
formed of  the  plans  and  movements  of  the  savages.  All  hia 
information  showed  the  faith  in  British  assistance  which  still 
animated  the  doomed  race  of  red  men ;  thus,  two  Pottawattarnies^ 
taken  by  Captain  Gibson,  June  5th,  in  reply  to  various  questions, 
answered  as  follows : 

"  When  did  your  nation  receive  the  invitation  from  the  British 
to  join  them,  and  go  to  war  with  the  Americans  ? 

"On  the  first  of  the  last  moon;  the  message  was  sent  by  three 
chiefs,  a  Delaware,  a  Shawanee,  and  a  Miami. 

"What  was  the  message  brought  by  those  Indian  chiefe,  and 
what  number  of  British  troops  were  at  Roche  de  Bout,  (foot  of 
rapids  of  the  Maumee,)  on  the  1st  of  May  ? 

"That  the  British  sent  them  to  invito  the  Pottawattamies  to  go 
to  war  against  the  United  States;  that  they,  the  British,  were  then 
at  Roche  de  Bout,  on  their  way  to  war  against  the  Americana ; 
that  the  number  of  British  troops  then  there  was  about  four 
hundred,  with  two  pieces  of  artillery,  exclusive  of  the  Detroit 
militia,  and  had  made  a  fortification  around  Colonel  McKee's 
houae  and  stores  at  that  place,  in  which  they  had  deposited  all 
their  stores  of  ammunition,  arms,  clothing  and  provision  with 
which  they  promised  to  supply  all  the  hostile  Indians  in  abund- 
ance, provided  they  would  join  and  go  with  them  to  war. 

"What  tribes  of  Indians,  and  what  were  their  numbers,  at  Roche 
de  Bout  on  the  Ist  of  May  ? 

"The  Chippewas,  Wyandots,  Shawanese,  Tawas,  Dclawares,  and 
Miamies.  There  were  then  collected  about  one  thousand  warriors, 
and  were  daily  coming  in  and  collecting  from  all  those  nations. 

"What  number  of  warriors  do  you  suppose  actually  collected  at 
that  place  at  this  time,  and  what  number  of  British  troops  and 
militia  have  promised  to  join  the  Indians  to  fight  this  army? 


*  AmerieaB  Pionoer,  i.  294.     Letter  of  Oeorge  Will.     Dillon's  Indiana,  i.  860. 


s^ 


640 


xviDiHcn  or  British  iMTXRTioira. 


1794. 


"By  the  latest  and  best  informatiou,  and  from  onr  own  knowl- 
edge of  the  number  of  warriors  belonging  to  those  nations,  there 
oannot  be  less  than  two  thousand  Mrarriors  now  assembled ;  and 
were  the  Pottawattamies  to  Join,  agreeably  to  invitation,  the  whole 
would  amount  to  upward  of  three  thousand  hosUle  Indians.  Bat 
we  do  not  think  that  more  than  fifty  of  the  Pottawattamies  will  go 
to  war.  The  British  troops  and  militia  that  will  join  the  Indians 
to  go  to  war  against  the  Americans,  will  amount  to  fifteen  hundred, 
agreeably  to  the  promise  of  Governor  Simcoe. 

"At  what  time  and  at  what  place  do  the  British  and  Indiana 
mean  to  advance  against  this  army? 

"About  the  last  of  this  moon,  or  the  beginning  of  the  next,  they 
intend  to  attack  the  legion  of  this  place.  Governor  Simcoe,  the 
great  man  who  lives  at  or  near  Niagara,  sent  for  the  Pottawattamies, 
and  promised  them  arms,  ammunition,  provisions,  and  clothing, 
and  everything  they  wanted,  on  condition  that  they  would  join 
him,  and  go  to  war  against  the  Americans;  and  that  he  woald 
command  the  whole. 

"He  sent  us  the  same  message  lost  winter;  and  again  on  the 
first  of  the  last  moon,  from  Roche  de  Bout ;  he  also  said  he  was 
much  obliged  to  us  for  our  past  services,  and  that  he  would  now 
help  us  to  fight,  and  render  us  all  the  services  in  his  power  against 
the  Americans. 

"All  the  speeches  that  we  have  received  from  him,  were  as  red 
as  blood ;  all  the  wampum  and  feathers  were  painted  red ;  the  war 
pipes  and  hatchets  ^ere  red,  and  even  the  tobacco  was  painted 
red. 

"  We  received  four  difierent  invitations  from  Governor  Simcoe, 
inviting  the  Pottawattamies  to  join  in  the  war;  the  last  was  on  the 
first  of  the  last  moon,  when  he  promised  to  join  us  \.  iJi  fifteen 
hundred  of  his  warriors,  as  before  mentioned.  But  we  wished  for 
peace;  except  a  few  of  our  foolish  young  men. 

"Examined,  and  carefully  reduced  to  writing,  at  Greenville,  this 
7th  of  June,  1794.  ♦ 

A  couple  of  Sbawanese  warriors,  captured  June  22d,  were  less 
sanguine  as  to  their  white  allies,  but  still  say  that  which  proves 
the  dependence  of  Indian  action  upon  English  promises.  As  their 
evidence  gives  some  daUi  relative  to  the  Indian  forces,  as  well  as 
the  temper  of  the  western  tribes  we  extract  nearly  the  whole  of  it 


*  American  State  Papen,  t.  489. 


•^ 


1794. 


roBoas  or  thi  ihdiaxh  kilatid. 


641 


"  They  say  that  they  left  Grand  Olaize  five  moons  since,  t.  e. 
about  the  time  that  the  Indians  sent  in  to  Wayne  a  flag,  with 
propositions  of  peace. 

*'That  they  belonged  to  a  party  of  twenty,  who  have  been  hunt- 
ing all  this  spring  on  the  waters  of  the  Wabash,  nearly  opposite 
the  mouth  of  the  Kentucky  river,  and  were  on  their  return  when 
taken. 

"That,  on  their  way  in,  they  met  with  a  party  consisting  of  four 
Indians,  t.  e.  three  Delawares  and  one  Pottawattamie,  who  were 
then  on  their  way  to  the  Big-bone  Lick,  to  steal  horses ;  that  this 
party  informed  them  that  all  the  Indians  on  White  river  were  sent 
for  to  come  immediately  to  Grand  Glaize,  where  the  warriors  of 
several  nations  were  now  assembled;  that  the  chiefs  are  yet  in 
council  and  would  not  let  their  warriors  go  out ;  that  they  could 
not  depend  upon  the  British  for  effectual  support ;  that  they  were 
always  setting  the  Indians  on,  like  dogs  after  game,  pressing  them 
to  go  to  war  and  kill  the  Americans,  but  did  not  help  them ;  that 
unless  the  British  would  turn  out  and  help  them,  they  were  deter* 
mined  to  make  peace ;  that  they  would  not  be  any  longer  amused 
by  promises  only. 

**  That  the  Shawaneso  have  three  hundred  and  eighty  warriors 
at  and  in  the  vicinity  of  Grand  Glaize;  and  generally  can,  and  do, 
bring  into  action  about  three  hundred. 

"  Their  great  men  or  sachems,  are  the  Black  Wolf  and  Eakia- 

pi-la-thy  or  Tame  Hawk ;  their  principal  warriors  are  Blue  Jacket 

and  Captain  Johnny;  that  the  Delawares  have  in  and  about  Grand 

Glaize,  four  hundred  and  eighty  warriors;  that  they  actually  had. 

four  hundred  in  the  action  against  St.  Clair;  that  the  Miamies  are 

at  present  but  about  one  hundred  warriors,  who  live  near  Grand 

Glaize,  several  of  them  having  removed  toward  Post  Vincennes 

and  by  the  Mississippi ;  that  the  Wyandots  never  send  into  action 

more  than  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  warriors ;  they  live  along 

the  lake,  towards  Sandusky;  they  don't  know  the  number  of  the 

Pottawattamies,  nor  the  number  of  the  other  Indians  or  nations 

that  would  actually  join  in  war,  should  they  determine  to  continue 

it;  that  the  Chippewas  would  be  the  most  numerous,  and  were 

generally  on  their  way  to  the  council;  but,  that  war  or  peace 

depended  on  the  conduct  of  the  British ;  if  they  would  help  them, 

it  would  probably  be  war,  but  if  they  would  not,  it  would  be  peace; 

that  the  Indians  would  no  longer  be  set  on  like  dogs,  by  themselves, 

anleas  the  British  would  help  them  to  fight;  that  the  British  were 

It  the  foot  of  the  rapids,  aad  ].ad  fortified  at  Roche  de  Bout;  that 


642         VOBT  RBOOriRT  ATTAOKIO  V\     W'        ?J    AMD  BRItUB.       1794. 

there  WM  a  great  number  of  Britiah  soldiers  at  that  plaoe;  that 
they  told  the  Indians  they  were  now  come  to  help  them  to  fight; 
and  if  the  Indians  would  gonorally  turn  out  and  join  them,  they 
would  advance  and  fight  the  American  army ;  that  Blue  Jacket 
had  been  sent  by  the  Britiah  to  the  Ghippewaa  and  northern 
Indians,  a  oonaiderable  time  since,  to  invite  them,  and  bring  them 
to  Roche  de  Bout,  there  to  join  the  Britiah  and  other  hostile 
Indiana,  in  order  to  go  to  war." 

And  the  conduct  of  the  Indians  demonstrated  the  truth  of  those 
representations.  On  the  80th  of  June,  an  escort  of  ninety  riflemen 
and  fifty  dragoona,  under  the  command  of  Mi^or  McMahon,  was 
attacked  under  the  walla  of  Fort  Recovery,  by  a  force  of  more 
than  one  thousand  warriora,  led  by  the  celebrated  Miami  chief, 
Little  Turtle. 

"They  were  aoon  repulsed,"  aaya  Wayne  in  hia  letter  to  the 
Secretary  of  War,  "  with  great  alaughter,  but  immediately  rallied, 
and  reiterated  the  attack,  keeping  up  a  very  heavy  and  constant 
fire,  at  a  more  respectable  distance,  for  the  remainder  of  the  day; 
which  was  answered  with  spirit  and  effect  by  the  garrison,  and  that 
part  of  Major  McMahon's  command  that  had  regained  the  post. 

"The  aavagea  were  employed  during  the  night,  which  waa  dark 
and  foggy,  in  carrying  off  their  dead  by  torch-light,  which  occa- 
aionally  drew  a  fire  from  the  garrison.  They,  nevertheless,  suc- 
ceeded so  well  that  there  were  but  eight  or  ten  bodiea  left  on  the 
field,  and  thoae  cloae  under  the  fire  from  the  fort. 

"The  enemy  renewed  the  attack  on  the  next  morning,  but  were 
.  ultimately  compelled  to  retreat^  with  lose  and  disgrace,  from  the 
very  field  where  they  had,  upon  a  former  occasion,  been  proudly 
victorioua. 

"It  would  appear  that  the  real  object  of  the  enemy  was  to  have 
carried  that  post  by  a  coup  de  main,  for  they  could  not  possibly  have 
received  intelligence  of  the  escort  under  Major  McMahon,  whose 
presence  there  waa  an  accidental,  perhapa  a  fortunate  event.  By 
every  information,  as  well  aa  from  the  extent  of  their  encamp- 
ments, which  were  perfectly  aquare  and  regular,  and  their  line  of 
march,  in  seventeen  columns,  forming  a  wide  and  extended  front, 
their  numbers  could  not  have  been  less  than  fifteen  hundred  to  two 
thousand  warriora.  It  would  also  appear  that  they  were  rather  in 
want  of  provisions,  as  they  killed  and  ate  a  number  of  pack-horses 
in  their  encampment,  on  the  evening  after  the  assault;  also,  at 
their  next  encampment,  on  their  retreat,  which  waa  but  seven 
miles  from  Fort  Recovery. 


17M. 


17M. 


ABBAILAKTS  RIPUUBD  AKD  DBFIATID. 


648 


"I  had  detaohecl  three  natXi  portiei  of  Chickasaw  and  Ghootaw 
Indians,  a  few  days  provions  to  this  affair,  toward  Grand  Glaize,  in 
order  to  obtain  provisions,  and  for  tho  purpose  of  gaining  intelll< 
gcnco.  One  of  those  parties  fell  in  with  a  large  body  of  Indians, 
at  the  place  called  Girty's  town,  on  Harmar's  route,  apparently 
bending  their  course  toward  Ghillioothe,  near  the  Great  Miami. 
This  party  returned  on  tlio  28th,  with  the  farther  information  that 
there  was  a  great  number  of  white  men  with  tho  Indians. 

"The  other  two  parties  got  much  scattered  in  following  the 
trails  of  the  hostile  Indians,  at  some  distance  in  their  rear,  and 
were  also  in  with  them  when  the  assault  commenced  on  Fort 
Recovery.  These  Indians  all  insist  that  there  was  a  considerable 
number  of  armed  white  men  in  the  rear,  whom  they  frequently 
heard  talking  in  our  language,  and  encouraging  the  savages  to  per^ 
severe  in  the  assault ;  that  their  faces  were  generally  blacked,  except 
three  British  officers,  who  were  dressed  in  scarlet,  and  appeared  to 
be  men  of  great  distinction,  from  being  surrounded  by  a  large  body 
cf  V.  bite  men  and  Indians,  who  were  very  attentive  to  them.  These 
kept  a  distance  in  the  rear  of  those  that  were  engaged. 

"Another  strong  corroborating  fact  that  there  were  British, 
or  British  militia,  in  the  assault,  is,  that  a  number  of  ounce 
balls  and  buck  shot  were  lodged  in  the  block^houses  and  stock* 
ades  of  the  fort.  Some  were  delivered  at  so  great  a  distance  as  not 
to  penetrate,  and  were  picked  up  at  the  foot  of  the  stockades. 

"It  would  also  appear  that  the  British  and  savages  expected  to 
find  the  artillery  that  were  lost  on  the  4th  of  November,  1791,  and 
hid  by  the  Indians  in  the  beds  of  old  fallen  timber,  or  logs.  Which 
they  turned  over,  and  laid  the  cannon  in,  and  then  turned  the  logs 
back  into  their  former  berth.  It  was  in  this  artful  manner  that  we 
generally  found  them  deposited.  The  hostile  Indians  turned  o^er 
a  great  number  of  logs  during  the  assault,  in  search  of  those  can- 
non, and  other  plunder,  which  they  had  probably  hid  in  this  man- 
ner,  after  the  action  of  the  4th  of  November,  1791. 

"I,  therefore,  have  reason  to  believe  that  the  British  and  Indians 
depended  much  upon  this  artillery  to  assist  in  the  reduction  of  that 
post;  fortunately,  they  served  in  its  defense." 

On  the  26th  of  July,  Scott,  with  some  sixteen  hundred  mounted 
men  from  Kentucky,  joined  Wayne  at  Greenville,  and  on  the  28th 
the  legion  moved  forward.  On  the  8th  of  August,  the  army  was 
near  the  junction  of  Au  Glaize  and  Maumee,  at  Grand  Glaize, 
and  proceeded  at  once  to  build  Fort  Defiance,  where  the  rivers 


644 


waynb's  last  offer  of  peace. 


1794. 


meet.*  The  Indians  had  hastily  abandoned  their  towns  upon 
hearing  of  the  approach  of  the  army,  from  a  runaway  member  of 
the  quartei^master'd  corps,  who  was  afterward  taken  at  Pitts- 
burgh. 

It  had  been  Wayne's  plan  to  reach  the  head-quarters  of  the  sav- 
ages, Grand  Glaize,  undiscovered ;  and  in  order  to  do  this,  he  had 
caused  t'vo  roads  to  be  cut,  one  toward  the  foot  of  the  rapids, 
(Roche  do  Bout,)  the  other  to  the  junction  of  the  St.  Mary  and  St 
Joseph,  while  he  pressed  forward  between  the  two ;  and  this  strata- 
gem he  thinks  would  have  been  successfal  but  for  the  deserter 
referred  to. 

While  engaged  upon  Fort  Defiance,  the  American  commander 
received  full  and  accurate  accounts  of  the  Indians,  and  the  aid  they 
would  receive  from  the  volunteers  of  Detroit  and  elsewhere;  he 
learned  the  nature  of  the  ground,  and  the  circumstances  favorable 
and  unfavorable ;  and  upon  the  whole,  considering  the  spirit  of  his 
troups,  officers  and  men,  regulars  and  volunteers,  he  determined  to 
march  forward  and  settle  matters  at  once.  But  yet,  true  to  the 
last,  to  the  spirit  of  compromise  and  peace,  so  forcibly  taught  by 
Washington,  on  the  13th  of  August,  he  sent  Christopher  Miller, 
who  had  been  naturalized  among  the  Shawanesc,  and  had  been  ta- 
ken prisoner  on  the  11th,  by  Wayne's  spies,  as  a  special  messenger, 
offering  terms  of  friendship  in  these  words : 

"  To  the  Delawares,  Shawanese,  Miamies,  and  Wyandots,  and  to  each 
and  every  of  tliem,  and  to  all  other  7iattons  of  Indiana  north-west  of 
the  Ohio,  whom  it  may  concern : 

"I,  Anthony  Wayne,  Major-General  and  Commander-in-chief  of 
the  federal  army,  now  at  Grand  Glaize,  and  commissioner  plenipo- 
tentiary of  the  United  States  of  America,  for  settling  the  terms 
upon  which  a  permanent  and  lasting  peace  shall  be  made  with  each 
and  every  of  the  hostile  tribes,  or  nations  of  Indians  north-west  of 
the  Ohio,  and  of  the  said  United  States,  actuated  by  the  purest 
principles  of  humanity,  and  urged  by  pity  for  the  errors  into  which 
bad  and  designing  men  have  led  you,  from  the  head  of  my  army, 
now  in  possession  of  your  abandoned  villages  and  settlements,  do 
hereby  once  more  extend  the  friendly  hand  of  peace  towards  you, 
and  invite  each  and  every  of  the  hostile  tribes  of  Indians  to  appoint 
deputies  to  meet  me  and  my  army,  without  delay,  between  this 


*  Sec  Amerioan  Pionoer,  ii.  887,  for  plan  and  aoooout  of  Fort  Defiance. 


1794. 


WATNE  HABCHE8  DOWN  MAUHEB. 


645 


place  and  Roche  de  Bout,  in  order  to  settle  the  preliminaries  of  a 
lasting  peace,  which  may  eventaally  and  soon  restore  to  you,  the 
Delawares,  Miamfes,  Shawanese,  and  all  other  tribes  and  nations 
lately  settled  at  this  place,  and  on  the  margins  of  the  Miami  and 
Au  Glaize  rivers,  your  late  grounds  and  possessions,  and  to  preserve 
you  and  your  distressed  and  hapless  women  and  children  from  dan- 
ger and  famine,  during  the  present  fall  and  ensuing  winter. 

"  The  arm  of  the  United  States  is  strong  and  powerful,  but  they 
love  mercy  and  Idndness  more  than  war  and  desolation. 

"  And,  to  remove  any  doubts  or  apprehensions  of  danger  to  the 
persons  of  the  deputies  whom  you  may  appoint  to  meet  this  army, 
I  hereby  pledge  my  sacred  honor  for  their  safety  and  return,  and 
send  Christopher  Miller,  au  adopted  Shawanee,  and  a  Shawanee 
warrior,  whom  I  took  prisoner  two  days  ago,  as  a  flag,  who  will 
advance  in  their  front  to  meet  me. 

"Mr.  Miller  was  taken  prisoner  by  a  party  of  my  warriors,  six 
moons  since,  and  can  testify  to  you  the  kindness  which  I  have 
shown  to  your  people,  my  prisoners,  that  is,  five  warriors  and  two 
women,  who  are  now  all  safe  and  well  at  Greenville. 

"  But,  should  this  invitation  be  disregarded,  and  my  flag,  Mr. 
Miller,  be  detained,  or  injured,  I  will  immediately  order  all  those 
prisoners  to  be  put  to  death,  without  distinction,  and  some  of  them 
are  known  to  belong  to  the  first  families  of  your  nation. 

"Brothers: — Be  no  longer  deceived  or  led  astray  by  the  false 
promises  and  language  of  the  bad  white  men  at  the  foot  of  the 
Bapids ;  they  have  neither  power  nor  inclination  to  protect  you. 
No  longer  shut  your  eyes  to  your  true  interest  and  happiness,  nor 
your  ears  to  this  overture  of  peace.  But,  in  pity  to  your  innocent 
women  and  children,  come  and  prevent  the  further  efiusion  of 
your  blood;  let  them  experience  the  kindness  and  friendship  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  and  the  invaluable  blessings  of  peace 
aud  tranquillity. 

ANTHONY  WAYNE. 
Grand  Glaize,  August  18th,  1794." 


Unwilling  to  waste  time,  the  troops  moved  forward  on  the  15th, 
aud  on  the  16th  met  Miller  returning,  with  the  message,  that  if  the 
Americans  would  wait  ten  days  at  Grand  Glaize,  they  (the  Indians) 
would  decide  for  peace  or  war,  to  which  Wayne  replied  only  by 
marching  straight  on.  On  the  18th,  the  legion  had  advanced  forty- 
ono  miles  from  Grand  Glaize,  and  being  near  the  long-looked  for 
foe,  began  to  throw  up  soine  light  works  called  Fort  Deposite, 


646 


WAYNB  8  BATTLS. 


1794. 


wherein  to  place  the  heavy  baggage  during  the  expected  battle.  On 
that  day,  five  of  Wayne's  spies,  among  whom  was  May,  the  man 
who  had  been  sent  after  Tmman,  and  had  pretended  to  desert  to 
the  Indians,  rode  into  the  very  camp  of  the  enemy;  in  attempting 
to  retreat  again,  May's  horse  fell,  and  he  was  taken.  The  next 
day,  and  day  before  the  battle,  he  was  tied  to  a  tree,  and  shot  at  as 
a  target.*  During  the  19th,  the  army  still  labored  on  their  works; 
on  the  20th,  at  seven  or  eight  o'clock,  all  baggage  having  been 
left  behind,  the  white  forces  moved  down  the  north  bank  of  the 
Maumee — 

"  The  legion  on  the  right,  its  flank  covered  by  the  Maumee;  one 
brigade  of  mounted  volunteers  on  the  left,  under  Brigadier-Qencral 
Todd,  and  the  other  in  the  rear  under  Brigadier-General  Barbee. 
A  select  battalion  of  mounted  volunteers  moved  in  front  of  the 
legion,  commanded  by  Major  Price,  who  was  directed  to  keep  suf- 
ficently  advanced,  so  as  to  give  timely  notice  for  the  troops  to  form 
in  case  of  action,  it  being  yet  undetermined  whether  the  Indiana 
would  decide  for  peace  or  war. 

"After  advancing  about  five  miles,  Major  Price's  corps  received 
so  severe  a  fire  from  the  enemy  who  were  secreted  in  the  woods 
and  high  grass,  as  to  compel  them  to  retreut.  The  legion  was  im- 
mediately formed  in  two  lines,  principally  in  a  close  thick  wood, 
which  extended  for  miles  on  c""*  left,  and  for  a  very  considerable  dis- 
tance in  front;  the  ground  bein^  covered  with  old  fallen  timber, 
probably  occasioned  by  a  tornado,  which  rendered  it  impracticable 
for  the  cavaliy  to  act  with  effect,  and  afforded  the  enemy  the  most 
favorable  covert  for  their  mode  of  warfare. 

"  The  savages  were  formed  in  three  lines,  within  supporting  dis- 
tance of  each  other,  and  extending  for  near  two  miles  at  right 
angles  with  the  river.  I  soon  discovered,  from  the  %veight  of  their 
fire  and  extent  of  their  lines,  that  the  enemy  were  in  full  force  in 
front,  in  possession  of  their  favorite  ground,  and  endeavoring  to 
turn  our  left  flank.  I  therefore  gave  orders  for  the  second  line  to 
advance  and  support  the  first;  and  directed  M%jor-Gi  aeral  Scott  to 
gain  and  turn  the  right  flank  of  the  savages,  with  the  whole  of  the 
mounted  volunteers,  by  a  circuitous  route ,  at  the  same  time  ordeied 
the  front  line  to  advance  and  charge  with  trailed  arms,  and  rouse 
the  Indians  from  their  coverts  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and 
when  up,  to  deliver  a  close  and  well  directed  fire  on  thoir  backs. 


*  Amerioan  Pioneer,  i.  62,  818.— American  State  Papers,  t.  248. 


1794. 


WATNB  S  BATTLE. 


6il 


leved 

\0\X6Q 

and 
[icks, 


followed  by  a  brisk  charge,  so  as  not  to  give  them  time  to  load 
again. 

"I  also  ordered  Captain  Campbell,  who  commanded  the  le< 
gionary  cavair}',  to  tarn  the  left  flank  of  the  enemy  next  the  river, 
and  which  afforded  a  favorable  field  for  that  corps  to  act  in.  All 
these  orders  were  obeyed  with  spirit  and  promptitude ;  but  such 
was  the  impetuosity  of  the  charge  by  the  first  line  of  infantry,  that 
the  Indians  and  Canadian  militia  and  volunteers,  were  drove  from 
all  their  coverts  in  so  short  a  time,  that  although  every  possible 
exertion  was  used  by  the  officers  of  the  second  line  of  the  legion, 
and  by  Qenerals  Scott,  Todd,  and  Barbee,  of  the  mounted  volun- 
teers, to  gain  their  proper  positions,  but  part  of  each  could  get  up 
in  season  to  participate  in  the  acdon ;  the  enemy  being  drove  in 
the  course  of  an  hour,  more  than  two  miles,  through  the  thick 
vroods  already  mentioned,  by  less  than  one  half  their  number. 
From  every  account  the  enemy  amounted  to  two  thousand  com- 
batants. 

"The  troops  actually  engaged  against  them  were  short  of  nine 
hundred.  This  horde  of  savages,  with  their  allies,  abandoned 
themselves  to  flight,  and  dispersed  with  terror  and  dismay,  leaving 
our  victorious  army  in  full  and  quiet  possession  of  the  field  of  battle, 
which  terminated  under  the  influence  of  the  guns  of  the  British 
garrison,  as  you  will  observe  by  the  enclosed  correspondence 
between  Major  Campbell,  the  commandant^  and  myself,  upon  the 
occasion. 

"The  bravery  and  conduct  of  every  officer  belonging  to  the 
army,  from  the  generals  down  to  the  ensigns,  merit  my  highest 
approbation.  There  were,  however,  some  whose  rank  and  situa- 
tion placed  their  conduct  in  a  very  conspicuous  point  of  view, 
and  which  I  observed  with  pleasure,  and  the  most  lively  gratitude. 
Among  whom  I  must  beg  leave  to  mention  Brigadier-Qeneral 
Wilkinson,  and  Colonel  HaLttramck,  the  commandants  of  the 
right  and  left  wings  of  the  legion,  whose  brave  example  inspired 
the  troops.  To  those  I  must  add  the  names  of  my  faithflil  and 
gallant  aids-de-camp.  Captains  De  Butt  and  T.  Lewis,  and  Lieu- 
tenant Harrison,  who,  with  the  Adjutant-General,  Mf^or  Mills, 
rendered  the  most  essential  service^  by  communicating  my  orders 
in  every  direction,  and  by  their  conduct  and  bravery  exciting  the 
troops  to  press  for  victory. 

"Enclosed  is  a  particular  return  of  the  killed  and  wounded. 
The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  more  than  that  of  the  federal  army. 
The  woods  were  strewed  for  a  considerable  distance  with  the  dead 


wathtb's  account  of  thb  battlb. 


1794. 


l>odies  of  Indians,  and  their  white  auxiliaries,  the  latter  armed 
with  British  muskets  and  bayonets. 

"We  remained  three  days  and  nights  on  the  banks  of  the 
Maumee,  in  front  of  the  field  of  battle,  during  which  time  all  the 
houses  and  cornfields  were  consumed  and  destroyed  for  a  consider- 
able distance  both  above  and  below  Fort  Miami,  as  well  as  within 
pistol  shot  of  the  garrison,  who  were  compelled  to  remain  tacit 
spectators  to  this  general  devastation  and  conflagration^  among 
which  were  the  houses,  stores  and  property  of  Colonel  McKee,  the 
British  Indian  agent,  and  principal  stimulator  of  the  war  now  ex- 
isting between  the  United  States  and  the  savages. 

"The  army  returned  to  this  place  (Fort  Defiance,*)  on  the  27th, 
by  easy  marches,  laying  waste  the  villages  and  cornfields  for  about 
fifty  miles  on  each  side  of  the  Maumee.  There  remains  yet  a 
great  number  of  villages  and  a  great  quantity  of  com,  to  be  con- 
sumed or  destroyed,  upon  the  Au  Glaize  and  the  Maumee  above 
this  place,  which  will  be  effected  in  the  course  of  a  few  days." 

The  loss  of  the  American  army  in  this  engagement  according 
to  the  ofiSlcial  returns  was,  of  the  legion,  twenty-one  privates  and 
five  officers  killed,  and  seventy-four  privates  and  thirteen  officers 
wounded ;  of  the  Kentucky  volunteers,  seven  privates  killed  and 
ten  privates  and  three  officers  wounded.  It  is  difficult  to  deter- 
mine the  force  of  the  enemy.  A  Canadian  who  was  taken  in  the 
battle  gives  the  following  estimates: 

"That  the  Delawares  have  about  five  hundred  men,  including 
those  who  live  on  both  rivers,  the  White  river,  and  Bean  creek. 

"  That  the  Miamies  are  about  two  hundred  warriors ;  part  of  them 
live  on  the  St.  Joseph's,  eight  leagues  from  this  place ;  that  the 
men  were  all  in  the  action,  but  the  women  are  yet  at  that  place,  or 
Piquet's  village;  that  a  road  leads  from  this  place  directly  toit; 
that  the  number  of  warriors  belonging  to  that  place,  when  alto- 
gether, amounts  to  about  forty. 

"That  the  Shawanese  have  about  three  hundred  warriors;  that 
the  Tawas,  on  this  river,  are  two  hundred  and  fifty;  that  the 
Wyandots  are  about  three  hundred. 

"That  those  Indians  were  generally  in  the  action  on  the  20th 
instant,  except  some  hunting  parties.  That  a  reinforcement  of 
regular  troops,  and  two  hundred  militia,  arrived  at  Fort  Miami  a 
few  days  before  the  army  appeared ;  that  the  regular  troops  in  the 
fort  amounted  to  two  hundred  and  fifty,  exclusive  of  the  militia. 


*Aa  Qlaiic. 


1794. 


WATNB  AHD  OAMPBSL|'*S  OOBBESPONDBMOK. 


<^That  fbout  Beventy  of  diQ  militia,  inchidiDg  Gaptaiii' Cald- 
well's corps,  were  in  the  ao^on.  That  Colonel  M<£ee,  Captain 
Elliott,  and  Simon  Girtgr,  were  in  the  field,  bat  at  a  respectable 
distance,  and  near  the  river. 

"Th«t  the  Indiana  have  wished  for  peace  for  some  time,  but  that 
Colonel  McKee  alwi^s  diasoaded  them  from  it,  and  stimal*ted 
them  to  continue  the  war." 

Immediately  after  the  engi^ement  the  army  marched  down  tiie 
Miaame<^  and  encamped  on  its  bank  within  view  of  the  British 
fort.*  Alarmed  at  the  near  i^proach  of  the  Americans,  and 
doubtless  diagrined  at  the  defeat  of  his  allies,  Miyor  Campbell 
addressed  the  jfollowing  note,  on  the  next  day  after  the  battle,  to 
General  Wayne : 

"An  army  of  the  XJnited  States  of  America,  said  to  be  under 
your  command,  having  taken  post  on  the  banks  of  the  Miami, 
(Maumee,)  for  upward  of  the  last  twenty-four  hours,  almost  within 
ceach  of  the  guns  of  this  fort,  being  a  post  belonging  to  his.  miyesty 
the  king  of  Great  Britain,  occupied  by  his  m^esty's  troops,  and 
which  I  have  the  honor  to  command,  it  becomes  my  duty  tp  inform 
myself,  as  i^eedily  as  possible,  in  what  light  I  am  to  view  your 
making  such  near  approaches  to  this  garrison.  I  have  no  hesita* 
tion,  on  my  part,  to  say,  that  I  know  of  no  war  existing  between 
Great  Britain  and  America." 

To  this  demand  General  Wayne  returned  at  once  the  followio^ 
decided  answer: 

"  I  have  received  your  letter  of  this  date,  requiring^  from  me  the 
motives  which  have  moved  the  army  under  my  command  to  the 
position  they  at  present  occupy,  far  within  the  acknowledged  juris- 
diction of  the  United  States  of  America.    Without  questioning  the 
attthority  or  the  propi5i-^y,  sir,  of  your  interrogatory,  I  think  I  may, 
mthout  breach  of  d^  '.oruin,  observe  to  you,  that  were  yon  entitled 
to  an  answiir,  the  moeit  «>:'i  ^  \6  satisfactory  one  was  announced  to 
you  from  the  muzzles  .i  m.j  «rjaU  arms,  yesterday  morning,  in  the 
action  against  the  horde  of  .'.j.vages  in  the  vicinity  of  your  post^ 
which  terminated  glorioiiBlj   co  tho  American  arms ;  bat,  hacL  it 
continued  until  the  Indians,  &o.,  were  driven  under  the  influence 
of  the  post  anci  guns  you  mention,  they  would  not  have  much  im- 
pitded  the  progress  of  the  victorious  army  under  my  command,  as 


*■  Bort  MbnU,  IvuU  !«  the  qppinK  of  17M,  hj  ord«r  of  Qoraoor  Simo**. 

4A. 


WAYNE  AND  CAMPBELL'S  CORRESPOHDEITOE. 


1794. 


no  such  post  was  establisbed  at  the  commencement  of  tbe  present 
war  between  tbe  Indians  and  tbe  United  States." 

On  tbe  next  day  Miyor  Campbell  replied: 

"  AltboQgb  yonr  letter  of  yesterday's  date  fally  aatborizes  me 
to  any  act  of  hostility  against  the  army  of  tbe  TTnited  States  in  this 
neighborhood,  nnder  your  command,  yet  still  anxious  to  prevent 
that  dreadful  decision  which,  perhaps,  is  not  intended  to  be  appealed 
to  by  either  of  onr  coontries,  I  have  forobome,  for  these  two  days 
past,  to  resent  those  insults  yon  bare  offerud  to  the  British  flag 
flying  at  this  fort,  by  approaching  within  pistol  shot  of  my  works, 
not  only  singly,  but  iu  numbers,  with  arms  in  their  hands.  Neither 
is  it  my  wish  to  wage  war  with  individuals ;  but,  should  you,  after 
this,  continue  to  approach  my  post  in  the  threatening  manner  yon 
are  at  this  moment  doing,  my  indispensable  duty  to  my  king  and 
country,  and  the  honor  of  my  profession,  will  oblige  me  to  have 
recourse  to  those  measures,  which  thousands  of  either  nation  mny 
hereafter  bare  cause  to  regret,  and  which  I  solemnly  appeal  to  God 
I  have  used  my  utmost  endeavors  to  arrest." 

Imracd'.ately  npoa  the  receipt  of  this  communication  the  fort 
Was  reconnoitered  in  every  direction.  It  was  found  to  be  a  regular, 
strong  work,  the  front  covered  by  a  wide  river,  and  protected  by 
four  guns.  The  rear  bad  two  regular  bastions,  furnished  with 
eight  pieces  of  artillery ;  the  whole  surrounded  by  a  wide,  deep 
ditch,  about  twenty  feet  deep  from  the  top  of  the  parapet.  After 
thus  making  provision  for  an  assault  if  necessary,  Wayne  dis- 
patched the  following  note  to  Campbell: 

"  In  your  letter  of  the  21st  instant,  you  declare,  *  I  have  no  hesi- 
tation, on  my  part,  to  say,  that  I  know  of  no  war  existing  between 
G-reat  Britain  and  America.'  I,  on  my  part,  declare  the  same,  and 
that  the  only  cause  I  have  to  entertain  a  contrary  idea  at  present, 
is  the  hostile  act  you  are  now  in  commission  of,  i.  e.  by  recently 
takinr^  post  far  within  the  well  known  and  acknowledged  limits  of 
the  United  States,  and  erecting  a  fortification  in  the  heart  of  the 
settlements  of  iUq  Indian  tribes  now  at  war  with  the  United  States. 
This,  sir,  appears  to  be  an  act  of  the  highest  aggression,  and 
destructive  to  the  peace  and  interest  of  the  Union.  Hence  it 
becomes  niy  duty  to  desire,  and  I  do  hereby  desire  and  demand, 
in  the  name  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  that  you  imme- 
diately desist  ftom  any  further  act  of  hostility  or  aggression,  bj 
forbearing  to  fortify,  and  by  withdrawing  the  troops,  artillery,  and 
stores,  nnder  your  orders  and  direction,  forthwith,  and  removing 
to  the  nearest  post  occupied  by  his  Britannic  mjyasty's  troops  at 


1794. 


ABMT  ASOIKDS  MAUMEB  AMD  BUILDS  FORT  WAYNE. 


the  peace  of  1788,  and  whiob  you  will  be  permitted  to  do  nnmo- 
lested  by  the  troops  under  my  command." 
To  this  demand  Major  Campbell  replied: 
'*  I  have  this  moment  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  yonr  letter 
of  this  date ;  in  answer  to  which  I  have  only  to  say,  that,  being 
placed  here  in  command  of  a  British  post,  and  acting  in  a  military 
capacity  only,  I  cannot  enter  into  any  discussion  either  on  the  right 
or  impropriety  of  my  occupying  my  present  position.  Those  are 
matters  that  I  conceive  will  be  best  left  to  the  ambassadors  of  our 
different  nations. 

"  Having  said  this  much,  permit  me  to  inform  you  that  I  cer- 
tainly will  not  abandon  this  post,  at  the  summons  of  any  power 
whatever,  until  I  receive  orders  for  that  purpose  from  those  I  have 
the  honor  to  serve  under,  or  the  fortune  of  war  should  oblige  me. 
I  must  still  adhere,  sir,  to  the  purport  of  my  letter  this  morning, 
to  desire  that  yoiir  army,  or  individuals  belonging  to  it,  will  not 
approach  within  reach  of  my  cannon,  without  expecting  the  con- 
sequences attending  it. 

"  Although  I  have  said,  in  the  former  part  of  my  letter,  that  my 
situation  here  is  totally  military,  yet,  let  me  add,  sir,  that  I  am 
much  deceived  it  his  majesty,  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  had  not  a 
post  on  this  river  at  and  prior  to  the  period  you  mention." 

"  The  only  notice  taken  of  this  letter,"  says  "Wayne,  "  was  by 
immediately  setting  fire  to  and  destroying  every  thing  within  view 
of  the  fort,  and  even  under  the  muzzles  of  the  guns.  Had  Major 
Campbell  carried  his  threats  into  execution,  it  is  more  than  probable 
he  would  have  experienced  a  storm." 

On  the  14th  of  September  the  army  marched  from  Fort  Defiance 
towards  the  Miami  village,  at  the  juncture  of  the  St.  Joseph's  and 
the  St.  Mary's.  It  reached  that  place  on  the  17th,  and  on  the  18th, 
General  Wayne  selected  a  site  for  a  fort.  On  the  22d  of  October, 
the  fort  was  completed  and  garrisoned  by  a  detachment,  under 
Major  Hamtramck,  who  gave  to  it  the  name  of  Fort  "Wayne. 
Daring  this  period  the  array  suffered  much  from  disease  and  from 
the  want  of  provisions,  so  much  so,  indeed,  that  a  pint  of  salt,  it  is 
said,  was  sold,  on  the  24th  of  September,  for  six  dollars.  On  the 
14th  of  October,  the  mounted  volunteers,  from  Kentucky,  who  had 
become  dissatisfied  and  mutinous,  were  moved  to  Fort  Washing- 
ton, where  they  were  immediately  mustered  out  of  the  service  and 
discharged.  On  the  28th  of  October,  the  legion  marched  from 
Fort  Wayne  to  Fort  Greenville,  where,  on  his  arrival.  General 
Wayne  re-established  his  head-quarters. 


OOIIDUOT  or  BBITI3B  AITIR  THB  BATILl. 


1794. 


While  the  i^rmy  remained  t^%  l^oit  Wayne,  the  hrothejir  of  a  Oan^ 
dian,  taken  in  the  battle  on  ilie  20$h  ot  August,  oan^e  into  the 
camp  with  three  Americfui  piisonen,  whom  he  had  pnrcba^d 
from  tl^e  Indiant^  to  exchange  for  his  brother.  T^e  e^ohanee  Vas 
of  course  granted*  and,  tn  additio|t.  l^e  yn^  induced  t$>,  ^,<^ke  the 
following  statement : 

"Qovemor  Simcoe,  Colonel  McEeOt  V^^  ^^ptain  Brftit,  l|rnyed 
at  Fort  Miami,  at  the  foot  o^  ^^  rapids,  on  the  ^0th  ulthnp,  (Sep- 
tember.)  Brant  had  with  him  one  hundred  Indians,  Mohawks  and 


"Qovemor  Simcoe  sent  for  the  chiefs  of  the  d^ei^ent  hostile 
Indians,  and  invited  them  to  meet  him  at  the  n^pnth  of  Detroit 
river,  eighteen  miles  below  Detroit,  to  hola  a  treaty;  Simcoe, 
Colonel  McEee,  and  Captain  Branlj,  together  with  Mne  Jacket, 
Buckongehelias,  the  Little  Turtle,  Captf^in  Johnny,  and  other  chie& 
of  the  Delawares,  Miamies,  ^hf^>yanese,  Tawas,  and  Pottawattamies, 
set  out  accordingly  for  the  plf^e  assigned  for  the  treaty,  about  the 
Ist  instant;  the  Indians  are  well  and  regularly  supplied  with  pro- 
visions from  the  British  magazines,  at  a  place  called  Swan  Creek, 
near  Lake  Erie. 

*' Previously  to  the  arrival  of  Governor  Simcoe,  Blue  Jacket,  the 
Shawanese  chiefs,  two  of  the  principal  chiefs  of  the  Tawas,  and 
the  principal  chiefs  of  the  Pottawa|ttamies,  had  agreed  to  accom- 
pany him  with  a  flag  to  this  pl^ce. 

"Blue  Jacket  informed  him,  afl^er  ^e  arrival  of  Simcoe,  h^  would 
not  now  go  with  him  until  after  the  intended  treaty;  but,  that  hi^ 
wishes,  at  present,  were  for  peace;  thi^t  he  did  not  know  wha|| 
propositions  Governor  Simcoe  had  to  make  them,  but  that  he  and 
all  the  chiefs  would  go  and  hear;  and,  in  the  interinqi,  desired  hin^ 
to  inquire  of  General  Wayne  in  what  manner  the  chiefs  should 
coipe  to  him  and  whether  they  would  be  sale,  in  case  they  shoutc^ 
determine  on  the  measure,  ftfter  the  treaty  wit^  Simcoe  and  afle^ 
he  should  return  to  Detroit;  had  it^^^  heen  for  the  f^rrival  Qjf 
Governor  Simcoe,  Colonel  Mc!l^ee  and  Caj^tain  Brant,  with  hif 
Indians,  he  is  confident  the  chiei^  Al>^'^t^fl7  mentioned  would  have, 
accompanied  him  to  this  place,  at  this  ti^e,  as  before  related.'"^ 

Xhis  Qommunication  was  fuitlj^er  coja^rmed  by  sta^ments  frpm 
tlie  Wyandots,  some  of  wI^oiq  weire  i^  the  Amenqan  interest.  In- 
deed i<iappear^a%r^^tl^toipi%^  IC^l^cjf  qcjJ9Ver,  the  tndian| 


•^•^«^.^WR^!ISJ5§C'^! 


m. 


ooNDUOT  or  ftHrrisH  Airli  tiIb  battlb. 


m 


ket  the  i3Hltl8&  it  the  Big  ^ok,  an^  were  advised  thi&t  their  gtieA 
iilrdiild  tie  Ikid  before  the  kin^;  and  io  connection  with  this,  m 
General  tViyne  learned  from  the  friendly  'Wyandot9, — 

Qovdmor  l^imcoQ  ihsiated  thai  the  Indians  should  not  listen  to 
any  teriiis  of  peace  from  the  Americans,  but  to  propose  a  truce,  oir 
suspension  of  hostilities,  until  the  spring,  when  a  grand  council 
kna  assemblage  of  all  the  warriors  and  tribes  of  Indians  should 
take  pifliice,  for  the  purpose  of  compelling  the  Americans  to  cross 
to  the  east  side  of  the  Ohio;  and  in  the  interim,  advised  every 
nation  to  sign  a  deed  or  conveyance  of  all  their  lands,  on  the  wedt 
side  of  the  Ohio,  to  the  king,  in  tnist  for  the  Indians,  so  as  to  give 
the  British  a  pretesct  oi*  color  for  assisting  them,  in  case  the 
Americahs  refused  to  abandon  all  their  posts  and  possessions  on 
the  west  side  of  that  river ;  and  which  the  Indians  should  warn 
them  to  do,  immediately  after  they,  the  Indians,  were  assembled 
in  foree  in  the  spring,  and  to  call  upon  the  British  to  guarantee 
the  lands  thus  ceded  in  trust,  and  to  make  a  general  attack  upon 
the  frontiers  at  the  same  time ;  that  the  Bntish  would  be  prepared 
io  attack  the  Americans,  also,  in  every  quarter,  and  would  compel 
them  to  cross  ithe  Ohio,  and  to  give  up  the  lands  to  the  Iiidians. 

Captain  Brant  also  told  them  to  keep  a  good  heart,  and  be 
Btrong ;  to  do  as  their  father  advised ;  that  he  would  return  home 
for  the  present,  with  his  warriors,  and  come  again  early  in  the 
spring,  with  tin  additional  number,  so  as  to  have  the  whole  summer 
before  them,  to  fight,  kill,  and  pursue  the  Americans,  who  could 
not  possibly  stand  against  the  force  and  numbers  that  would  be 
opposed  to  them ;  that  he  had  been  always  successful,  and  would 
insure  them  victor^.  But  that  he  would  not  attack  the  AmericansI 
at  this  time,  as  it  would  only  ^vA  them  upon  their  guard,  and 
bring  theni  upon  the  Indians  in  this  quarter,  during  the  winter  ^ 
therefore  he  advised  them!  to  amuse  the  Americans  with  a  prospect 
of  peace,  until  they  should  collect  in  foree  to  fall  upon  them  early 
in  the  spring,  and  when  least  expected. 

That,  agreeably  to  this  plan  or  advice,  the  real  hostile  tribes  will 
be  sending  flags  frequently  during  the  winter,  with  propositions  of 
peace,  but  this  is  all  fraud  and  art,  to  put  the  Americans  off  their 
guard. 

The  British  made  large  presents  to  the  Indians  at  the  late 
council,  and  continued  to  furnish  them  with  provision  from 
Colonel  M'Eee's  new  stores,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Miames  of 
Lake  Erie,  where  all  the  Indians  are  butted  or  in  tents,  whose 
towns  and  property  were  destroyed  last  summer,  and  who  will 


m 


IRDUV8  DKSIEB   PIAOI. 


17»6. 


dgn  away  their  lands  and  do  exactly  what  the  British  reqnest 
them ;  this  was  the  general  prevailing  opinion  at  the  breaking  up 
of  the  council ;  since  which  period,  the  message  and  propositions 
of  the  5th  of  November,  addressed  to  the  different  tribes  of  Indians 
proposing  the  treaty  of  the  9th  of  Junuary,  1789,  held  at  the  mouth 
of  Muskingum,  as  a  preliminary  upon  which  a  permanent  peace 
should  be  established,  has  been  communicated  to  them;  upon 
which,  a  considerable  number  of  the  chiefs  of  several  of  the  tribes 
assembled  again,  and  were  determined  to  come  forward  to  treat,  say 
about  the  first  of  this  moon.  But  Colonel  M'Kee  was  informed  of 
it,  and  advised  them  against  the  measure,  and  to  bo  faithful  to  their 
father,  as  they  had  promised.  He  then  made  them  additional 
presents,  far  beyond  any  thing  that  they  had  ever  heretofore 
received,  which  inclined  a  majority  to  adhere  to  Governor  Simuoe's 
propositions,  and  they  returned  home  accordingly. 

That,  notwithstanding  this,  the  chiefs  and  nations  are  much 
divided,  some  for  peace,  and  some  for  war;  the  Wyandots  of  San- 
dusky are  for  peace;  those  near  Detroit  for  war;  the  Belawares 
are  equally  divided,  so  are  the  Miamies,  but  are  dependent  on  the 
British  for  provision;  the  Shawanese  and  Tawas  are  for  war;  the 
Pottawattamies  and  Ghippewas  are  gone  home,  sore  from  the  late 
action. 

That  such  of  the  chiefs  and  warriors  as  are  inclined  for  peace 
will  call  a  council,  and  endeavor  to  bring  it  about,  upon  the  terms 
proposed,  as  they  wish  to  hold  their  lands  under  the  Americans, 
and  not  under  the  British,  whose  title  they  do  not  like."** 

Kews  also  came  from  the  West  that  the  Indians  were  crossing 
the  Mississippi;  in  New  York,  on  the  11th  of  November,  Pickering 
made  a  new  treaty  with  the  Iroquois;  while  in  the  north  fewer  and 
fewer  of  the  savages  lurked  about  Forts  Defiance  and  Wayne. 
Nor  was  it  long  before  the  wish  of  the  natives  to  make  peace  be- 
came still  more  apparent;  on  the  28th  and  29th  of  December,  the 
chiefs  of  the  Chippewas,  Ottawas,  Sacs,  Pottawattamies,  and 
Miamies,  came  with  peace  messages  to  Colonel  Hamtramck,  at 
Fort  Wayne,  and  on  the  24th  of  January,  1795,  at  Greenville, 
entered,  together  with  the  Delawares,  Wyandots,  and  Shawanese, 
into  preliminary  articles  with  the  commander-in-chief. 

The  truth  was,  the  red  men  had  been  entirely  disappointed  in 
the  conduct  of  their  white  allies  after  the  action  of  the  20th  of 


•  Amerioan  State  Papers,  t.  648,  650,  659,  666,  667. 


1795. 


IKDIAKB  DI8IBI  PIAOl. 


66$ 


Angast;  m  Brant  Mid,  "»fort  had  been  built  in  their  ooantry 
under  pretense  of  giving  reftige  in  case  of  necessity,  bat  when  that 
time  came,  the  gates  were  shut  against  them  as  enemies."  During 
the  winter,  Wayne  having  utterly  laid  waste  their  fertile  fields,  the 
poor  savages  were  wholly  dependent  on  the  Knglish,  who  did  not 
half  supply  them ;  their  cattle  and  dogs  died,  and  they  were  them- 
selves nearly  starved.  Under  these  circumstances,  losing  faith  in 
the  English,  and  at  last  impressed  with  a  respect  for  American 
power,  after  the  carnage  experienced  at  the  hands  of  the  "  Black 
Snake,"  the  various  tribes,  by  degrees,  made  up  their  minds  to  ask 
for  peace.  During  the  winter  and  spring  they  exchanged  prisoners, 
and  made  ready  to  meot  ^"neral  Wayne  at  Greenville,  in  June, 
for  the  purpose  of  formi  d  definite  treaty,  as  it  had  been  agreed 
should  be  done  by  the  preliminaries  of  January  24th.  One  scene 
among  the  many  of  that  time  seems  deserving  of  a  transfer  to  these 
pages ;  it  is  from  the  narrative  of  John  Brickell,  who  had  been  a 
captive  for  four  years  among  the  Delawares,  and  adopted  into  the 
&mily  of  Whingwy  Pooshies,  or  Big  Oat,  a  noted  warrior  of  that 
tribe: 

"  On  the  breaking  up  of  spring,"  Brickell  says,  "  we  all  went  up 
to  Fort  Defiance,  and,  on  arriving  on  the  shore  opposite,  we  saluted 
the  fort  with  a  round  of  rifles,  and  they  shot  a  cannon  thirteen 
times.  We  then  encamped  on  the  spot.  On  the  same  day,  Whingwy 
Pooshies  told  me  I  must  go  over  to  the  fort  The  children  hung 
round  me  crying,  and  asked  me  if  I  was  going  to  leave  them  ?  I 
told  them  I  did  not  know.  When  we  got  over  to  the  fort,  and 
wer'd  seated  with  the  officers,  Whingwy  Pooshies  told  me  to  stand 
up,  which  I  did;  he  then  rose  and  addressed  me  in  about  these 
words : 

"  <  My  son,  there  are  men  the  same  color  with  yourself.  There 
may  be  some  of  your  kin  there,  or  your  kin  may  be  a  great  way  ofi' 
from  you.  You  have  lived  a  long  time  with  us.  I  call  on  you  to 
say  if  I  have  not  been  a  father  to  you  ?  If  I  have  not  used  you  as 
a  father  would  use  a  son  ?'  I  said,  'You  have  used  me  as  well  as  a 
&ther  could  use  a  son.'  He  said, '  I  am  glad  you  say  so.  You 
have  lived  long  with  me ;  you  have  hunted  for  me ;  but  our  treaty 
Bays  you  must  be  free.  If  you  choose  to  go  with  the  people  of  your 
own  color,  I  have  no  right  to  say  a  word;  but  if  you  choose  to  stay 
with  me,  your  people  have  no  right  to  speak.  Now  reflect  on  it, 
and  take  your  choice,  and  tell  us  as  soon  as  you  make  up  your 
mind.' 
"  I  was  silent  a  few  minutes,  in  which  time  it  seemed  as  if  I 


.^ 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


1.1 


ltt|18 

Ittitt 


2.2 
2.0 


IL25iU  11.6 

I^B^B    IIHiH^^B   MH^B 


HiotDgraphic 

Sdmces 

CorporatiQn 


^\ 


■^^ 


o 


as  wht  main  stmit 

«VHSTIR,N.Y.  145M 
(7U)t7a-4S03 


•66 


ntiuan  vmaai  nuMtt. 


n05. 


imt  left  ^iTiBg  1 1  AoogHi  of  th6  Indknfi  I  wn  ittadiMd  te^  nbd  I 
^bogkt  of  fi^  iMiopfo  wbieh  lieflieinWed ;  wi  fhk  btMr  Hioog^t 
^pred»inia«M,  and  I  mM^*  1  iHll  gi>  with  lay  Idfl.'  Into  old  ffittn 
4boii  ftftid,  *  I  haw  nAMdje/a-^l  iMrr*  koftiod  jtm  to  liitot.  Ton 
AlNriig^od  lraiAt»^^o«  Itfttol^  bw  tlMi  ttf<mn  sonti. 

I  ato  lK>#  gliding  cMtf  and  I  eaonciC  hmrt.  I  tiioiiglit  jqtrwdtiM  be 
*  aappori  to  my  age^  I-  leaaod  ob  yon  as  a  ataft  Kow  H  u  broken 
^^oa  are  t^ngto  lea?«  me  and  I  haye  no  rif^M  to  eay  a  word,  bat 
titm'rdned/  He  then  ennk  back  in  team  to  Itfa  eeat  Ibeartilj 
loaned  hkn  in  Ma  teai»— parted  irith  bim,  md  bare  net (mt  aeen  nor 
biMdefbilnshiee/'*  .■.,;•,  wk;.,^;  Vt^,. 

Doring  Ibe  mondi  of  June,  tbe  repteaentaHii'Wi  of  lihe  nertb- 
wealem  >ibe8  began  to  gather  at  Ctoeenville,  and  em  the  lOtb  of 
^iat  month)  Wajne  AMt  in  eotfncll,  the  Delaware^  Ottawae,  Pott»> 
watUBKiiee,  Md  Eel  ttrer  Indiane;  and  the  eonftireneee,  trb-.dk 
laated  titt  Angnst  10th,  commenced.  On  the  SHt  of  Jtme,  Back- 
ongehehui  aniTed;  opi  the  28d^  the  Little  Tortle  and  other 
Miamies ;  on  the  ISUi  of  Jaly,  Tarke  and  other  Wyandot  chieft 
teaobed  the  appointed  spot ;  and  npen  the  18%  iitoae  Jacket  with 
Ibifleen  Shawaneee,  and  Masass  witii  tweatjr  Ghippewav. 

Jiott  of  these,  as  it  apprared  by  tikeir  statemente,  bad  been  tan- 
pefed  with  bj  MeEee,  \l^ant  and  elbier  Eng)ish  i^nti,  eiren  after 
tiiej  had  agreed  to  the  preliminariee  of  Jannaiy  214tl^.and  wh3e 
"Mr.  Jay's  l9eaij  was  still  under  discossiofi.  They  had,  lioweter, 
an  determined  to  make  a  permanent  peace  with  the  thirteen  fireiij 
and  altbongb  some  difficulty  as  to  the  ownership  of  the  lands  to  be 
ceded,  at  one  tame  seemed  lileeTy  to  arise,  the  good  sense  of  Wayde 
and  ckT  the  chiefs  prevented  it,  and  upon  the  80th  of  July,  the 
treaty  was  agreed  to  which  was  to  bnry  the  hatchet  forever. 
Between  that  day  and  ^o  8d  of  Ai^nsl  it  was  engrossed,  and 
having  been  irfgned  by  the  rariotiB  nations  npov  the  day  Isat 
named,  on  the  7^  was  finaify  acted  npon,  and  the  presents  ttatu 
the  tTnited  States  Astribnted  fortiiwitb.  While  the  comoei}  w«»  itt 
session,  some  mischief  had  been  done  in  Tiii^nla  by  a  band  of 
r  Bhawanese,  but  on  the  Mi<tf  September  these  al»o  eame  to  Greei^ 
viUe,  gave  np  th^r  prisoaen,  and  asked  Ibr  flMgiteneas. 

The  knia  of  the  treaty  of  Greenvillo  waa  the  previote  one  made 
at  Fort  Sarmar,  and  its  leading  provimona  were  Ji»  fellows  t-^h^ 
tiHttot  were  to  cease  and  ell  prismiera  were  Ho  be  reaCored^ 


*  SM  Anteii^lUii  PtoaMf,  L  ftl. 


mi. 


ma^  U  ailMxkmtA. 


M 


^«p 


States  and  t^e  lands  of  the  said  Indittii  tHbei^,  i^^t  t>^£^i^  i^t  tiEls 
ttiodtli  of  tli6  OUya^bgii  tiver,  and  rttfi^ence  fip  th(>  ieiiiie  to  the 
portage  hetween  that  and  the  Tascarawas  l^nincii  dt  the  IH tii-  ^ 
Idngatn;  then66  dbwti  that  brandii  to  the  crosslhg  ptacdJtibo^^  Fort 
Lanrens;  thence  westWaidly,  to  k.  folrk  of  that 'hfiliieii  bf  ih^ 
C^reat  Miami  mer,  ranning  into  the  Ohio,  at  of*  hdiii^  whioli  fork 
stood  Loramie's  store,  and  where  coteloeieAces  the  portajgi  hettur^eh 
thd  Mianii  of  the  Ohio  iitid  St  lfai7'B  liter,  ifUcik  i6  4  brftiloh  of 
the  Miami  which  rdns  into  Lake  Erie;  thence  a  we^rly  cbar^6, 
to  Fort  RecovBty^  tirhich  stands  on  Itttt^aiich  of  thel7abash;  ikenoe 
southwesterly,  in  a  direct  line  to  the  Ohio,  so  as  to  intersect  that 
Am  opposite  th6  month  cft  Eenttclg^  at  Gtittawa  river. 

*^Attd  in  oonsidei^tion  of  thd  p6a6e  now  ecttablidh^d ;  of  ihd 
^odi  formerly  received  tiroia  the  ITbited  States;  of  thosB  now  t6 
be  deli^erdd;  and  of  the  yeihrly  deU^^iy  of  goodi  now ^tipuli^d 
to  b^  made  h«i^eafter ;  and  to  ihdeilnnify  the  Uhii^  States  for  tt^^ 
iignries  and  e^nse^  they  have  siistiaincid  darih|  thb  War— thd 
iaid  Indian  tribes  do  hereby  cede  and  relinquish,  foteter,  all  theli' 
claims  to  the  lands  lying  eastwardly  and  southwardly  of  the  gei< 
tiral  botihdaty  line  HtfW  described ;  Atid  theito  landd,  or  aAy  part  of 
{bera,  shall  neVer  bei^after  be  made  a  ^use  or  pretense,  oti  the 
ptot  of  lOie  said  tribes^  or  any  of  them,  of  war  or  injury  to  ^ 
UDited  States,  or  any  othbr  people  thereof. 

"And  fbt  the  same  consideration,  atid  as  an  etidenoe  of  the 
returning  friendship  of  the  said  Indian  tribes,  of  their  confidend^ 
ih  the  XTnlted  States,  and  desire  to  provide  for  their  ^commoda- 
tioQ,  and  for  that  convenient  interconrse  which  will  be  beneficial 
to  both  parties,  the  said  Indian  tribes  do  also  cede  to  the  United 
States  the  foftoWing  pieces  of  lahd,  to  wit : 

"One  preoe  6f  land  ah.  tcaiea  s(|nare,  at  or  nei^  LorMnie'd  ito^, 
before  mentioned. 

"One  pieod,  two  miles  square,  at  the  h#ad  of  th6  naivigftble  Water 
or  landing,  on  the  St.  Mary's  river,  near  Girtiy's  town. 

"One  piece,  six  miles  square,  at  t^e  head  of  thdnav^ble  Waters 
of  the  Alt  Qltti^e  river. 

"One  piebe,  lAt  mileii  sqtiare,  at  the  confiuencb  of  l&e  Ati  Glaize 
ittd  Miami  rivers,  where  Fort  Befianbe  now  standee. 

''One  piece',  six  Aiiletr  square,  at  or  neai^  the  cdntfuence  of  th^ 
fHiars  St  Mail's  iind  St  .Josephs,  ^herd  Fort  Wayne  not^  litatid^ 
or  near  it 

"One  pie6«,  f!wv>  Milei  s^^tittrci,  ot  the ifslbiteb  river,  at  did  tod  of 


668 


tKMAn  Of  cttiunrYzuuL 


1796. 


jK 


the  portage  1&i|m  theHiami  of  the  kke,  sod  about  eight  milefl 
westwai4  fix>iiMlk>rt  Wajne.. 

"One  piece,  six  miles  Bqaare,  at  the  Oaiatenon,  or  old  Wea  towns, 
on  the  Wabash  riyor. 

<<One  piece,  twelye  miles  square,  at  the  British  fort  on  the 
Miami  of  the  lake,  at  the  foot  of  the  n^ids. 

'.*0no  pleoe,  six  miles  square,  at  the.  mouth  of  the  s^  river, 
where  it  empties  into  the  lake. 

**  One  piece,  six  miles  square,  upon  Sanduslcy  lake,  where  a  fort 
fionnerly  stood. 

"One  piece,  two  miles  square,  at  the  lower  rajnds  of  Sandusky 
river. 

"The  post  of  Detroit,  and  all  the  lands  to  the  north,  the  wes^ 
and  the  south  of  it;  of  which  the  Indian  title  has  been  extinguished 
by^fts  or  grants  to  the  French  or  English  governments;  and  so 
much  more  land  to  be  annexed  to  the  district  of  Detroit,  as  shall 
be  comprehended  between  the  river  Baisin  on  the  south,  and  Lake 
St.  Olair  on  the  north,  and  a  line,  the  general  course  whereof  shall 
be  six  miles  distant  ttom  the  west  end  of  Lake  Srie  and  Detroit 
river. 

"The  post  of  Michilimackinack,  and  all  the  land  on  the  island 
on  which  that  post  stands,  and  the  main  land  acyacent,  of  which 
the  Indian  title  has  been  extinguished,  by  gifts  or  grants  to  the 
French  or  English  government;  and  a  piece  of  land  on  the  main, 
to  the  north  of  the  island,  to  measure  six  miles  on  Lake  Huron,  or 
the  strait  between  Lakes  Huron  «ad  Michigan,  and  to  extend  three 
miles  back  from  the  water  on  the  lake  or  strait;  and  also  the  Island 
de  Bois  Blanc,  being  an  extra  and  voluntary  gift  of  the  Chippewa 
nation. 

"  One  piece  of  land,  six  miles  square,  at  the  mouth  of  Chicago 
river,  emptying  into  the  south-west  end  of  Lake  Michigan,  where 
a  fort  formerly  stood. 

"  One  piece,  twelve  miles  square,  at  or  near  the  mouth  of  the 
niinois  river,  emptying  into  the  Mississippi. 

"One  piece,  six  miles  square,  at  the  old  Peorias  fort  and  village, 
near  the  south  end  of  the  Illinob  lake,  on  said  Dlinois  river. 

"And  whenever  the  United  States  shall  think  proper  to  survey 
and  mark  the  boundaries  of  the  lands  hereby  ceded  to  them,  they 
shall  give  timely  notice  thereof  to  the  said  tribes  of  Indians,  that 
they  may  appoint  some  of  their  wise  chiefe  to  attend  and  see  that 
the  lines  are  run  according  to  tiie  terms  of  this  treaty. 

"And  the  said  Indian  tribes  will  allow  to  the  people  of  the  United 


1796. 


sBff 9^ ,  91  owiBiysu^ 


m 


States  a  &ee  paasage,  1^  land  anci  by  vrftiwt,  as  ojKand  the  otber 
shall  be  foimd  oonyenient,  ihrough  their  coanti^^wbn^  the  obalii 
of  posts  hereinbefore  mentioned;  th^t  is  to  say,  from  the  o(Mn- 
mencement^  of  the  portage  aforesaid,  at  or.  near  Iioramie's  sior^ 
thence  along  said  portage  t<>  the  St  Mary's,  and  down  the  same  to 
Fort  Wayne,  and  then,  down  the  Miami  to  Ijake  -Elrie;  again,  flroin 
the  commencement  of  the  portage,  at  or  near  Loi^niie's  store,  along 
the  portage,  from  ihence  to  the  river  An  Glaize,  and  down  Ihe 
same  to  its  junction  witih  the  Miami,  at  Fort  l>efianoe;  again^frpm 
the  commencement  of  the  portage  aforesaid,  to  S^ndushy  riveiv 
and  down  the  same  to  Sanduslqr  bay  and  Lake  Erie,  and  ^m 
Sandusky  to  the  post  which  shall  be  taken  at  or  pear  the  fc^t  of 
tlie  rapids  of  the  Miami  of  the  lake;  and  firom  thence  to  Petroit 
Again,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Chicago  to  the  commencrantut  of 
the  portage  between  that  river  and  the  Illinois,  and  down  tihe 
niinois  river  to  the  Mississippi;  also,  from  Fort  'VTayne,  along  tiie 
portage  aforesaid,  which  leads  to  the  Wabash,  and  then  down  the 
Wabash  to  the  Ohio.  And  the  said  Indian  tribes  will  also  allow 
to  the  people  of  the  United  States  the  free  use  of  the  harbors  and 
months  of  riyers,  along  the  lakes  adjoining  the  Indian  lands,  for 
sheltering  vessels  and  boats,  and  liberty  to  land  their  cargoes,  when 
necessaiy  for  their  safety. 

"Id  consideration  of  the  pec  se  now  established,  and  of  the  bes- 
sions  and  relinquishments  of  lands  made  in  the  preceding  article, 
by  the  said  txibes  of  Indians,  and  to  manifest  the  liberdi^  of  the 
United  States,  as  the  great  means  of  rendering  this  peaoe  strong 
and  perpetual,  the  United  States  relinquish  their  claims  to  all  other 
Indian  lands,  northward  of  the  river  Ohio,  eastward  of  the  Missia- 
sippi,  and  westward  and  southward  of  the  great  lakes,  and  the 
waters  uniting  them,  according  to  the  boundary  line  agreed on\>j 
the  United  States  and  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  in  the  treaty  of 
peace  made  between  them  in  the  year  1788.  But  from  this  r^n- 
quishment  by  the  United  States,  die  following  tracts  of  land  are 
explicitly  excepted : 

"The  tract  of  one  hundred  and  fifly  thousand  acres,  near  the 
rapids  of  the  river  Ohio,  which  has  been  assigned  to  General  Olark^ 
for  the  use  of  himself  and  his  warriors. 

"  The  post  at  St.  Vincennes,  on  the  river  Wabash,  and  the  lands 
a^acent,  of  whidh  the  Indian  title  has  been  extinguished. 

"The  lands  at  all  other  places,  in  possession  of  the  French  peo- 
ple, and  other  white  settlers  among  them,  of  which  the  Lidian  title 
has  been  extinguished,  as  mentioned  heretofore. 


980 


U^^  dt  oliiinrtui. 


im. 


^*'m  i>bit  oir  fort  HSiBjAfi,  ioward  ike  moiiili  of  tbe  Ohio.  To 
#li{oh  g^vditia  ^ttreelfl  of  Ukk,  bo  eisb^jjted,  tlie  raid  tribtift  t«libqiiUJh 
^1  tbo  HtU  And  cliAvii  wMoli  they,  or  kny  of  thea,  m&jr  havo. 

*'^AM,  M  the  iiftine  boliiid^imtidttft,  ftnd  tirith  the  Mme  views  ^ 
&l>b¥«  ine^tibtied,  the  TTniied  QiAUSa  hbw  deliver  to  the  said  Indian 
.MhM  k  <][tttotitir  of  jj^tiodi  io  the  viliae  of  twenty  thoasand  dollars, 
tiid  i^i^Aipi  wh^rbbf  th^y  do  hereby  licknbwledg^;  find  hdnc^for- 
^lird,  ^ery  y^ar,  forever,  the  tJnited  ^tbs  #ill  deliver,  at  some 
i^k^thiiMit  pUa^  noiKhward  of  the  river  Ohio,  like  iisefbl  goods, 
kttit^  to  thil  oircliniatandei  of  the  Indian^  of  .th^  valne  of  nine 
jEhotlBaiid  fiv«  hahdred  ddlao^  reoltoMng  thilt  valne  it  the  first  cost 
tilf  ih«;  ^ocfi,  !h  ilie  city  dr  platie  !h  thJ^  United  Bt^tes  where  they 
1^11  be  j^fotitlred.    The  trtbes  to  which  thoB6  goods  are  to  be  anno- 
idly  delivered,  itid  the  proportions  in  which  they  ^re  ib  be  ddliveredl, 
irethefbllbtHng: 
To  IJid  Wyatidots,  the  liuioaht  of  ono  ihoiisand  dollars. 
To  th^  I)6litiW&res,  the  amount  of  one  tl^ousi&ndi  dollars. 
To  the  ShaWilnese,  the  amontit  of  6ne  thoniund  dollalrs. 
To  the  Hiiiitnies,  this  limoiiiii  of  on^  thonsitnd  dollanl. 
T6  the  Otttfiirits,  the  sitAonnt  bf  bnb  thbusaln^  dollars. 
'tb  tbo  Ohip^ei^as,  the  amount  of  one  thonsahd  doltsirs. 
To  the  Pottawattamies,  the  amonnt  of  one  thotlsand  dollars. 
And  to  the  Ki<ikapoo,  "We^  Kel  Biver,  Piankeehaw  i(nd  Easkas- 
kia  tribes,  the  aiinoiint  of  five  hotidred  dollars  each. 

"^fovided,  that  If  either  of  the  stdd  ttibes  shall  hereafter,  at  an 
itihaal  delivery  of  their  share  of  the  goods  aforesaiid,  desire  that  a 
^rt  of  their  imttnity  shottld  be  fahii^hed  in  domestic  animals,  im- 
|flenient6  of  hne/biindTy,  and  other  ntensils,  convenient  for  them, 
ind  in  coEtipensatiou  to  nseful  artificers  who  may  reside  with  or 
jSeiat^  them,  atid  be  em|>loyed  for  their  benefit,  the  same  shall,  at  the 
l^bb^e<]ttent  atrhoAl  deliveries,  be  furnished  accordingly. 

**t6  p¥ev6'nt  any  mistifnd^r^tanding  about  the  Inmiin  lands  re- 
Hnquii^hed  by  the  United  Stiites,  in  the  fourth  a^cld,  it  is  now 
explicitly  declared,  that  the  meaning  of  that  relihquishmentis  this: 
ihe  Indian  tHbes  who  hav6  a  right  to  these  lands,  are  quietly  to  en- 
)6y  them,  huilting,  planting,  dind  dwelHng  thereon,  so  long  as  they 
please,  without  any  molestation  from  the  United  States ;  but  when 
mxiii  trlber,  or  ai^y  of  thetia,  shall  be  disposed  to  sdlt  their  lands,  or 
any  part  of  them»  they  are  to  be  sold  only  to  the  United  States; 
H^d  tnitit  siich  sale,  thd  UMied  States  will  ptot«ot  all  the  said  In- 
Stm  trib^,  itf  the  quiet  Enjoyment  of  their  lands,  against  all  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States,  aind  ttga&tat  all  othbi^  White  perils  who 


1796. 


9foai|  Qf  TM  OW)  WD^  i|;4;|. 


e^g^  Ih^Wl^lyef  to  b^  i|^4v  tbf  pfpt»<>l|pn  9f  %  fi^4  tT^i^4 
Stot^,  i^d4  no,  Qtli<|r  pp^f}?  ifli^yer. 

".The  IjjkdUnf  or  iT'ijiltf^  jStatei  inigfiremo^ye  tw4  P!ini<4l  InlanideTf, 
on  Indian  lands. 

<*  Indiana  may  hunt  within  ceded  lands. 

**  l!V9^9f  ^mi  l>€|  0]^n^4  in  sifb^^oe,  as  bj  pro^isio^s  in  l^r^i^y 
ofFortH^^^mir.  . 

<<AUiii|)r'|^f  sl^ll  b4  reli^rred  ta  layr;  not  piiyat^I^  av^ng^  i;^^ 
i)iid^lK:;*4]fVp!klR)^°o^  ^  eiU^^r,  sif^llNe^reyca^ed  to  t^^  othcff 
party.  ,- 

"i^l  pwmow  tfpi!k^e#.fii?ii^^ed/^ 

Thi^g^t  and  f^b^ii^;  pep^e  doco^en^  ynu  signed  by  <Jie  yi^- 
oiM  nations  nanaed  |n  the  iTonrth  aj^cle,  f^iid  c|ated  Angont  the  JjNi,^ 
itfllfii;  |t  wiJii  lii^^'b^fof^  %  ^ei)^  December  9^  apd  jati^  " 
]^ece;p^b9r  22d.    Qp  c|osiB|4,^eol4i9^nTlw9o|^1^,'W^ 


Dv^i^f  th^  9^  pD^  tbroiij^b  which  tb^  J^^n,  WB»p,  of  i% 
ij^rth  v|(^^  ^optiniifj,  i|»i^  events  of  grwit  i||^por^iiM  ip  the  ^is- 
tc^i^  of  tb^  'Woj^  999n(refi,  to  w^ach  it  if  prope^  n^wtpini^l^e  rdbfr 
^^.  Arappg  tb;?  ^r?^  <ff  tl^ese  stands,  the  ajdioiMlQp  qf  i^enti)clci( 
i^tq  %  tXnion.  Xn  178ip|,  she  b>4  re^aejrted  ceji^n  cljusngfs  iji 
l^e  1«^  lki)tll|oH3!ing;  sepi^ration,  whijoh  ha4  hpm  pas||e4,  b;(r  yi;|^ 
^nili,  and^^  <^^g^  wetie  made ;  it  b^ing;  re^nefted,  ho't^eyes^ 
af  the  4am0  tini^  t^  a  ijiiiitb  EJei^l^ae^  cony^t^  aho^ld  m^ei, 
^  July,  WfljP,  t9  ei^presf  the  sen^i^QAtii  of  t^e  peoplo  of  tlie  westey^i 
dMaot>  ¥^4  ^  ^i^®  <>^l^r  nf|^dfi4  stftps^ 

CTpop  tb^  2^^  of  tj'nljy,  accordii^Iy,  the  conyeiition,  <mwi^,  t^ 
aether;  th?,  teiims  of  Vijqginia  w«re  agreed  to;  June  1, 17J92,  was 
i^edaisthecUtoof  indep«adeii^ce;  an^mefMoref  adopted  to  procofe 
the  agreement  of  the  federal  le^slatnre.  It  was  also  resolved,  th|ji 
^  De^eo^beri  1791,  P^l«ons  sboald,  be  cbo^SPt  ^  Bffyp  s^yan 
monthf!,  wbo,  ojP|  tfaif,  ^t  Moiiidlffiy  in  April^^  17^^sj^|i|d  meet  9ft 
Dpyii^  to  fojriia  a  <^!{Mtii|v^  for  the  coi^inj;.i|^|4^f^Q^ 
mne  what  laws  j^l^ld^  ii^  fo^ 

]&  B^ember^  iW^  t^e  prissi^ent  oj^  the  tTnil^d^gti^  presented 
the  subject  of  ^q  %d^i|(!^on.of  Zen^cl^^  tj?  go5|^^ 


•SMthetmlrMdalwUMortlMoomidl,  AmciquiStetoPBpwf,  ▼.  MtttoSSS. 


v6S 


OnMATlOV  Of  BOURDARY  DimOULTIM. 


17)5. 


to  obtidn  self-jgaTeromeiit.  In  tbe  following  Deoieniber  tbo  elee- 
tioni  took  place,  for  persons  to  flRiine  •  oonsdtntion,  and  in  April, 
1792,  the  iDstmment  which  wtt  io  lie  at  the  baais  of  Kentucky  law, 
was  prepared,  mainly,  it  would  seem,  by  Gtooige  Nicholas,  of  Me^ 
oer  county.*' 

The  ultimate  design  of  the  British  agents,  in  their  long  intrigue 
with  the  Indians  of  the  north-west,  was  to  nnite  tbem  together  in 
a  great  oonftd^nK^,  in  order  that  the  United  tribes  might  be 
fble  to  secure,  eidier  by  negotiation  or  war,  the  reoogidtion  of  the 
Ohio  as  a  permanent  boundary  between  them  and  the  Americans. 
They  were  influenced  by  no  philanthropic  desire  to  protect  tbe 
rights  of  the  savi^es,  in  the  attempt  to  secure  them  against  the  en- 
eroachments  of  the  American  settlers ;  on  the  CQjitrary,  they  sought 
through  that  policy  to  establish  a  Britidi  protectorate  over  the 
north-western  tribes,  and  thus,  in  effect,  to  remove  the  line  of 
Canada  to  the  Ohio,  aiid  to  extend  the  authority  of  the  British 
orown  over  the  whole  i«|^on  covered  by  the  ordinance  of  1787. 

it  was  to  further  this  ultimate  policy,  as  well  as  to  retaliate  upon 
tbe  confederation  the  iiyuly  done  ^  to  British  creditors,  by  tbe  re- 
fasiil  of  the  State  of  Virginia  to  repeal  her  laws  against  the  payment 
of  their  (^ims,  thid;  the  British  cabinet  refused,  in  contravention  of 
the  treaty  of  178S,  to  surrender  the  posts  retained  at  the  close  of 
the  wkr  of  independence,  vdthin  the  limits  of  the  TJnited  States. 
But  the  defeat  of  the  Indians  at  the  battle  of  the  Fallen  Timben, 
deranged  that  policy,  dispelled  all  hope  they  entertained  of  ever 
recovering  the  British  suprema<^  in  that  region,  and  disposed  tbem 
to  cultivate  more  friendly  relations  with  the  Americans,  and  to 
surrender  the  poste  in  the  north-west,  and  by  consequence,  their 
control  over  the  savages  into  the  hands  of  the  American  gov- 
emment. 

The  difficulties  that  had  existed  for  ten  years  between  the  United 
StatieiS  and  Great  Britain,  in  regard  to  their  mutual  infractions  of 
the  treaty  of  1788,  assumed,  during  the  period  of  the  Indian  war, 
a  very  grave  aspect  and  threatened  to  involve  the  two  nations  again 
in  war,  and  it  was  the  apprehennon  c^snch  a  result,  in  addition  to 
the'mdtiv<is  of  ^n  ulterior  policy,  that  stimulated  the  British  cabi- 
net an^ 'its  agents  in  Canada  to  excite  the  h6stilities  of  the  In^na 
igainst  the  Ainerioans.    But  ail  those  difionlties  were  at  length 


•MMPAan's  keBtaol7/i.  «60/414.1-Sp«rlu'  Waa^  xiL  18,  83. 


m$. 


jay's  TBIATT  fOftMBD. 


settled  mnioably  by  negotinUoD)  and  tlM  immitient  danger  of 
another  war  averted. 

On  the  19tli  of  April,  1T94,  John  Jay  was  appointed  the  EnvoV 
Extraordinary  of  the  United  States  to  Oreat  Britain,  with  ftui 
power  to  negotiate  with  the  representatives  of  the  British  Goviarn* 
ment,  concerning  all  matters  of  difference  between  the  two  conn*- 
tries.  After  a  long  negotiation  Mr.  Jay  oonolnded,  on  the  19th  of 
November,  a  treaty  of  amity,  commerce  and  navigation,  with  Lord 
OreenvUle,  the  British  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affitirs,  which  included 
and  decided  all  the  questions  at  issue.  The  second  article  of  that 
treaty  provided  that — 

^*  flis  Majesty  will  withdraw  all  his  troops  and  garrisons  from  all 
posts  and  places  within  the  boandary  lines  aSmgned  by  the  treaty 
of  peace  to  the  United  States.  This  evacuation  shall  take  place 
on  or  before  the  first  day  of  June,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
ninety-six,  and  all  the  proper  measures  shall  be  taken,  in  the  inter- 
val, by  concert,  between  the  govemm«nt  of  the  United  States  and 
his  Majesty's  Gk>vemor-Qeneral  in  America,  for  settling  the  pre^ 
▼ioas  arrangements  which  may  be  necessary  respecting  the  delivery 
of  the  siud  posts :  tiie  United  States,  in  the  meantime,  at  theif 
discretion,  extending  their  settlements  to  any  part  within  the  said 
boandary  line,  except  within  the  precincts  or  jurisdiction  of  any  of 
the  said  posts. 

"All  settlers  and  traders  within  the  precincts  or  jurisdiction  of. 
the  said  posts,  shall  continue  to  e^joy,  unmolested,  all  their  pro- 
perty, of  every  kind,  and  shall  be  protected  therein.  They  shall 
be  at  fall  liberty  to  remain  there,  or  to  remove  with  all  or  any  pa.^: 
of  their  effects;  and  it  shall  also  be  free  to  them  to  sell  their  lands, 
hOases  or  effects,  or  retain  the  property  thereof,  at  their  discretion ; 
sach  of  them  as  shall  continue  to  reside  within  the  said  boundary 
lines  shall  not  be  compelled  to  become  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
or  to  ta&e  any  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  government  thereof;  bht 
they  shall  be  at  fhll  liberty  so  to  do  if  they  think  proper;  t^ey  shall 
make  and  declare  their  election  within  one  year  aft^r  the  evacua^ 
tion  aforesaid.  And  all  persons  who  shall  continue  there  after  the 
expiration  of  the  said  year,  without  having  declared  their  intention 
of  remaining  subjects  to  his  Britannic  Mi^esty,  sh^l  be  considered 
as  baviug  elected  to  become  citizens  of  the  United  States." 


The  attempt  of  the  agents  of  the  French  minister  in  the  United 
States,  to  enlist  the  people  of  Kentucky  in  aii  inr^msion  of  Loi!:^<> 
•na,  deserves  to  be  noticed. 


'^W^!.- 


ranon  wuHAm^fi  ni  smp  wm. 


ITOfi. 


A  grM^1;iii^f«plw«f  ezl)ibit!pd  b^  ^ep^DJ^e  ©f  t^«  United  8^tM 
in  th«  popular  orate,  «t  tbe  oatbMftk  of  fhe  revQUtUpn  in  Fruioe; 
«iijl  wk«n  B^  Q«n9t  pr«feiit^4  hinuMlf  at  ?hil|k(t«Ipbim  PB  tlie  18th 
(^llfi^,  1799, 9H  the  ir9pi«Miitatir«  of  ibe  Vrenub  RepiibU<vbe  wi)f 
lypi^ivad^  wf^b  imlH>iii|^«4  •otbiwiaiim^  That^Uog  of  ajinpathy 
1m  fil  op^  1^1^  <;«  0*49  to  Mfi^  ill*  ulterior  porooeea  of  tl^e  leaden 
(0^  ih9  mc\%^<».»  IH;  appears  >bat  be  >rougbt  witb  bim  open 
ifiiiriiqtloo^  in  vbie^  ^  iJnlted  States  wer^  spoken  of  as  oati|raU| 
ill^tvalt  ^^  ^-.  ^n^^  between  France  and  unUec^  Holland,  Spaiii 
^4  %Ktl^^i  *^  8Mr<<ln8tro<;tions,  tbe  pnrpoae  of  wbloh  wns  U> 
indnee  tbe  gbvemmenVand  }^  ibat  ooald  not  be  don^  the  people 
(^  ^e  Aihericfin  repabjlc,  to  ntake  comnion  <^i,t|Be  with  the  (bun- 
^^f:a  <])f  tbM^QfN^  of,^^  Cfnillotine. 

;|^  pimviane*  oC  4l«(  |>l»n>  Oenet  beg^  nByatem  of  operationi, 
ikp.  tfndepejr  <^  wbjcb  V«a  to  involve  the  people  of  tb^TTnited 
ftties  In  a  wa^  iHtii  t|ie  enemies  of  France,  without  any  regard  to 
^e  'vlitira.  pf  the  fe^pni  government;  and  knowing  veir  well  tlte 
oj|d  bHterneif  of  t^e  frontiersmen,  in  relatii^n  to  the  nayigatiim  of 
i^9  J^^iQi^pi,  he  fori^ed  tike  plan  of  embod^^ng  a  band  of  troope 
]to^^l|i4'  the  Alleglieniee,  for  the  Qonqnest  of  Iiouiaiana.  Early  in 
^Y<^a^t>ef4  t798y  frar  j^r^ons  were  sent  weptwaiwl  to  raise  troopi 
Ij^d  vim.e  <^mi^ii[Mi|<i!ns^  InJbe  nan^e  of  tt^  French  repnblio^  They 
moved  openly  and  boldly,  seonre  in  the  strong  democraUc  feelings 
^  ih,e  i^«|^taQJbB  of  the  region  ^wned  b|  the  great  river  which 
^9,  C(fin^llft4i  i^i|4  <0  &r  succeeded  as  to  persuade  even  the 
i^ii^  lj»nnder  of  Kentuckqr,  Oeorge  Sogers  OUirk,  to  become  a 
ibrrQeneiai  ^  tbe  arinies  of  France,  and  Cofumanderrin-chief 
<^  j^  i^l^titionii^  foreea  on  the  Missifeippi.* 
^ITot  didj^  |fren^  enii^s^es  nxucb  imstake  tbe.  temper  of  the 
jljf^)^9.^  Vt^i^ll^t^Mein  iohabi- 

t|m^  of  i^te  ignited  ^tat^  west  of  the  ^.lleglien^and^ppallaehiaB 
p^^ni^^*'  ii^ed  by  the  ^^mocni^c  Society  of  Kentucky,  on  the 
Wk  ^P<w^j^»  if^?r0Wtr  the  signatu^^  %  '^<%"'t  Preckenndge, 

M^l^tfCt^^gfmi:^  Society  of  Kentucl^  having 

^Hl^nn^f^  c<p44^1«on  il^  measures  neeessairy  to  obtain  the  eze^ 
f^^,^<^pi  fi^bts  to  tbe  free  navi||atioa  of  t|e  Jljwsiswppi,  have 


•  K#b^  Uatttd  Bta««a^  fi.  869,  860.— Ocntfi  panpUct  and  eorreipoiklenee  with 
SMOBiMitkMu 


♦ 


1796. 


ADD»I88  or  TBI  MMOORATIO  BOOXITT. 


666 


determined  to  addreis  yoa  upon  thai  important  topic  In  to 
doing,  they  thinlc  that  they  only  nse  the  undoubted  right  of  oitiiseni 
to  ooniult  for  their  common  welfore.  Thii  meaaure  is  not  dictated 
by  party  or  faction ;  it  it  the  consequence  of  unavoidable  necewity. 
It  has  become  so  from  the  neglect  shown  by  the  general  goyem- 
ment  to  obtain  for  those  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  who 
are  interested  therein,  the  navigation  of  that  river. 

"Experience,  fellow  eitiaens,  has  shown  us  that  the  general  gov- 
ernment is  unwilling  that  we  should  obtain  the  navigation  of  (he 
river  Mississippi.  A  local  policy  appears  to  have  an  undue  weight 
in  the  councils  of  the  Union.  It  seems  to  be  the  object  of  that 
policy  to  prevent  the  population  of  this  country,  which  would  draw 
from  the  Eastern  States  their  industrious  citizens.  This  conclusion 
inevitably  follows,  from  a  consideration  of  the  measures  taken  to 
prevent  the  purchase  and  settlement  of  the  lands  bordering  on  the 
MiBsissippi.  Among  those  measures,  the  unconstitutional  inter- 
ference which  rescinded  sales,  by  one  of  the  States,  to  private  indi- 
ridaals,  makes  a  striking  object.  And,  perhaps,  the  fear  of  a  sue- 
cessful  rivalship,  in  every  article  of  their  exports,  may  have  its 
weight  But,  if  they  are  not  unwilling  to  do  us  justice,  they  are, 
St  least,  regardless  of  our  rights  and  welfare. 

«We  have  found  prayers  and  supplications  of  no  avail,  and 
ebould  we  continue  to  load  the  table  of  Oongress  with  memorials 
from  a  part  only  of  the  western  country,  it  is  too  probable  that 
they  would  meet  with  a  fate  similar  to  those  which  have  been  for- 
merly presented.  Let  us,  then,  all  unite  our  endeavors  in  the 
common  cause.  Let  all  join  in  a  firm  and  manly  remonstrance  to 
the  President  and  Congress  of  the  United  States,  stating  our  just 
and  undoubted  right  to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  remon- 
etrating  against  the  conduct  of  the  government  with  regard  to  that 
right,  which  must  have  been  occasioned  by  local  policy  or  neglect, 
and  demanding  of  them  speedy  and  effectual  exertions  for  its 
attainment  We  cannot  doubt  that  you  will  cordially  and  unani- 
raottsly  join  in  this  measure. 

"It  can  hardly  be  necessary  to  remind  you  that  considerable 
quantities  of  beef,  pork,  flour,  hemp,  tobacco,  &c.,  the  produce  of 
this  country,  remain  on  hand  fbr  want  of  purchasers,  or  are  sold 
at  inadequate  prices.  Much  greater  quantities  might  be  raised,  if 
the  inhabitants  were  encouraged  by  the  certaiti  sale  which  the  free 
narigation  of  the  Mississippi  would  affbrd.  An  additional  increase 
of  those  articles,  and  a  greater  variety  of  produce  and  manufhc- 
48 


666 


ADMMl  or  TBI  DIMOOftATlO  0OOIITT. 


m«. 


toret,  woald  b«  tupplkd  by  mMiw  of  the  •nooongtmant  which 
lh«  attainment  of  thnt  great  objeet  wooM  give  to  emigmtiOQ. 

*<BQt  it  it  not  only  jonr  c  m  rights  which  yon  mw  to  regard; 
remember  that  yonr  posterity  have  a  eMm  to  yoar  exertioni  to 
obtain  and  eecnre  that  right  Let  not  your  memory  be  stigmatiied 
with  a  neglect  of  duty.  Let  not  history  record  that  the  inhabitanti 
of  this  beantiftil  oonntiy  lost  a  moat  invalaable  right,  and  half  the 
benefito  bestowed  npon  it  by  a  bonntiftil  Proyidenoe,  through  your 
neglect  and  snpineness.  The  present  crisis  is  &Torable.  Spi^n  ii 
engaged  in  a  war  which  requires  all  her  foroes.  If  the  present 
golden  opportunity  be  suffered  to  pass  without  advantage,  and  ahe 
shall  hare  concluded  a  peace  with  France,  we  must  then  contend 
against  her  undivided  strength. 

"  But  what  may  be  the  event  of  the  proposed  application  is  still 
uncertain.  We  ought,  therefore,  to  be  still  upon  our  guard,  and 
watchfbl  to  seise  the  first  fovorable  opportunity  to  gain  our  object. 
In  order  to  this,  our  union  should  be  as  perfect  and  lasting  as  pos- 
sible. We  propose  that  societies  should  be  formed,  in  convenient 
districts,  in  every  part  of  the  western  country,  who  shall  preserve 
a  correspondence  upon  this  and  every  other  subject  of  a  genersl 
concern.  By  means  of  these  societies,  we  shall  be  enabled  q[>eedily 
to  know  what  may  be  the  result  of  our  endeavors,  to  consult  upon 
such  further  measures  as  may  be  necessaiy  to  preserve  union,  and 
finally,  by  these  means,  to  secure  success. 

*' Remember  that  it  is  a  common  cause,  which  ought  to  unite  ni; 
that  cause  is  indubitably  just,  that  ourselves  and  posterity  are 
interested,  that  the  crisis  is  favorable,  and  that  it  is  only  by  union 
that  the  object  can  be  achieved.  The  obstacles  are  great,  and  lo 
oqght  to  be  our  efforts.  Adverse  fortune  may  attend  us,  but  it 
shall  never  dispirit  us.  We  may,  for  awhile,  exhaust  our  wealth 
and  strength,  but  until  the  all-important  object  is  procured,  we 
pledge  ourselves  to  you,  and  let  us  all  pledge  ourselves  to  each 
other,  that  our  perseverance  and  our  friendship  will  be  inex- 
haustible." 

And  the  same  spirit  is  manifested  in  a  remonstrance  of  the  citi- 
zens of  the  Oommonwealth  of  Eentuo^,  to  the  President  and 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  prepared,  probably,  at  the  same 
time»    It  seta  forth — 

"  That  yonr  remonstrants,  and  the  other  inhabitanto  of  the  United 
States,  west  of  the  Allegheny  and  Apallachian  monntiuns,  are  en- 
titled, by  nature  and  stipulation,  to  the  free  and  undisturbed 
navigation  of  the  river  Mississippi;  and  that,  from  the  year  1788 


1T9S. 


miMovtntAiroB  or  th  simruouAiis. 


667 


to  thii  daj,  thoy  baro  boon  proyentod  imifoniilj,  by  tbe  Spaniib 
king,  from  exeroiiiag  tbftt  rigbt  Your  rtmoiiftninti  b»Te  ob- 
•MTved,  witb  oonoero,  that  tbe  genenl  gorerament,  wboM  dnty  it 
WM  to  have  preterved  tbat  rigbt,  bmre  mod  no  effoctnftl  moaaarot 
for  it«  attainmtnt ;  tbat  aren  tbair  tutdj  and  Ineffeotaal  negotia* 
tioni  baye  been  veiled  with  tbe  moat  mjateriona  lecreey ;  that  tbat 
Moreoy  ia  a  violation  of  tbe  politioa]  rigbta  of  tilie  oitiaeni,  aa  it 
deolarea  tbat  tbe  people  are  nnfit  to  be  entmited  witb  important 
fitoti  relative  to  tbeir  rigbtt,  and  tbat  tbeir  servants  may  retain 
from  tbem  tbe  knowledge  of  tbose  facta.  Eight  yean  are  surely 
saffioient  for  the  disonssion  of  the  most  donbtfbl  and  dispatable 
claim.  The  right  to  tbe  navigation  of  tbe  Mississippi  admits 
neither  of  donbt  or  dispute. 

"Tour  remonstrants,  tfierefore,  conceive  tbat  tbe  negotiations 
on  that  sntgeot  have  been  unnecessarily  lengthy,  and  they  expect 
that  it  be  demanded  categorically  of  tbe  Spanish  king  whether  he 
will  acknowledge  the  right  of  the  citisens  of  the  United  States  to 
the  free  and  uninterrupted  navigation  of  the  river  Mississippi,  and 
cause  all  obstructions,  interruption,  and  hindrance  to  the  exercise 
of  that  right,  in  fhture,  to  be  withdrawn  and  avoided ;  that  imme- 
diate answer  be  required,  and  that  such  answer  be  the  final  period 
of  all  negotiations  upon  the  subject 

"Tour  remonstrants  further  represent,  that  the  encroachment 
of  the  Spaniards  upon  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  is  a 
striking  and  melancholy  proof  of  the  situation  to  which  our 
ooantry  will  be  reduced,  if  a  tame  policy  should  still  c<mtinue  to 
direct  our  councils. 

"Your  remonstrants  join  their  voice  to  that  of  their  fellow-citi- 
zens in  the  Atiantic  States,  calling  for  satisfhction  for  the  iiynries 
and  insults  offered  to  America;  and  they  expect  such  satis&ction 
■hall  extend  to  every  injury  and  insult  done  or  offered  to  any  part 
of  America,  by  Great  Britain  and  Spain;  and  as  the  detention  of 
the  posts,  and  tiie  interruption  to  the  navigation  of  the  Misnssippi, 
are  iiynries  and  insnlts  of  the  greatest  atrocity,  and  of  the  longest 
diuation,  they  require  the  most  particular  attention  to  those  sub- 
jects." 

The  pretensions  and  proceecUngs  of  Genet  and  his  agents,  at 
once  excited  tiie  solicitude  of  the  government;  the  ministers  of 
Great  Britain  and  Spaipi,  remonstrated  against  the  policy  they  were 
pnrsaing,  and  it  was  determined  by  the  cabinet  to  demand  the 
recall  of  the  obnoxious  minister.  Accordingly,  Mr.  Jeflferson  ad- 
dressed a  communication  to  Govemeur  Morris,  the  American 


668 


«INBT  IB  MBUKtO  BT  eOYBRHMBHf. 


1798. 


Minister  at  Paris,  intended  for  the  Frenoli  Government,  in  which 
he  thns  oharaoterizes  the  condnot  of  Genet: 

"When  the  goverament  forbids  their  citizens  to  arm  and  engage 
in  the  war,  he  undertakes  to  arm  and  engage  them.  When  they 
fbrbid  vessiBls  to  he  fitted  in  their  ports  for  croising  on  nations 
With  whom  they  are  at  peace,  he  commissions  them  to  fit  and 
cmise.  When  they  forbid  an  unceded  jurisdiction  to  be  exercised 
within  their  territory  by  foreign  agents,  he  undertakes  to  uphold 
th«;t  exercise,  and  to  arow  it  openly.  That  friendship,  which 
dictates  to  us  to  bear  with  his  conduct  yet  awhile,  lest  the  interests 
of  his  nation  here  should  suffer  ii^ury,  will  hasten  them  to  replace 
an  agent  whose  disposition  is  such  a  misrepresentation  of  theirs, 
and  whose  continuance  here  is  inconsistent  with  order,  peace, 
respect,  and  that  friendly  correspondence  which  we  hope  will  ever 
subsist  between  the  two  nations.  His  government  win  see,  too, 
that  tl^e  case  is  pressing.  That  it  is  impossible  for  two  sovereign 
and  independent  authorities  to  be  going  on  within  our  territory,  at 
the  same  time,  without  collision.  They  will  foresee  that  if  M. 
Genet  perseveres  in  his  proceedings,  the  consequences  would  be  so 
hazardous  to  ts,  the  example  so  humiliating  and  pernicious,  that  we 
may  be  fbrced  even  to  suspend  bis  functions  before  a  successor  can 
arrive  to  continue  them.  If  our  citizens  have  not  already  been 
shedding  each  other's  blood,  it  is  not  owing  to  the  moderation  of 
M.  Genet,  but  to  the  forbearance  of  the  government."  * 

A  copy  of  this  letter  from  the  Secretaiy  of  State  to  Mr.  Morris, 
was  sent  to  M.  Genet,  who,  on  the  18th  of  September,  1798,  wrote 
to  Mr.  Jefferson  a  letter  which  contained  the  following  remarkable 
expressions: 

'*It  is  in  the  name  of  the  French  people,  that  I  am  sent  to  their 
brethren — to  free  and  sovereign  men.  It  is  then  for  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  American  people,  and  not  for  d  single  many  to  exhibit 
against  me  an  act  of  accusation,  if  I  have  merited  it.  A  despot 
naef  singly  permit  himself  to  demand  from  another  despot  the 
recall  of  his  representative,  and  to  order  his  expulsion  in  case  of 
refusal.  That  is  what  the  Emp^  ..i  of  Bussia  did  with  respect  to 
myself,  from  Louis  XVI.  But  a  a  free  state  it  cannot  be  so, 
unless  order  be  entirely  subverted;  unless  the  people  in  a  moment 
of  blindness,  choose  to  rivet  their  fetters,  in  making  to  a  single 
indiyidual  the  abandonment  of  their  most  precious  rights. 


*AiB«rioa:iifiUUl>ap«n,  i.  170. 


17M. 


obrk'0  LBrm  to  jeffikson. 


m 


"You  are  made  to  reproach  me  with  having  indiscreetly  given 
to  my  official  proceedings,  a  tone  of  color,  which  has  induced  a 
belief^  that  they  did  not  know,  in  France,  either  my  character  or 
my  manners.  I  will  tell  you  the  reason,  sir :  it  is  that  a  pure  and 
warm  hlood  runs  with  rapidity  in  tny  veins ;  that  I  love  passionately 
my  country;  that  I  adore  the  cause  of  liberty;  that  I  am  always 
ready  to  sacrifice  my  life  to  it;  that  to  me,  it  appears  inconceivable 
that  all  the  enemies  of  tyranny,  that  all  virtuous  men,  do  not 
march  with  us  to  the  combat;  and  that,  when  t  find  an  ii\ju8tice  is 
done  to  my  fellow  citizens,  that  their  interests  are  not  espoused 
with  the  zeal  which  they  merit,  no  consideration  in  the  world 
would  hinder  either  my  pen  or  my  tongue  from  tracing,  from 
expressing  my  pain.  I  will  tell  you  then  without  ceremony,  that 
I  have  been  extremely  wounded,  sir: — 

"That  the  President  of  the  United  States  was  in  a  hurry,  before 
knowing  what  I  had  to  transmit  to  him,  on  the  part  of  the  French 
republic,  to  proclaim  sentiments,  on  which  decency  and  friendship 
should  at  least  have  drawn  a  veil. 

"That  he  did  not  speak  to  me  at  my  first  audience,  but  of  the 
friendship  of  the  United  States  toward  France,  without  saying  a 
word  to  me,  with  announcing  a  single  sentiment,  on  our  revolution ; 
while  all  the  towns  from  Charleston  to  Philadelphia,  had  made 
the  air  resound  with  their  most  ardent  wishes  for  the  French 
republic. 

"That  he  had  received  and  admitted  to  a  private  audience, 
before  my  arrival,  Noailles  and  Talon,  known  agents  of  the  French 
coanter-revolutionists,  who  have  since  had  intimate  relations  with 
two  members  of  the  federal  government. 

"That  this  first  magistrate  of  a  free  people,  decorated  his  parlor 
with  certain  medallions  of  Capet*  and  his  family,  which  served  at 
Paris  as  signals  of  rallying. 

"That  the  first  complaints  which  were  made  to  my  predecessor 
on  the  armaments  and  prizes  which  took  place  at  Charleston  on 
my  arrival,  were,  in  &ct,  but  a  paraphrase  of  the  notes  of  the 
English  minister. 

"That  the  Secretary  of  War,  f  to  whom  I  communicated  the 
wish  of  our  governments  of  the  Windward  Islands,  to  receive 
promptly  some  firo-arms  and  some  cannon,  which  might  put  into 
a  state  of  defense,  possessions  guarantied  by  the  United  States, 


*  Louis  xvi. 


t  Oentnl  Hemy  Knox. 


670 


onrn'B  £Rn&  10  jmnsoir. 


17114. 


had  the  front  to  msWer  with  an  ironical  carelessnesf,  that  the 
principles  established  by  the  Preiddent,  did  not  permit  him  to  lend 
VLB  so  mnch  as  a  pistol. 

"That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasuy,*  with  whom  I  had  a  con- 
▼ersation  on  the  proposition  which  I  made  to  convert  almost  the 
whole  American  debt,  by  means  of  an  operation  of  finance  anthor* 
ized  by  law,  into  flour,  rice,  grain,  salted  provisions,  and  other 
objects  of  which  France  had  the  most  pressing  need,  added  to  the 
refhsal  which  he  had  already  made  officially  of  &voring  this 
arrangement,  the  positive  declaration,  that,  even  if  it  were 
practicable,  the  United  States  could  not  consent  to  it  because 
England  would  not  &il  to  ctmsider  this  extraordinary  reimbarse- 
ment  fhmished  to  a  nation  with  which  she  is  at  war,  as  an  act  of 
hostility. 

"That,  by  instructions  from  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
the  American  citizens  who  ranged  themselves  under  the  banners 
of  France,  have  been  prosecuted  and  arrested;  a  crime  against 
liberty  unheard  of,  of  which  a  virtuous  and  popular  jury  avenged 
with  eclat  the  defenders  of  the  best  of  causes. 

"That  incompetent  tribunals  were  suffered  to  take  cognizance 
of  facts  relative  to  prizes  which  treaties  interdict  them  expressly 
from  doing:  that,  on  tiieir  acknowledgment  of  their  incompetency, 
this  property,  acquired  by  the  right  of  war,  was  taken  from  ns, 
that  it  was  thought  ill  of,  that  our  consuls  protested  against  these 
arbitraiy  acts,  and  that,  as  a  reward  for  his  devotion  to  his  dutjr, 
the  one  at  Boston  was  imprisoned  as  a  male&ctor. 

"That  the  President  of  the  United  States  took  on  himself  to 
give  to  our  treaties  arbitrary  interpretations,  absolutely  contrary  to 
their  true  sense,  and  tha^  by  a  series  of  decisions  which  tiiay 
would  have  us  reoeive  as  laws,  he  left  no  other  indemnification  to 
France  for  the  blood  she  spilt,  for  the  treasure  she  dissipated  in 
fighting  for  the  independence  of  the  United  States,  but  the  illnsoiy 
advantage  of  bringing  into  their  porta  the  prizes  made  on  their 
enemies,  without  being  able  to  sell  them. 

"That  no  answer  is  yet  ^ven  to  the  notification  of  the  decree  of 
the  National  Convention  for  opening  our  ports  in  the  two  worlds 
to  the  American  citizens,  and  granting  the  same  favors  to  them  as 
to  the  French  citizens — advantages  which  will  cease  if  there  he  ft 
continuance  to  treat  us  with  the  same  injustice. 


*Al«XMider  Huailton. 


1794. 


aiNKT  BIOALLB)  BT  VBXHOB  OOTBBMMENT. 


671 


«  That  he  (Wai^ington)  hM  deferred,  in  spite  of  my  respectfdl 
insinoatioiis,  to  convoke  congress  immediately,  in  <Hrder  to  take 
the  true  sentiments  of  the  people,  to  fix  the  political  system  of  the 
United  States,  and  to  decide  whether  they  will  break,  suspend  or 
tighten  their  bands  with  France— an  honest  measure  which  would 
have  avoided  to  the  general  government  much  contradiction  and 
subterfuge,  to  me  much  pain  and  disgust,  to  the  local  governments, 
embarrassments  so  much  the  greater,  as  they  found  themselves 
placed  between  treaties,  which  are  laws,  and  decisions  of  the 
federal  government,  which  are  not:  in  fine,  to  the  tribunals,  duties 
80  much  the  more  painful  to  fulfill,  as  they  have  been  often  under 
the  necessity  of  giving  judgments  contrary  to  the  intentions  of  the 
government.  It  results  from  all  these  facts,  sir,  that  I  could  not 
but  be  profoundly  afiTected  with  the  conduct  of  the  federal  govern- 
ment toward  my  countiy."  * 

Gtonet  was  recalled  in  compliance  with  the  demand  of  the 
American  Government,  his  acts  were  disowned,  and  M.  Fauchet 
was  appointed  his  successor;  and  during  the  period  of  his  connec- 
tion with  the  government,  **  used  all  the  means  in  hb  power  to 
prevent  French  armaments  in  the  United  States." 

The  recall  of  Genet,  however,  did  not  immediately  arrest  the 
scheme  of  his  emissaries,  and  the  preparations  th<^  were  making 
for  the  invasion  of  Louisiana  were  for  the  time  prosecuted  with 
unabated  vigor.  It  was  the  first  object  of  the  conspirators  to 
excite  the  sympathy,  and  thus  to  secure  the  co-operation  of  the 
French  inhabitants  of  Louisiana;  and  the  Democratic  Society  of 
Philadelphia  with  that  view  published  and  circulated  in  Louisi- 
ana, the  following  address. "from  the  freemen  of  France  to  their 
brothers  in  Louisiana:"! 

"LiBEBTT,  EqUAUTT. 

"The  Freemen  of  France  to  their  brothers  in  Louisiana :  2d  year 

of  the  French  Republic. . 
"The  moment  has  arrived  when  despotism  must  disappear  from 
the  earth.  France,  having  obtained  her  freedom,  and  constituted 
herself  into  a  republic,  after  having  made  known  to  mankind  their 
rights,  after  having  achieved  the  most  glorious  victories  over  her 
enemies,  is  not  satisfied  with  successes  by  which  she  alone  would 
profit,  but  declares  to  all  nations  that  she  is  ready  to  give  her  pow- 


*Amerieui  SUte  Papen— Foreign  ReUtionv,  i.  172. 
fOajurra'a  Sptaiah  doBinattw  ia  Loais'uu,  p.  887. 


672 


A^PIinSS  OW  FEENOB  JA00BIV8. 


17M. 


erful  asdstance  to  those  that  may  be  disposed  to  follow  her  virtaous 
example. 

"Frenchmen  of  Louisiana,  yon  still  love  your  mother  conntry ; 
snch  a  feeling  is  innate  in  yoar  hearts.  The  French  nation,  know- 
ing your  sentiments,  and  indignant  at  seeing  yon  the  victims  of  the 
tyrants  by  whom  yon  have  been  so  long  oppressed,  can  and  will 
avenge  yonr  wrongs.  A  peijured  king,  prevaricating  ministeng 
vile  and  insolent  courtiers,  who  fattened  on  the  labors  of  the  people 
whose  blood  they  sucked,  have  suffered  the  punishment  due  to 
their  crimes.  The  French  nation,  irritated  by  the  outrages  and 
injustices  of  which  it  had  been  the  object,  rose  against  those 
oppressors,  and  they  disappeared  before  its  wrath,  as  rapidly  as 
dust  obeys  the  brea^  of  an  impetuous  wind. 

"The  hour  has  struck.  Frenchmen  of  Louisiana;  hasten  to  profit 
by  the  great  lesson  which  you  have  received. 

"  Now  is  the  time  to  cease  being  the  slaves  of  a  government  to 
which  you  were  shamefully  sold ;  and  no  longer  to  be  led  on  like 
a  herd  of  cattle,  by  men  who>  with  one  word,  can  strip  you  of  what 
you  h<rfd  most  dear — ^liberty  and  property. 

"The  Spanish  despotism  has  surpassed  in  atrocity  and  stupidity 
all  the  other  despotisms  that  have  ever  been  known.  Has  not  bar- 
barism always  been  the  companion  of  that  government,  which  has 
rendered  the  Spanish  name  execrable  and  horrible  in  the  whole 
continent  of  America  ?  Is  it  not  that  nation  who,  under  the  hypo- 
critical nuuk  of  religion,  ordered  or  permitted  the  sacrifice  of  more 
than  twenty  millions  of  men?  Is  it  not  the  same  race  that 
depopulated,  impoverished  and  degraded  whole  countries,  for  the 
gratification  of  an  insatiable  avarice  ?  Is  it  not  the  nation  that  has 
oppressed  and  still  oppresses  you  under  &  heavy  yoke  ? 

"  What  have  been  the  fruits  of  so  many  crimes  ?  The  annihila- 
tion, the  disgrace,  the  impoverishment,  and  the  besotting  of  the 
Spanish  nation  in  Europe,  and  a  fatal  lethargy,  servitude,  or  death 
for  an  infinite  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  America. 

"The  Indians  cut  down  the  tree  whose  fruits  they  wish  to  reach 
and  gather.  A  fit  illustration  of  despotism  I  The  fate  of  nations 
is  of  no  importance  in  the  eye  of  tyranny.  Everything  is  to  be 
sacrificed  to  satisfy  capricious  tastes  and  transient  wants,  and  all 
those  it  rules  over  must  groan  under  the  chains  of  slavery. 

"Frenchmen  of  Louisiana,  the  ui\ju8t  treatment  you  have  under- 
gone must  have  sufilciently  convinced  you  of  these  sad  truths,  and 
your  misfortunes  must  undoubtedly  have  deeply  impressed  your 
souls  with  the  desire  of  seizing  an  honorable  opportunity  of  aveng- 
ing your  wrongs. 


1794. 


ADDRXSS  OF  FBBNOn  JACOBINS. 


678 


<*  Compare  witii  yonr  sitoation  that  of  yoor  mends— 4be  free 
Americans.  Look  at  the  province  of  Eentucky,  deprived  of  ontlets 
for  its  products,  and  yet,  notwithstanding  these  obstacles,  and 
merely  through  the  genial  influence  of  a  free  government,  rapidly 
increasing  its  population  and  wealth,  and  already  presaging  a  pros- 
perity which  causes  the  Spanish  government  to  tremble. 

"Treasure  up  in  your  minds  the  following  observations:  They 
divulge  the  secret  springs  of  all  despotic  governments,  because 
they  tear  off  the  veil  which  covers  their  abominable  designs.  Men 
are  created  and  bom  to  love  another,  to  be  united  and  happy,  and 
they  would  be  so  effectually,  if  those  who  call  themselves  the 
images  of  God  on  earth— if  kings — ^had  not  found  out  the  means 
of  sowing  discord  among  them  and  destroying  their  fislicity. 

"  The  peopling  of  Kentucky  has  been  the  work  of  a  few  years ; 
your  colony,  although  better  situated,  is  daily  losing  its  population, 
because  it  lacks  liberty. 

"  The  Americans,  who  are  free,  lifter  consecrating  all  their  time 
to  cultivating  their  lands  and  to  expanding  their  industry,  are  sure 
to  e^joy  quietiy  the  fruits  of  their  labors ;  but,  with  regard  to  your- 
selves, all  that  you  possess  depends  on  the  caprice  of  a  viceroy, 
who  is  always  unjust,  avaricious,  and  vindictive. 

"These  are  evils  which  a  firm  determination,  once  taken,  can 
shake  off.  Only  have  resolution  and  energy,  and  one  instant  will 
suffice  to  change  your  unhappy  condition.  Wretched  indeed 
would  you  become,  if  you  failed  in  such  an  undertaking!  Because, 
the  very  name  of  Frenchmen  being  hateful  to  all  kings  and  their 
accomplices,  they  would,  in  return  for  your  attachment  to  us,  ren- 
der your  chains  more  insupportable,  and  would  persecute  you  with 
unheard  of  vexations. 

"You  quiver,  no  doubt,  with  indignation;  you  feel  in  your 
hearts  the  desire  of  deserving  the  honorable  appellation  of  freemen, 
but  the  fear  of  not  being  assisted  and  of  failing  in  your  attempt 
deadens  your  zeal.  Dismiss  such  apprehensions :  know  ye,  that 
your  brethren  the  French,  who  have  attacked  with  success  the 
Spanish  government  in  Europe,  will  in  a  short  time  present  them- 
selves on  your  coasts  with  naval  forces ;  that  the  republicans  of  the 
western  portion  of  the  United  States  are  ready  to  come  down  the 
Ohio  and  Mississippi  in  company  with  a  considerable  number  of 
French  republicans,  and  to  rush  to  your  assistance  under  the  ban- 
ners of  France  and  liberty ;  and  that  you  have  every  assurance  of 
success.  Therefore,  inhabitants  of  Louisiana,  show  who  you  are ; 
prove  that  you  have  not  been  stupified  by  despotism,  and  that  you 


674 


WASBnUGTON  YIOUtAIiV  AGAIBSX  JACOBINS. 


1794. 


have  retuned  in  yoor  breasts  French  valor  and  intrepidity ;  de- 
monstrate that  yon  are  worthy  of  being  free  and  independent, 
because  we  do  not  solicit  yon  to  unite  yoiirselves  with  us,  but  to 
seek  your  own  freedom.  When  you  shall  have  the  sole  control  of 
your  actions,  you  will  be  able  to  adopt  a  republican  constitution, 
and  being  assisted  by  France  so  long  as  your  weakness  will  not 
permit  you  to  proiect  or  defend  yourselves,  it  will  be  in  your  power 
to  unite  voluntarily  with  her  and  your  neighbors — the  United 
iStates — ^forming  with  these  two  republics,  an  alliance  which  will 
hi  the  liberal  basis  on  which,  henceforth,  shall  stand  our  mutual 
poetical  and  commeraial  interests.  Your  country  will  derive  the 
greatest  advantages  from  so  auspicious  a  revolution,  and  the  glory 
wi<;h  which  you  will  cover  yourselves  will  equal  the  prosperity 
which  you  will  secure  for  yourselves  and  descendants.  Screw  up 
ycur  courage.  Frenchmen  of  Louisiana.  Away  with  pusillanimity 
— 9a  ira— 9a  ira— audaces  fortuna  juvat." 

In  order  to  prevent  the  invasion  of  the  territory  of  a  foreign 
j'Ower  by  unlawful  and  unauthorized  military  expeditions  from  the 
'Jnited  States,  Washington  took  early  and  efficient  measures  to 
enforce  the  laws  and  to  preserve  the  neutrality  of  the  country. 
J7or  this  purpose  he  called  upon  the  Qovemors  of  Kentuclsy,  and 
of  the  Korth  Western  Territory,  to  take  all  the  measures  in  the 
course  of  the  law,  and  if  necessary  to  use  military  force  for  the 
pnwention  of  any  hostile  enterprise  against  Louisiana. 

Governor  St.  .Clair  immediately  published  a  proclamation,  ex- 
hort;ng  all  good  citizens  to  avoid  any  connection  with  the  scheme 
of  thv?  French  emissaries,  and  warning  them  of  the  consequences 
of  paiticipating  in  it. 

Gov*>mor  Shelby  was  however  in  sympathy,  if  not  diiectiy  impli- 
cated iit  the  affiiir;  and  in  his  reply  to  the  dispatch  of  the  govern- 
ment, Slid: 

"I  have  great  doubts,  even  if  they  (the  agents  of  Genet)  do 
attempt  \o  cany  their  plan  into  execution,  (provided  they  manage 
their  bueiness  with  prudence,)  whether  there  is  any  legal  authority 
to  restrain  or  punish  them,  at  least  before  they  have  actually  ac- 
complishec'  it ;  for,  if  it  is  lawfril  for  one  citizen  of  this  State  to  leave 
it,  it  is  eqn^illy  so  for  any  number  of  them  to  do  so.  It  is  also  lawful 
for  them  to  carry  with  them  any  quantity  of  provisions,  arms,  and 
ammunition ;  and  if  the  act  is  lawful  in  itself,  there  is  nothing  in 
the  particular  intention  with  which  it  is  done,  that  can  possibly 
make  it  unlawful ;  but,  I  know  of  no  law  which  inflicts  a  punish- 
ment on  intention  only,  or  a  criterion  by  which  to  decide  what 


1794. 


WASBIKaTOV  TXaiLAHT  AQAIR8T  JACOBINS. 


676 


woold  be  gnfficient  evidence  of  that  intention  if  it  was  a  legal 
object  of  censure.  I  shall,  upon  all  occasions,  be  averse  to  the 
exercise  of  any  power  widi  which  I  do  not  consider  myself  as 
being  clearly  and  explicitly  invested ;  much  less  would  I  assume  a 
power  to  exercise  it  against  men,  whom  I  consider  as  fiiends  and 
brethren,  in  favor  of  a  man  whom  I  view  as  an  enemy  and  » 
lyranf  • 

With  the  connivance  of  the  governor  and  many  other  of  the 
prominent  politicians  of  Kentucky,  the  French  parfy  in  that  State 
continued  their  efforts  through  the  succeeding  winter,  to  raise  an 
army  for  the  reduction  of  Louisiana.  They  enlbted  men,  pur* 
chased  boats,  provisions,  arms  and  ammunition,  and  fixed  the 
rendezvous  of  the  army  of  two  thousand  men,  which  was  said  was 
to  descend  the  Missbsippi  under  General  Clark,  on  the  15th  of 
April,  1794,  at  the  Mis  of  the  Ohio. 

These  hostile  movements  had  been  closely  watched  by  the  Brit- 
ish and  Spanish  governments.  They  doubtless  contributed  much 
to  the  unfriendly  feeling  the  British  agents  in  Canada  entertained 
toward  the  Fnited  States,  and  which  they  were  so  ready  to  instill 
into  the  minds  of  the  Indians,  and  may  have  furnished  the  motive 
for  the  establishment  of  the  British  post  that  was  erected  during 
the  winter  of  tiiat  year  on  the  Manmee.  They  assaredly  did  fur- 
nish the  reason  why  the  Spanish  agents  were  employed  at  that 
time  in  fomenting  dissatisfaction  and  hostility  among  the  Indians, 
both  of  the  North  and  of  the  South,  against  the  federal  govern- 
ment 

To  arrest  the  further  progress  of  this  conspiracy  against  Louisi- 
ana, at  once  dishonorable  to  the  country  and  at  war  with  its  peace 
and  interests,  Washington  issued  a  proclamation  warning  all  good 
citizens  agunst  participation  in  measures  likely  to  prove  so  perni- 
cious to  their  country  and  to  themselves;  forbidding  all  persons 
not  authorised  by  the  law  to  enlist  troops  for  the  purpose  of  any 
BQch  invasion;  and  giving  notice  that  all  lawful  means  would  be 
strictiy  put  in  execution  for  securing  obedience  to  the  laws,  and 
for  panishing  such  daring  and  dangerous  combinations  against  the 
peace  of  the  country. 

In  addition  to  this,  he  dispatched  orders  to  General  Wayno,  then 
near  Fort  Washington,  directing  him  to  send  a  detachment  to  Fort 
Massac,  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  invading  army  from  Kentucky. 
Wayne  ordered  Migor  Doylo,  with  a  detachment  of  infantry  and 
artillery,  to  perform  the  service.  His  instructions  were — 
*'If  any  such  parties  make  their  appearance  in  the  neighborhood 


676 


DB  LA  OHAISS'S  AI»OBBSB. 


1794. 


of  your  garrison,  and  yon  shonld  be  well  informed  that  they  are 
armed  and  equipped  for  war,  and  entertain  the  criminal  intention 
deaoribed  in  the  President's  proclamation,  yon  are  to  send  to  them 
some  person  in  whose  veracity  you  could  confide,  (and  if  such  per- 
son should  he  a  peace  ofiicer  he  would  be  the  most  proper  mes- 
senger,) and  warn  them  of  their  evil  proceedings,  and  forbid  their 
attempting  to  pass  the  fort,  at  their  peril.  But  if,  notwithstanding 
every  peaceable  efiTort  to  persuade  them  to  abandon  their  criminal 
design,  they  should  still  persist  in  their  attempts  to  pass  down  the 
Ohio,  you  are  to  use  every  military  means  in  your  power  for  pre- 
venting them;  and  for  which  this  will  be  your  sufficient  justifica- 
tion, provided  you  have  taken  all  the  pacific  steps  before  directed." 

The  decided  measures  ^hns  adopted  by  the  President  to  prevent 
the  infraction  of  the  laws  of  the  country,  effectually  broke  up  the 
schemes  of  the  French  party  in  Eentucl^,  and  De  La  Ohaise,  the 
principal  agent  of  Gknot,  abandoned  the  State,  leaving  behind  him 
the  following  address  to  the  Democratic  Society  of  Lexington: 

"Ciiizena: — ^Unforeseen  events,  the  effects  of  causes  which  it  is 
unnecessary  here  to  develop,  have  stopped  the  march  of  two  thou- 
sand brave  Kentuckians,  who,  strong  in  their  courage,  in  the  justice 
of  their  rights,  in  the  purity  of  their  cause,  and  in  the  general 
assent  of  their  fellow  citizens,  and  convinced  of  the  brotherly  dis- 
position of  the  Louisianians,  waited  only  for  their  orders  to  go 
and  take  away,  by  the  irresistible  power  of  their  arms,  from  those 
despotic  usurpers,  the  Spaniards,  the  possession  of  the  Mississippi, 
secure  for  their  country  the  navigation  of  it,  break  the  chuns  of 
the  Americans  and  of  their  French  brethren  in  the  province  of 
Louisiana,  hoist  up  the  flag  of  liberty  in  the  name  of  the  French 
republic,  and  lay  the  foundation  of  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of 
two  nations,  destined  by  nature  to  be  but  one,  and  so  situated  as  to 
be  the  most  happy  in  the  universe. 

"Citizens:  The  greater  the  attempts  you  have  made  toward  the 
success  of  that  expedition,  the  more  sensible  you  must  be  of  the 
impediments  which  del&y  its  execution,  and  the  more  energetic 
should  your  efforts  be  toward  procuring  new  means  of  success. 
There  is  one  from  which  I  expect  the  greatest  advantages,  and 
which  may  be  decisive;  that  is,  an  address  to  the  l^ational  Conven- 
tion, or  to  the  Executive  Council  of  France.  In  the  name  of  my 
countrymen  of  Louisiana,  in  the  name  of  your  own  interest,  I  dare 
onqe  more  ask  you  this  new  proof  of  patriotism. 

"Being  deprived  of  my  dearest  hopes,  and  of  the  pleasure,  after 
tn  absence  of  fourteen  years  and  a  proscription  of  three,  of  return- 


179L 


SPAiriBH  POLIOT  OBAirOID. 


67T 


ing  to  the  bosom  of  my  fieunilj,  my  friends,  and  my  countrymen,  t 
have  only  one  course  to  follow— that  of  going  to  France,  and  ex- 
pressing to  the  representatives  of  the  French  people  the  ciy,  the 
general  wish  of  the  Louisianians  to  become  part  of  the  French 
republic — ^informing  them,  at  the  same  time,  of  the  most  ardent 
desire  which  the  Kentuckians  have  had,  and  will  continue  to  have 
forever,  to  take  the  most  active  part  in  any  undertaking  tending  to 
open  to  them  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi. 

"The  French  republicans,  in  their  sublime  constitutional  act, 
have  proffered  their  protection  to  all  those  nations  who  may  have 
the  courage  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  tyranny.  The  Louisianians 
have  the  most  sacred  right  to  it.  They  are  French,  but  have  been  . 
sacrificed  to  despotism  by  arbitrary  power.  The  honor,  the  glory, 
the  duty  of  the  National  Convention,  is  to  grant  them  their  power- 
ful support. 

« Every  petition  or  plan  relative  to  that  important  object  would 
meet  with  the  highest  consideration.  An  addresd  fi*om  the  Demo- 
cratic Society  of  Lexington  would  give  it  a  greater  weight. 

"Accept,  citizens,  the  farewell,  not  the  last,  of  a  brother  who  is 
determined  to  sacrifice  everything  in  his  power  for  the  liberty  of 
his  country,  and  the  prosperity  of  the  generous  inhabitants  of 
Kentucky.    Saiut  en  la  patrie." 

Francisco  Louis  Hector,  Baron  de  Carondelet,  succeeded  Miro 
as  the  governor  of  Louisiana,  on  the  80th  of  December,  1791.  The 
thieatened  invasion  of  that  province  by  the  partisans  of  the  French 
republic  in  Kentucky,  greatly  alarmed  Carondelet,  and  led  him  to 
adopt  every  measure  within  his  reach  to  avert  the  impending 
danger.  With  that  view,  he  completed  the  fortifications  of  New 
Orleans,  repaired  and  strengthened  the  forts  at  Walnut  Ejll, 
Natchez,  and  New  Madrid,  concluded  a  treaty  of  alliance  with  the 
Chickasaws,  and  organized  a  militia  force  of  six  thousand  men,  in 
addition  to  the  Spanish  troops  under  his  command,  for  the  defense 
of  the  province.  Not  disposed  to  trust  entirely  to  these  measures 
of  defense,  he  adopted  the  policy  that  had  been  pursued  by  Miro, 
and  sought  to  produce  a  division  among  the  people  of  Kentnclsy, 
by  the  bestowment  of  commercial  privUeges  upon  influential  men 
among  them,  whom  it  was  desirable  to  attach  to  the  Spanish  pter- 
est  The  prompt  interference  of  the  American  government  dis- 
pelled the  danger  of  an  invasion  of  Louisiana,  and  led  immieidiately 
to  a  change  in  the  policy  of  Carondelet.  The  Mississippi  question 
was  still  unsettled;  the  Genet  intrigue  had  proved  that  the  politi- 
cians of  Kentucky  were  hostile  to  the  Foderf^  government;  the 


•4 


678 


CABONDILK'S  LBITIR  TO  SBBASTIAN. 


1795. 


intrigue  of  Miro  had  proved  that  they  were  Tenal,  and  Oarondelet 
determined  to  withdraw  the  oommttoial  privileges  he  had  granted 
to  the  Spanish  party,  and  then  to  indaoe  them,  hy  the  payment  of 
liberal  bribes,  to  tempt  the  people  of  Eentuol^  to  dismember  the 
Union,  and  to  form  an  alliance  with  Spain,  in  order  to  seonre  the 
benefits  of  the  trade  of  the  Mississippi. 

For  this  purpose  he  selected  as  his  emissary  Thomas  Power,  an 
Englishman,  who  had  become  a  naturalized  subject  of  Spain,  and 
who  was  full  of  zeal  for  the  Spanish  interest,  and  (pfted  with  a 
iiatural  disposition  for  intrigue.  Power  visited  Kentucky,  osten- 
sibly for  the  purpose  of  collecting  materials  for  a  Natural  Histoiy 
of  the  West,  held  private  conferences  with  many  of  the  prominent 
men  of  the  Spanish  party  in  that  State,  and  on  his  return  made  a 
favorable  report  to  Carondelet,  of  the  disposition  they  manifested 
in  regard  to  the  purposes  he  had  in  view. 

Encouraged  by  the  representations  of  Power,  Carondelet  dis- 
patched the  following  letter,  under  date  of  July  16th,  1796,  to 
Sebastian,  who  had  been  retained  by  Miro  in  the  pay  of  the 
Spanish  government,  and  who,  he  was  led  to  believe,  was  ready  to 
renew  the  intrigue : 

"Sir, — The  confidence  reposed  in  you  by  my  predecessor, 
Brigadier-General  Miro,  and  your  former  correspondence  with  him, 
have  induced  me  to  make  a  communication  to  you  highly  interest- 
ing to  the  country  in  which  you  live,  and  to  Louisiana. 

"His  miyesty,  being  willing  to  open  the  navigation  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi to  the  people  of  the  western  country,  and  being  also  de- 
nrous  to  establish  certun  regulations,  reciprocally  beneficial  to  the 
commerce  of  both  countries,  has  ordered  me  to  proceed  on  the 
business,  and  to  effect,  in  a  way  the  most  satisfactory  to  the  people 
of  the  western  country,  his  benevolent  designs. 

"  I  have,  therefore,  made  this  communication  to  you,  in  expectsp 
tion  that  you  will  procure  agents  to  be  chosen,  and  fully  empow- 
ered, by  the  people  of  your  country,  to  negotiate  with  Colonel 
Gayoso  on  the  subject^  at  New  Madrid,  whom  I  shall  send  there 
in  October  next,  properiy  authorized  for  that  purpose,  with  direc- 
tions to  continue  in  that  place,  or  its  vicinity,  until  the  arrival  of 
your  agents. 

"I  am,  by  information,  well  acquainted  with  the  character  of 
some  of  the  most  respectable  inhabitants  of  Kentuchy,  particularly 
of  Innis,  Nicholas  and  Murray,  to  whom  I  wish  you  to  communi- 
oato  the  purport  of  this  address;  and,  should  yon  and  those  gen- 
tlemen think  as.  important  of  it  as  I  do,  you  will  doubtiess  accede, 


■# 


1796. 


nUUTT  BlVWinf  uvrio  statm  ahd  bpaik. 


679 


without  hesitation,  to  the  propoution  I  have  made  of  lending  a 
delegation  of  your  oonntryinan,  sufflciently  anthorised  to  treat 
on  a  sntjeot  which  bo  deeply  inyolven  the  interest  of  hoth  onr 
oountries." 

Innis,  Nicholas  and  Murray  were  oonsnlted,  and  it  was  deemed 
advisable  that  Sebastian  should  meet  and  donfer  with  Oayoso  in 
person.    Sebastian  met  Power  at  Red  Bank,  on  the  Ohio,  and  was 
escorted  by  him  to  the  mouth  of  the  river,  opposite  which  Gayoso 
was  employed  with  his  command  in  erecting  a  small  stockade  fort, 
rather  to  furnish  a  pretext  for  his  presence  at  that  point  than  for 
any  ulterior  object    Gayoso  and  Sebastian  proceeded  to  New 
Madrid,  where  a  conference  between  them  was  held  in  regard  to 
the  subject  of  the  freedom  of  the  Mississippi.    Gayoso  presented 
the  outline  of  a  commercial  treaty  the  Spanish  government  was 
ready  to  conclude  separately  with  the  people  of  the  West.    It  con- 
ceded to  them  the  privilege  of  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  the  trade  with  Louisiana,  upon  payment  of  a  duty  of  four  per 
cent  on  all  articles  of  the  growth  and  manufacture  of  the  West 
Sebastian  claimed  that  the  people  of  Kentucky  were  entitled  to  the 
free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  that  they  would  not  consent 
to  the  imposition  of  any  duty  whatever.    In  order  to  determine 
the  difference  between  them,  he  proposed  to  proceed  with  Gayoso 
to  New  Orleans,  and  to  confer  with  Garondelet  in  relation  to  the 
question  of  the  duties.    On  their  arrival  Carondelet  consented  to 
remove  the  proposed  restrictions,  and  appointed  a  day  for  the  con- 
clasion  of  the  treaty  with  Sebastian.    A  few  days  preceding  the 
time  appointed  for  the  interview,  Sebastian  received  a  message 
requesting  him  to  wait  immediately  on  the  governor,  who  informed 
him  that  a  courier  had  arrived  from  Havana,  with  intelligence  that 
a  treaty  had  been  concluded  between  the  United  States  and  Spain, 
in  respect  to  all  the  matters  in  dispute  between  the  two  countries, 
and  that  their  negotiation  was  now  at  an  end. 

The  court  of  Madrid  had  long,  under  vain  pretexts,  declined  to 
make  any  settlement  of  the  questions  that  had  been  at  issue 
between  it  and  the  United  States,  ever  since  the  recognition  of 
their  independence,  in  the  hope  that  its  agents  in  Louisiana  might 
be  able  to  effect  a  separate  negotiation  in  respect  to  those  ques- 
tions, with  the  people  of  the  West,  and  thus  to  secure  a  dismem- 
berment of  the  Union.  There  was  much  to  encourage  the  hope 
that  that  line  of  policy  would  be  successful,  and  that  the  whole 
Mississippi  valley  would  by  that  means  be  detached  from  the 
Union,  and  &11,  if  not  under  the  dominion,  at  least  under  the 


'ii^'W- 


680 


PINOKHIT'S  TBIATT  WITH  BPAIN. 


179S. 


control  of  the  Spanish  crown.  The  American  government  wai  new, 
was  weak,  and  had  not  yet  attacttift  to  itself  the  affection  of  the 
people.  It  was  barthenod  with  the  debts  of  the  Rovolutioni  it  was 
engaged  in  a  disastroas  war  with  the  Indian  tribeS|  it  was  on  the 
eve,  apparently,  of  another  war  with  Great  Britain ;  the  spirit  of 
insabordination  was  rife  among  the  people,  and  the  Spanish  states- 
men, little  acquainted  with  the  inherent  strength  of  republicanism, 
were  ready  to  conolnde  that  the  republic  was  on  the  point  of  dis- 
solution, and  prepared  to  join  the  other  powers  of  Europe  in 
making  a  partition  of  its  territories  among  them. 

But  the  schemes  of  the  Spanish  agents  in  the  West  were  fVuitless; 
the  victory  of  Wayne  closed  the  Indian  war ;  the  difficulties  with 
England  were  adjusted  by  negotiations;  the  internal  difficulties  of 
the  Union  were  overcome  by  the  wisdom  and  prudence  of  Wash- 
ington, and  no  hope  was  left  to  the  Spanish  Government  of  success 
in  its  policy.  Aside  from  this,  Spain  was  becoming  involved  in 
the  wars  that  grew  out  of  the  French  Revolution,  and,  rather  in 
fear  of  the  hostility  of  the  United  States  than  from  any  desire  to 
cultivate  friendly  reliations  with  them,  the  Spanish  cabinet  pro- 
posed through  its  minister  at  Philadelphia,  that  if  an  envoy  of 
adequate  powers  were  sent  to  Madrid,  the  questions  at  issue  between 
the  two  governments  might  be  amicably  arranged.  Accordingly, 
Mr.  Pinckney  was  appointed  envoy  to  Spain,  on  the  24th  of 
November,  1794,  and  after  a  long  negotiation,  a  treaty  of  amity, 
limits  and  navigation  was  concluded. 

This  treaty,  signed  by  Thomas  Pinckney,  *'a  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  and  their  envoy  extraordinary  to  His  Catholic 
Majesty,"  on  the  one  part,  and  on  the  other  by  "  the  most  Excel- 
lent Lord  Don  Manuel  de  Oodoy  and  Alvarez  de  Faria,  Bios, 
Sanchez,  Zarzosa,  Prince  de  la  Paz,  Duke  de  la  Alcudia,  Lord  of 
the  Soto  de  Roma  and  of  the  State  of  Albala,  Grandee  of  Spain 
of  the  first  class,  Perpetual  Regidor  of  the  city  of  Santiago,  Enight 
of  the  illustrious  order  of  the  Golden  Fleece  and  Great  Gross  of  the 
the  royal  and  distinguished  Spanish  order  of  Charles  III,  commander 
of  Valencia  del  Yentoso  Rivera,  and  Aceuchal  in  that  of  Santiago, 
Enight  and  Great  Cross  of  the  religious  order  of  St.  John,  Conn- 
selor  of  State,  First  Secretary  of  State  and  Despatcho,  Secretary 
to  the  Queen,  Superintendent  General  of  the  Ports  and  Highways, 
Protector  of  tLo  Royal  Academy  of  the  noble  Arts  and  of 
the  Royal  Societies  of  Katural  History,  Botany,  Chemistry,  and 
Astronomy,  Gentleman  of  the  King's  Chamber,  in  employment, 
Captain  General  of  his  armies.  Inspector  and  Migor  of  the  Roysl 


mi-M. 


fAOnom  in  TBI  UKITID  BTATM. 


681 


Oorpf  of  Body  Onvda,  Ifco.  ft^  fto.,"  oontoins,  among  other  pro- 
visions, the  following,  onoe  detply  iutereeting  lu  tb'  West : 

"It  is  likewise  agreed  that  the  Western  boundary  of  the  United 
States,  which  separates  them  from  th  "^  Spanish  odony  of  Loaisiana, 
u  in  the  middle  of  the  channel  or  bod  of  the  rivw  Mississippi,  firom 
the  northern  boundary  of  the  sud  States  to  the  completion  of  the 
tbirty>first  degree  of  latitude  north  of  the  equator.  And  his 
Oatholio  Mi^esty  has  likewise  agreed  that  the  navigation  of  the 
said  river  in  its  whole  breadth,  from  its  source  to  the  ocean,  shall 
be  free  only  to  his  subjects  and  the  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
unless  he  should  extend  this  privilege  to  the  suljjeots  of  other 
powers  .by  special  convention. 

"And  in  consequence  of  the  stipulations  contidned  in  the  fourth 
artide,  his  Catholic  Majesty  will  permit  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  for  the  space  of  three  years  from  this  time,  to  deposit  their 
merchandise  and  effects  in  the  port  of  Hew  Orleans,  and  to  e^cport 
them  from  thence  without  paying  any  other  duly  than  a  fair  price 
for  the  hire  of  the  stores;  and  his  Majesty  promises  either  to  oon- 
tinae  this  permission,  if  he  finds,  during  that  time,  that  it  is  not 
piejadidal  to  the  interests  of  Spun,  or  if  he  should  not  agree  to 
oontinue  it  there,  he  will  assign  to  them,  on  Miother  part  of  the 
banks  of  the  Missis«ppi,  an  equivalent  esti^Ushment."* 

Nothing  has  hitherto  been  sud  in  relation  to  those  political 
parties  which  arose  during  the  administration  of  Washington,  and 
which,  for  many  years,  divided  the  countiy.  It  may  be  proper 
here  to  refer  to  their  origin  and  principles,  since,  though  doubtless 
not  responsible  for  the  origin,  they  assuredly  became  identified 
with  the  progress  of  the  popular  commotions  in  Western  Penn» 
Bjlvania,  growing  out  of  the  opposition  to  the  excise  upon  ardent 
spirits  known  as  the  Whisl^  Insurrection. 

When  the  united  colonies  had  won  their  independence,  and  the 
role  of  G^ige  m.  over  them  ended,  the  question,  of  course,  arose 
as  to  the  nature  of  the  government  which  was  to  succeed.  Two 
fears  prevailed  among  the  people  of  the  freed  provinces.  On  tho 
one  huid,  a  tendency  to  monarchy  and  ultimate  tyranny  was 
dreaded;  it  was  thought  that  a  foreign  despot  had  been  warred 
with  in  vain,  if  hj  the  erection  of  a  strong  central  or  federal  power 
the  foundations  of  domeelac  despotism  were  laid  instead;  the 
sovereignty  of  the  several  States,  balancing  one  another,  and  each 


44 


•Anmitmk  SUA*  Pftp«M»  I M7,  649. 


682 


FBDBSAL  Ain>  ANTI-VEDBBAL  VIBWS. 


1791-94. 


easily  eontroUed  by  the  voice  of  tI|i|people,  was,  with  this  party  of 
thinkers,  to  be  the  secarity  of  the  ^edom  that  had  been  achieved. 
In  Europe,  republicanism  had  been  overthrown  by  the  centralizing 
process,  which  had  sabstituted  the  great  monarchies  for  the  federal 
system,  and  the  Italian  and  Flemish  commonwealths;   and  in 
America  the  danger,  it  was  thought,  would  be  of  too  great  a  con- 
centration of  power  in  the  hands  of  a  central  Federal  sovereignty. 
While  these  views  prevailed  among  one  portion  of  the  American 
people,  another  portion  dreaded  the  excess  of  popular  democratic 
passions,  tending  constantly  to  anarchy.    To  this  party,  a  strong 
central  power  seemed  essential,  not  only  for  financial  and  commer- 
cial purposes,  but  also  to  restrain  the  inevitable  disposition  of 
popular  governments  to  the  abandonment  of  all  law,  all  reverence, 
and  all  social  unity.    History  and  reflection,  in  short,  showed  men 
on  the  one  side,  that  human  rulers  are  readily  converted  into 
despots ;  on  the  other,  that  human  subjects  were  impatient  of  even 
wholesome  control,  and  readily  converted  into  licentious  and  selfish 
anarchists. 

When  at  length  the  business  sufferings  of  the  country,  and  the 
worthlessness  of  the  old  confederacy,  led  to  the  formation  of  the 
present  constitution,  these  parties  were  forced  to  compromise,  and 
while  the  strong  executive,  and  complete  centralization  of  Hamil- 
ton, Jay  and  Adams,  had  to  be  abondoned  by  them  and  their 
friends,  the  complete  independence  of  the  States,  and  the  corres- 
ponding nullity  of  Congress,  which  Patrick  Henry,  Mason,  and 
Harrison  preferred,  had  also  to  be  given  up,  or  greater  evils  follow. 
In  this  same  spirit  of  compromise  upon  which  our  constitatioD 
rested,  Washington  framed  his  cabinet,  and  directed  his  adminis- 
tration, and  it  seemed  possible,  that  in  time,  the  bitterness  of  feel- 
ing which  had  shown  itself  before  and  during  the  discussion  of  the 
Bond  of  Union,  would  die  away.  But  the  difliculties  of  the  first 
administration  were  enormous,  such  as  no  man  but  Washington 
could  have  met  with  success,  and  even  he  could  not  secure  the 
Unanimity  he  wished  for. 

Among  those  difficulties,  none  wore  greater  than  the  payment 
of  the  public  debt,  and  the  arrangement  of  a  proper  system  of 
finance.  The  party  which  dreaded  anarchy,  which  favored  a 
strong  central  rule,  an  efficient  Federal  Government— the  federal- 
ists, feeling  that  the  whole  country,  as  such,  had  contracted  debts, 
felt  bound  in  honor  and  honesty  to  do  every  thing  to  procure  their 
payment;  it  also  felt  that  the  future  stability  and  power  of  the 
Federal  Gtovemment  depended  greatly  upon  the  establishment  of 


1791-94. 


VBDBBAL  AND  ANTI-FIDBRAL  VIBW8. 


688 


arty  of 
lieved. 
alizing 
federal 
and  in 
a  con- 

uerican 
nocratic 
i  strong 
lommer- 
ition  of 
verence, 
^ed  men 
ted  into 
t  of  even 
id  selfieh 


payment 
lystem  of 
avored  a 
e  federal- 
»d  debto, 
Bure  their 
Ter  of  the 
Ihment  ot 


its  credit  at  the  ontset  of  i||H^areer.  The  anti-federalists,  who 
dreaded  centralization,  on  the  other  hand,  &voring  State  sover^ 
eignty,  and  wishing  but  a  slight  national  union,  neither  desired  the 
creation  cf  a  national  credit,  nor  felt  the  obligation  of  a  national 
debt  in  the  same  degree  as  their  opponents,  and  feared  the 
creation  of  a  moneyed  aristocracy  by  speculations  in  the  pnblio 
stocks. 

When,  therefore,  Mr.  Hamilton,  upon  whom  it  devolved,  as 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  to  offer  a  plan  for  liq^uidatiog  the  debts 
of  the  confederation,  attempted   the  solution  of  the  financial 
problem,  he  was  certain  to  displease  one  party  or  the  other.    In 
generalities,  compromises  had  been  found  possible,  but  in  details 
they  were  not  readily  admitted.    Hamilton,  moreover,  was  one  of 
the  most  extreme  friends  of  centralization,  and  any  measure  emana- 
ting from  him  was  sure  to  be  resisted.    When. he  brought  forward 
his  celebrated  series  of  financial  measures,  accordingly,  the  whole 
strength  of  the  two  divisions,  of  which  mentiou  has  been  made, 
appeared  for,  and  against  his  plans.  And  it  is  to  be  noted,  that  the 
question  was  not  a  mere  question  of  finance ;  it  involved  the  vital 
principles  for,  and  against  which  the  federal  and  anti-federal  parties 
were  struggling.    The  former  actually  hoped  by  means  of  the 
funding  and  bank  systems,  to  found  a  class  whose  interests  would 
so  bind  them  to  the  government,  as  to  give  it  permanency,  while 
their  opponents  actually  anticipated  the  formation  of  a  moneyed 
aristocracy,  which  would  overthrow  the  power  and  liberties  of  the 
people ;  they  felt  they  were  '^  sold  to  stockholders,"  and  like  the 
Roman  debtors  condemned  to  slavery. 

In  the  West,  the  opponents  of  the  central  government  were 
numerous.  Its  formation  had  been  resisted,  and  its  measures  were 
almost  all  unpopular.  The  Indian  War  was  a  cause  of  complaint,  - 
because  Harmar  and  St.  Clair  had  been  defeated;  the  army  was  a 
cause  of  complaint,  because  it  was  the  beginning  of  a  system  of 
standing  armies.  The  funding  system  was  hated  because  of  its 
ii^ustice,  inasmuch  as  it  aided  speculation,  and  because  it  would 
lead  to  the  growth  of  a  favored  class ;  the  western  posts  were  re* 
tained  by  England,  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  was  under 
the  control  of  Spain,  the  frontier  was  ravaged  by  the  savages,  and 
the  popular  leaders  in  the  West,  persuaded  the  people  that  th^ 
federal  government  was  doing  nothing  adequate  to  remove  any  of 
these  grievances.  It  was  not  strange,  then,  that  the  people  of 
Western  Pennsylvania,  generally  of  foreign  birth  or  descent,  should 
object  to  the  payment  of  a  tax  for  the  support  of  a  government 


0AV8K8  FOB  OPPOSmoir  TO  IXiJXSB. 


1791-84. 


th«y  cUsliked  and  distrusted,  especippy,  idien  leried  in  »  fonn  that 
was  pectdiariy  odio««  to  them. 

In  all  countries  the  excise  has  heen  a  hated  form  of  taxation,  and 
Western  PennsylTania  at  that  period  was  settled  chiefly  by  emigrants 
from  the  north  of  Ireland,  where  then  the  wdinary  power  of  the 
government  was  insnffioient  to  snj^yress  riots  having  their  migin 
in  the  excise  laws  of  England ;  and  they  were  little  disposed  to 
snbmit  peaceably  to  ih»  imposition  of  a  sinular  tax,  after  they  had 
acquired  the  license  and  insubordination  <hi^  naturally  grows  up 
qn  the  fimn^r.  They  had  already  acquired  a  apint  of  resistance  to 
that  form  of  taxation.  The  dashing  jurisdictions  of  Pennsylvania 
and  Yiri^nia  had  excited  mimosities  in  the  minds  of  the  advocates 
of  each  party,  hardly  yet  healed  by  tto  concessions  of  both ;  and 
opposition  to  the  laws  <^  Pennsylvania  was  not  yet  e£bced  by  the 
knowledge  of  its  Mithority.  The  idea  of  a  new  State  west  of  the 
mountains  had  been  early  broaohed  among  them,  and  became  so 
prevalent  that  an  act  of  tiie  Assembly  declared  it  high  treason  to 
propose  it  . , 

Under  these  circumstutces,  an  attempt  had  been  previously  made 
to  enforce  an  raccise  law  of  Pennsylvania  among  these  disaffected 
people  oi  the  frontier.  In  1786,  the  excise  officer,  in  his  progresB 
tfirough  Washington  county,  was  seised  by  a  number  of  persons, 
eollected  from  different  quarters,  his  hair  cut  off  from  one  half  of 
his  head^  his  papers  taken  from  him,  and  he  compelled  to  tear  np 
his  commission  Mid  trample  it  undor  his  feet.  Then  in  a  body, 
uioreasing  as  they  proceeded,  they  conducted  him  out  of  the 
county,  with  every  mark  of  contumely  toward  him  and  t^e  govern- 
ment, and  with  threats  of  death  if  he  returned.  No  punishment  was 
inflicted  npon  the  rioters,  no  further  attempt  was  made  to  execute 
the  law,  and  the  excise  fell  in  consequence  into  disuse. 

An  excise  upon  ardent  spirits  moreover  was  supposed  to  be  a 
peculiarly  oppressive  form  of  taxation.  The  only  meuis  of  trans' 
porting  the  produce  of  the  settlements  to  the  eastern  markets,  at 
that  time,  was  by  means  of  pack-horses  over  the  mountains.  One 
of  these  could  cany,  it  was  estimated,  only  four  bushels  of  rye,  but 
was  able  to  transport  to  market  the  whisl^  made  from  twenty- 
fom*  bushels.  There  wiis  no  ontiet  for  the  exportation  of  the  sur- 
plus productions  of  the  Weet  down  the  Ohio,  in  consequence,  as  the 
people  of  that  region  imagined,  of  the  remissness  c^  the  General 
government  in  not  opmiing  for  them  the  navigaticm  of  the  MisMS* 
•ippi;  there  was  no  ot^qr  form  in  which  that  sorplus  eould  be  bet- 
ter transport^  to  the  Baat  than  in  that  of  whisJ^,  and,  in  conse* 


1791-84. 


OAU8B8  VOm  OTPOBinOir  TO  BXOISS. 


685 


qiidno«,  that  article  iMoame  ahnost  tlie  sole  medium  of  exchange 
between  the  Eatt  and  the  wikt  ABide  from  this,  it  was  at  that 
period  an  article  of  ahnost  tinivevsal  use  among  all  classes  of  the 
oommnnity,  and  the  idea  of  restraining  by  law,  or  otherwise,  either 
its  use  or  abase,  was  one  timt  the  people  of  that  day  were  not  pre- 
pared to  appreciate.  A  tax,  therofore,  upon  whis^  was  felt  to 
be  an  unequal  burthen,  not  only  or  mainly  upon  the  manufacturers 
c^  ardent  spirits,  but  especially  upon  the  growers  of  the  agricul- 
tural products  that  ratered  into  it,  and  upon  the  whole  community, 
to  whom  it  was  an  universal  beverage.  And  when  the  tax  upon 
whisky  assumed  the  form  of  an  excise,  which  that  community  had 
been  accustomed  to  hate,  and  learned  to  oppose,  it  was  natural  to 
expect  that  they  would  be  ready  to  manifest  Ian  opposition  to  it. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  the  opposition  to  the  excise  had  its  ori- 
gin in  a  variety  of  influences  at  work  among  the  people  of  Western 
Pennsylvania.    Many  of  the  more  intelligent  classes  of  the  popu- 
lation had  become  attached  to  the  {Murty  of  the  anti-federalists,  in 
opposition  to  the  administration  ctf  Washington ;  and,  in  addition 
to  their  partisan  dislikes  of  the  existing  government,  had  many 
local  causes  of  discontent,  real  or  imaginary,  of  which  they  were 
ready  to  complain ;  and  this  partisan  spirit  they  manifested  was,  it 
proved,  sufficient  to  induce  them  not  merely  to  criticise,  but  to 
excite  opposition  to  the  measures  of  the  administration.    The  less 
intelligent  classes  were  influenced  by  a  blind  hatred  of  all  excises, 
a  dislike  of  the  existing  government,  the  example  of  their  leaders, 
and  a  spirit  of  insubordination  to  the  laws  of  the  land. 

It  was  found  at  the  assembling  of  CSongress,  in  1790,  that  it  was 
indispensably  necessary  to  provide  means  for  increasing  the  reve- 
nue of  the  government  The  nation  was  burthened  by  the  debts 
dT  the  Bevolution,  th^war  in  the  north-west  demanded  a  greatiy 
increased  outlay  of  the  public  money,  the  commerce  of  the  coun- 
try was  small,  and  consequently  the  revenue  arising  from  duties 
was  inadequate  to  meet  the  public  necessities. 

It  was  determined,  in  complifmce  with  the  recommendation  of 
the  College  of  Physicians  of  Philadelphia,  to  levy  a  duty  on  foreign 
and  domestic  spirits,  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  the  government. 
A  bill  for  that  purpose  was  introduced  into  the  House  of  Bepre- 
sentatives,  on  the  suggestion  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  and  passed. 
It  imposed  certain  rates  of  taxes  on  all  distilled  spirits,  according 
to  their  strength.  Inspection  districts  were  created  by  the  act, 
in  each  of  which  an  inspector  was  to  be  appointed,  whose  duty 
it  was  to  execute  the  provisions  of  the  law.    All  distillers  were 


estf 


WHI8KT  IK8VBRE0TI0K. 


1791-94. 


bound  to  famish  to  the  inspector  of  the  district  descriptions  of 
their  buildings  and  apparatus,  to  allow  their  casks  to  be  branded 
and  gauged  by  the  inspector  or  his  agents,  and  to  paj  the  duty 
on  their  liquors  before  removing  them  from  their  distilleries. 
But  it  was  provided  that  small  distillers,  not  in  any  town  or  vil- 
lage, should  pay,  in  lieu  of  the  duties,  an  annual  tax,  according  to 
the  capacity  of  their  stills. 

Immediately  after  the  passage  of  the  law,  a  spirit  of  opposition 
began  to  manifest  itself  in  the  West.*  At  first  this  opposition  was 
confined  to  efforts  to  discourage  persons  from  holding  offices  con- 
nected with  the  excise;  next,  associations  were  formed  of  those  who 
were  ready  to  *' forbear"  compliance  with  the  laws;  but  as  men 
talked  with  one  another,  and  the  excise  became  more  and  more 
identified  with  the  tyranny  of  Federalism,  stronger  demonstrations 
were  inevitable,  and  upon  the  27th  of  July,  1791,  a  meeting  was 
called  at  Brownsville,  (Redstone,)  to  consider  the  growing  troubles 
of  the  western  district  <^  Pennsylvania.  This  meeting,  which  was 
attended  by  influential  and  able  men,  agreed  to  a  convention  of 
representatives  from  the  five  counties  of  Washington,  Allegheny, 
Westmoreland,  Fayette  and  Bedford,  included  in  the  fourth  survey 
under  the  law  in  question,  to  be  held  at  Washington,  upon  the  23d 
of  August. 

In  relation  to  the  proceedings  of  that  convention,  Hamilton  says: 

"  This  meeting  passed  some  intermediate  resolutions,  which  were 
afterward  printed  in  the  Pittsburgh  Gazette,  containing  a  strong 
censure  on  the  law,  declaring  that  any  person  who  had  accepted  or 
might  accept  an  office  under  Congress,  in  order  to  carry  it  into 
efiOact,  should  be  considered  as  inimical  to  the  interests  of  the 
country;  and  recommending  to  the  citizens  of  Washington  county 
to  treat  every  person  who  had  accepted,  or  might  thereafter  accept, 
any  such  office,  with  contempt,  and  absolutely  refuse  all  kind  of 
communication  or  intercourse  with  the  officers,  and  to  withhold 
from  them  all  aid,  support,  or  comfort. 

^'fTot  content  with  this  vindictive  proscription  of  those  who 
might  esteem  it  their  duty,  in  the  capacity  of  officers,  to  aid  in  the 
execution  of  the  constitutional  laws  of  the  land,  the  meeting  pro- 
ceeded to  accumulate  topics  of  crimination  of  the  Government, 
though  foreign  to  each  other ;  authorizing  by  this  zeal  for  censure 


*  The  principal  authorities  in  relation  to  the  Whisky  Insurrection,  used  in  the  pre- 
paration of  the  following  sketch,  are  the  American  State  Papers,  toI.  xx,  Brackenridge'a 
Ineideots..  Findley's  History,  and  Sparks'  Washington,  Tol.  z,  &e.  &e. 


1791-94. 


WHIBKT  IHSUBBBOTIOH. 


687 


a  suspicion  that  they  were  actuated,  not  merely  by  the  dislike  of  a 
particular  law,  but  by  a  disposition  to  render  the  Government 
itself  unpopular  and  odious. 

"This  meeting,  in  further  prosecution  of  their  plan,  deputed 
three  of  their  members  to  meet  delegates  from  the  counties  of 
"Westmoreland,  Fayette  and  Allegheny,  on  the  first  Tuesday  of 
September  following,  for  the  purpose  of  expressing  the  sense  of  the 
people  of  those  counties  in  an  address  to  the  Legislature  of  the 
United  States,  upon  the  subject  of  the  excise  law  and  other 
grievances." 

Here,  for  the  first  time,  the  connection  of  the  antagonism  to  the 
excise,  with  other  topics,  was  brought  forward,  and  a  political 
character  given  to  the  movement,  by  a  general  assault  upon  the 
measures  of  the  Federal  Government.  This  assault  assumed  a  yet 
more  cUstinctive  character  at  a  subsequent  meeting  of  delegates 
held  at  Pittsburgh,  upon  the  7th  of  September;  at  which  the 
salaries  of  the  Federal  officers,  the  interest  paid  upon  the  national 
debt,  the  want  of  distinction  between  the  original  holders  of  that 
debt  and  those  who  had  bought  it  at  a  discount,  and  the  creation 
of  a  United  States  Bank,  were  all  denounced  in  common  with  the 
tax  on  whislqr.  At  these  meetings  all  was  conducted  with  pro- 
priety; and  the  resolutions  adopted  gave  no  direct  countenance  to 
violence.  And  when  did  the  leaders  of  a  community,  its  legisla- 
tors, judges  and  clergy,  ever  express,  in  any  manner,  however, 
quiet,  their  utter  disregard  of  law,  without  a  corresponding  expres- 
sion by  the  masses,  if  uneducated,  in  acts  of  violence  t  It  was  not 
strange,  therefore,  that  upon  the  day  previous  to  the  meeting  last 
named,  the  collector  for  the  counties  of  Allegheny  and  Washington 
was  attacked.    One  report  says : 

"A  party  of  men,  armed  and  disguised,  waylaid  him  at  a  place 
on  Pigeon  creek,  in  Washington  county,  seized,  tarred  and 
feathered  him,  cut  off  his  hair,  and  deprived  him  of  his  horse, 
obliging  him  to  travel  on  foot,  a  considerable  distance,  in  that  mor- 
tifying and  painful  situation. 

"  The  case  was  brought  before  the  district  court  of  Pennsylvania, 
oat  of  which  processes  were  issued  against  John  Robertson,  John 
Hamilton,  and  Thomas  McComb,  three  of  the  persons  concerned 
in  the  outrage. 

"The  serving  of  these  processes  was  confided  by  the  then  mar, 
shal,  Clement  Biddle,  to  his  deputy,  Joseph  Fox,  who,  in  the 
i^onth  of  October,  went  into  Allegheny  county  for  the  purpose  of 
serving  them. 


wHiwY  nisvxBMnoir. 


1791-94. 


"  Tbe  appeanmcet  aad  oiromnilaBeei  whieh  Mr.  Fox  obMrved 
himself  in  the  conrae  of  his  journey,  and  learned  afterward  upon 
his  arrival  at  Pittsburgh,  had  the  effect  of  deterring  him  from  the 
service  of  the  processes,  and  anfortanately  led  to  adopt  the  ii^udi- 
cious  and  frnitless  expedient  of  sending  them  to  the  parties  by  a 
private  messenger,  under  cover. 

*<The  deputy's  report  to  the  marshal  states  a  number  of  particQ. 
lars,  evincing  a  considerable  fermentation  in  the  pwrt  of  the  country 
to  which  he  was  sent,  and  inducing  a  belief,  on  his  part,  that  he 
could  not  with  safety  have  executed  the  processes.  The  marshal 
transmitting  this  report  to  the  district  attorney,  makes  the  follow- 
ing observations  upon  it :  *I  am  sorry  to  add  that  he,  the  deputy, 
found  the  people,  in  general,  in  the  westwn  part  of  the  State,  and 
particularly  beyond  the  Allegheny  mountains,  in  such  a  ferment 
on  account  of  the  act  of  Oongrees  for  laying  a  duty  on  distilled 
^irits,  and  so  much  opposed  to  the  execution  of  the  said  act,  and 
from  a  variety  of  threats  to  himself  personally,  although  he  took 
the  utmost  precaution  to  conceal  his  errand,  that  he  was  not  only 
convinced  of  the  impossibility  of  serving  the  process,  but  that  any 
attempt  to  effect  it  would  have  occasioned  the  most  violent  dppo- 
rition  from  the  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants ;  and  he  declares 
that,  if  he  had  attempted  it,  he  believes  he  should  not  have  returned 
alive.  I  spared  no  expense  nor  pains  to  have  the  process  of  the  eonrt 
executed,  and  have  not  the  least  doubt  that  my  deputy  would  have 
accomplished  it,  if  it  could  havo  been  done.' 

"The  reality  of  the  danger  to  the  deputy  was  countenanced  by 
the  opinion  of  Gen.  Neville,  the  inspector  of  the  revenue,  a  man 
who  before  had  given,  and  since  has  given,  numerous  proofs  of  a 
steady  and  firm  temper;  and  what  followed  is  a  fiirther  confirma- 
tion of  it. 

"The  person  who  had  been  sent  with  the  processes  was  seized, 
whipped,  tarred  and  feathered ;  and,  after  having  his  horse  and 
money  taken  from  him,  was  blindfolded  and  tied  in  the  woods,  in 
which  condition  he  remained  for  five  hours. 

"These  intemperate  expressions  of  their  feelings  byword  and 
deed,  startled  the  government^  and  puzzled  its  executive  officen: 
it  was  determined,  however,  to  await  the  influence  of  time,  lb*-  .{jH 
information  and  leniency,  and  to  attempt,  by  a  reconsideruiiou  of 
the  law,  at  the  earliest  possible  moment,  to  do  away  any  real  cause 
of  <iomplaint  which  might  exist.  But  popular  fury  once  aroased  is 
not  soon  allayed;  the  worst  passions  of  the  same  people  who  sent 
out  the  murderers  of  the  Moravian  Indians,  in  1782,  had  been 
excited,  and  excess  followed  excess. 


lT91-»4. 


WHonnr  nrsuBRBonoy. 


<<Some  time  in  October,  1791,  an  nnhsppy  man,  bj  the  name  of 
Wilson,  a  stranger  in  the  country,  and  manifettij  diaordered  in  fait 
intellects,  ima^^ning  himself  to  be  a  collector  of  the  reyentie,  or 
invested  with  some  trost  in  relation  to  it,  was  so  unlucky  as  to 
make  inquiries  concerning  distillers  who  had  entered  their  stills^ 
giving  out  that  he  was  to  travel  through  the  United  States,  to 
ascertain  and  report  to  Congress  the  number  of  stiUs,  &o.  This 
man  was  pursued  by  a  party  in  disguise,  taken  out  of  his  bed, 
carried  about  five  miles  back,  to  a  smith's  shop;  strij^ed  of  his 
his  clothes,  which  were  afterward  burnt ;  and,  having  been  himself 
inhumanly  burnt  in  several  places  with  a  heated  iron,  was  tarred 
and  feathered,  and  about  daylight  dismissed,  naked,  wounded,  and 
otherwise  in  a  very  suffering  condition. 

'*  These  particulars  are  communicated  in  a  letter  from  the 
inspector  of  the  revenue,  of  the  17th  of  November,  who  dedares 
that  he  had  then  himself  seen  the  unfortunate  maniac,  the  dause  of 
whom,  as  he  expressed  it,  exceeded  description,  and  was  sufficient 
to  make  human  nature  shudder.  The  afiUr  is  the  more  extraoiw 
dinary,  as  persons  of  weight  and  consideration  in  that  county  are 
understood  to  have  been  actors  in  it,  and  as  the  symptoms  of 
insanity  were,  during  the  whole  time  of  inflicting  the  punishment, 
apparent;  the  unhi^py  sufferer  displayed  the  heroic  fortitude  of  a 
man  who  conceived  himself  to  be  a  martyr  to  the  discharge  of  some 
important  duty. 

"Not  long  after,  a  person  by  the  name  ci  Roseberry,  underwent 
the  humiliating  punishment  of  tarring  and  feathering  with  some 
aggravations,  for  having,  in  conversation,  hazarded  the  very  natural 
and  just,  but  unpalatable,  remark,  that  the  inhabitants  of  that 
county  could  not  reasonably  expect  protection  from  a  government 
whose  laws  they  so  strenuoudy  opposed. 

"The  audacity  of  the  perpetrators  of  these  excesses  was  so  great, 
that  an  armed  banditti  ventured  to  seize  and  cany  off  two  persons 
who  were  witnesses  against  the  rioters,  in  the  case  of  Wilson,  in 
order  to  prevent  their  ^ving  testimony  of  the  riot  in  a  court  then 
sitting,  or  about  to  sit" 

Notwithstanding  the  ccmrse  of  the  western  people,  the  federal 
government,  during  the  session  of  1791  and  '  92,  proceeded  in  the 
discussion  of  the  obnoxious  statute;  and  upon  the  8th  of  May, 
1792,  passed  an  amendatory  act,  making  such  changes  as  were 
calculated  to  allay  the  angry  feelings  that  had  been  excited,  except 
80  far  as  they  were  connected  with  political  animosities,  anC  which, 
in  most  districts,  produced  the  intended  results. 


690 


WHISKY  IHBUBKIOnoV. 


1791-94. 


Bat  iriWeBteru  Pennsylvania  the  opposition  continued  unabated, 
and  it  was  announced  that  the  inspectors  who,  by  the  new  law, 
were  to  be  appointed  for  all  the  counties,  should  not  be  allowed  to 
open  their  offices.  Nor  was  this  a  mere  threat ;  no  buildings  could 
be  obtained  for  the  use  of  the  United  States,  and  when,  at  length, 
in  Washington  county,  one  Captain  Faulkner  dared  to  agree  that 
a  building  of  his  should  be  occupied  by  the  inspector,  he  was  way- 
laid by  a  mob,  a  knife  drawn  upon  him,  and  was  threatened  with 
scalping,  the  burning  of  his  property,  and  other  ii^uries,  if  he  did 
not  revoke  his  agreement.  So  that,  upon  the  20th  of  August, 
under  the  influence  of  fear,  he  did  actually  break  his  contract,  and 
upon  the  next  day  advertised  what  he  had  done  in  the  Pittsburgh 
Gazette. 

On  the  day  of  this  advertisement,  a  meeting  was  held  in  Pitts- 
burgh, headed  by  members  of  the  State  Legislature,  judges,  clergy- 
men, and  other  leading  characters.  Of  these,  the  late  Albert 
Qallaiin  was  secretary  to  the  meeting;  the  chairman  of  the  com- 
mittee was  Daniel  Bradford,  who  acted  as  a  leader  in  many  of  the 
violent  proceedings.  ' 

"This  meeting  entered  into  resolutions  not  less  exceptionable 
than  those  of  its  predecessors.  The  preamble  suggests  that  a  tax 
on  spirituous  liquors  is  unjust  in  itself  and  oppressive  upon  the 
poor;  that  internal  taxes  upon  consumption  must,  in  the  end, 
destroy  the  liberties  of  every  country  in  which  they  are  introduced; 
that  the  law  in  question,  from  certain  local  circumstances  which 
are  specified,  would  bring  immediate  distress  and  ruin  upon  the 
western  country ;  and  concludes  with  the  sentiment  that  they  think 
it  their  duty  to  persist  in  remonstrance  to  Congress,  and  in  every 
other  legal  measure  that  may  obstruct  the  operation  of  the  law. 

"  The  resolutions  then  proceed,  first,  to  appoint  a  committee  to 
prepare  and  cause  to  be  presented  to  Congress  an  address,  stating 
objections  to  the  law,  and  praying  for  its  repeal;  secondly,  to 
appoint  committees  of  correspondence  for  Washington,  Fayette 
and  Allegheny,  charged  to  correspond  together,  and  with  such 
committees  as  should  be  appointed  for  the  same  purpose  in  the 
county  of  Westmoreland,  or  with  any  committees  of  a  similar 
nature  that  might  be  appointed  in  other  parts  of  the  United  States; 
and  also,  if  found  necessary,  to  call  together  either  general  meet- 
ings of  the  people  in  their  respective  counties,  or  conferences  of 
the  several  committees;  and  lastly,  to  declare  that  they  will,  in 
future,  consider  those  who  hold  offices  for  the  collection  of  the 
duty  as  unworthy  of  their  friendship;  that  they  will  have  no  inter- 


1791-94. 


WHISKY  nrsuBRBonov. 


691 


couroe  nor  dealings  with  them,  will  withdraw  from  them  eveiy 
assistance,  withhold  all  the  comforts  of  life  which  depend  upon 
those  duties  that,  as  men  and  fellow  citizens,  we  owe  to  each  other, 
and  will,  upon  all  occasions,  treat  them  with  contempt,  earnestly 
recommending  to  the  people  at  large  to  follow  the  same  line  of 
conduct  toward  them." 

When  notice  of  this  meeting,  and  of  the  means  used  to  intimi- 
date Faulkner,  was  given  to  the  government,  Washington  issued  a 
proclamation,  dated  Septemher  16th ;  the  supervisor  of  the  district 
was  sent  to  the  seat  of  trouhle  to  learn  the  true  state  of  facts,  and 
to  collect  evidence;  while  the  attorney  general  was  instructed  to 
inquire  into  the  legality  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Pittsburgh  meet- 
ing, with  a  view  to  the  indictment  of  the  leaders.  Mr.  Randolph, 
however,  felt  so  much  doubt  as  to  the  character  of  the  meeting  of 
August  21st,  that  no  prosecutions  on  that  score  were  instituted, 
and  in  serving  process  upon  two  persons,  said  to  have  been  among 
the  assailants  of  Faulkner,  either  an  error  was  made,  or  the  accu- 
sation proved  to  be  false,  which  caused  that  matter  also  to  be 
dropped  by  the  government.  It  was  then  proposed  to  attempt  a 
gradual  suppression  of  the  resistance  to  the  law,  by  adopting  these 
measures,  to  wit : 

"  The  prosecution  of  all  distillers  who  were  not  licensed,  when 
it  could  be  done  with  certainty  of  success,  and  without  exciting 
violence.  The  seizure  of  all  illegal  spirits  on  their  way  to  market, 
when  it  could  be  done  without  leading  to  outbreaks,  and  by  care 
that  only  spirits  which  had  paid  duty  were  bought  for  the  use  of 
the  army." 

The  influence  of  these  measures  was  in  part  lost  in  consequence 
of  the  introduction  of  whisky  that  paid  no  tax  into  the  north-westera 
territory,  over  which  some  of  the  laws  relative  to  the  matter  did  not 
extend;  but  still  their  effect  was  decided.  In  November,  1792, 
Wolcott  wrote  that  the  opposition  was  confined  to  a  small  part  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  would  soon  cease,  and  through  the  whole  of 
1793— although  the  collector  for  Fayette  county  was  obliged  by 
force  to  give  up  his  books  and  papers,  and  to  promise  a  resignation, 
while  the  Inspector  of  Allegheny  was  burnt  in  effigy  before  the 
magistrates,  and  no  notice  of  the  act  taken  by  them ;  and  although 
when  warrants  were  issued  for  the  rioters  in  the  former  case,  the 
Sheriff  of  the  county  refused  to  execute  them,  yet  obedience  to  the 
excise  became  more  general,  and  many  of  the  leading  distillers, 
yielding  to  the  suggestions  of  pecuniary  interest,  for  the  first  time 
entered  their  stills,  and  abandoned  the  party  of  Bradford  and  his 
coadjutors. 


WmSBEJ  ZV8UBB10X10V. 


1791-91 


This  aibandonment,  the  politioal  aatagoniBti  of  the  law  by  no 
means  relished;  still  eyen  they  might  have  been  sabdued,  but  for 
the  introdaction  at  that  veiy  jnnctnre,  of  Mr.  Genet's  famoas  sys- 
tem of  democratto  societies,  which,  like  the  Jacobin  dabs  of  Paris, 
were  to  be  a  power  above  the  government  Qenet  reached  the 
United  Stotes,  April  8th;  on  the  18th  of  May,  he  was  presented  to 
the  President;  and  by  the  80th  of  that  month,  the  Democratic 
Society  of  Philadelphia  was  organized.  By  means  of  this,  its  affili- 
ated bodies,  and  other  societies  based  npon  it,  or  suggested  by  it, 
the  French  minister,  his  Mends  and  imitators,  waged  their  war 
upon  the  administration,  and  gave  new  energy  to  every  man  who, 
on  any  ground,  was  dissatisfied  with  the  laws  of  his  country. 
Among  those  dissatisfied,  the  enemies  of  the  excise  were  of  coum 
to  be  numbered;  and  there  can  be  littie  or  no  doubt  that  to  the 
agency  of  societies  formed  in  the  disaffected  districts,  after  the  pl&a 
of  those  founded  by  Genet,  the  renewed  and  excessive  hostilHy  oi 
tlie  western  pe(^le  to  the  tax  npon  spirits  is  to  be  ascribed. 

The  proper  Democratic  Societies,  when  the  crisis  came,  disap- 
proved of  the  violence  committed,  and  so  did  Gallatin  and  many 
others;  but,  however  much  they  may  have  disliked  an  appeal  to 
force,  even  from  the  outset,  their  measures,  their  extravagances, 
and  political  fanaticism,  were  calculated  to  result  in  violence  and 
nothing  else.  Through  the  year  1798,  the  law  seemed  gaining 
ground;  but  with  the  next  January,  the  demon  was  loosed  again. 

"  William  Richmond,  who  had  given  information  against  some 
of  the  rioters  in  the  affiur  of  Wilson,  had  his  bam  burnt,  with  all 
the  grain  and  hay  which  it  contained ;  and  the  same  thing  happened 
to  Robert  Shawhan,  a  distiller,  who  had  been  among  the  first  to 
comply  with  the  law,  and  who  had  always  spoken  favorably  of  it; 
but  in  neither  of  these  instances,  (which  happened  in  the  county  of 
Allegheny)  though  the  presumptions  were  violent,  was  any  posi- 
tive proof  obtained. 

"The  inspector  of  the  revenue,  in  a  letter  of  the  27th  of  Feb- 
ruary, writes  UmA  he  had  received  information  that  persons  living 
near  the  dividing  line  of  Allegheny  and  Washington  counties,  had 
thrown  out  threats  of  tarring  and  feathering  one  William  Ooclran, 
a  complying  distiller,  and  of  burning  his  distillery;  and  that  it  had 
also  been  given  out  that  in  three  weeks  there  would  not  be  a  bouse 
standing  in  Allegheny  county  of  any  person  who  had  complied 
with  the  laws.  In  consequence  of  which,  he  had  been  induced  to 
pay  a  visit  to  several  leading  individuals  in  that  quarter,  as  well  to 
ascertain  the  truth  of  the  information  as  lo  endeavor  to  avert  the 
attempt  to  execute  such  threats. 


1791-M. 


wHmnr  nrsuBRionov. 


"It  appeared  aftwward  that,  on  hie  retani  home,  he  had  been 
panned  by  a  ooUeotkm  of  disorderly  penona,  threatening,  aa  they 
went  along,  vengeance  against  him.  On  their  way,  these  men 
Qslled  at  the  honse  of  Jamea  Kiddoe,  who  had  recently  complied 
with  the  laws,  broke  into  his  sUll-hoose,  fired  several  balls  under 
his  still,  and  scattered  fire  ovor  and  about  the  house. 

"In  May  and  June  new  violences  were  oommitt'^.  James 
Kiddoe,  the  person  above  mentioned,  and  William  Ooehran,  another 
complying  distiller,  met  widi  repeated  injury  to  their  property. 
Kiddoe  had  parts  of  his  grist-mill,  at  different  times,  carried  away, 
and  Oooihran  suffered  more  material  injuries.  His  still  was  de« 
Btroyed;  his  saw-mill  was  rendered  useless,  by  the  taking  away  of 
the  saw;  and  his  grist-mill  so  iigared  as  to  require  to  be  repaired, 
at  considerable  expense. 

"At  the  last  visit,  a  note  in  writing  was  left,  requiring  him  to 
publish  what  he  had  suffered  in  the  Pittsburgh  Ghizette,  on  pain  of 
another  visit,  in  which  he  is  threatened,  in  figurative  but  intelli- 
gible terms,  with  the  destrootioo  of  his  property  by  fire.  Thus 
adding  to  the  profligacy  of  doing  wanton  injuries  to  a  fellow-citisen 
the  tyranny  of  compelling  him  to  be  the  publisher  of  his  wrongs. 
"  Jnne  being  the  month  for  receiving  annual  entries  of  stills^ 
andeavors  were  used  to  open  offices  in  Westmoreland  and  Wash- 
ington counties,  where  it  had  hitherto  been  found  impracticable. 
With  much  pains  and  difficulty,  places  were  procured  for  the  pur- 
pose. That  in  Westmoreland  county  was  repeatedly  attacked  in 
Uie  night  by  armed  men,  who  frequently  fired  upon  it;  but,  accord- 
ing to  a  report  which  has  been  made  to  this  department,  it  was 
defended  with  so  much  courage  and  perseverance,  by  John  Wells, 
an  auxiUary  officer,  and  Philip  Ragan,  the  owner  of  the  house,  as 
to  have  been  maintained  during  the  remainder  of  the  month. 

"That  in  Washington  county,  after  repeated  attempts,  waa  sup- 
pressed. The  first  attempt  was  confined  to  pulling  down  the  sigii 
of  the  office,  and  threats  of  future  destruction;  tiie  second  effected 
the  object,  in  the  following  mode:  About  twelve  persons,  armed 
sod  painted  black,  in  the  night  of  the  6th  of  June,  broke  mto  the 
house  of  John  Lynn,  where  the  office  was  kept,  and,  after  having 
treacherously  seduced  him  to  come  down  stain,  and  put  himself 
into  their  powers  by  a  promise  of  safety  to  himself  and  his  house, 
tibtey  seized  and  tied  him,  threatened  to  hang  him,  took  him  to  a 
let^red  spot  in  a  nei^blKMiag  wood,  and  thetre,  after  cutting  off  hia 
Imu*,  tanring  and  feathering  him,  swore  him  never  again  to  aUow 
the  use  of  his  house  for  an  office,  never  to  disclose  their  names. 


WHISKT  mUBKIOTIOir. 


1791-M. 


and  never  again  to  have  any  sort  of  agency  in  aid  of  the  excise; 
having  done  which,  they  bound  him,  naked,  to  a  tree,  and  left  him 
in  that  situation  till  morning,  when  he  succeeded  in  extricating 
himself.  Not  content  with  this,  the  malcontents,  some  days  after, 
made  him  another  visit,  pulled  down  part  of  his  house,  and  put 
him  in  a  situation  to  be  obliged  to  become  an  exile  from  his  own 
home,  and  to  find  an  asylum  elsewhere." 

Even  these  acts,  however,  wore  followed  by  nothing  on  the  part 
of  the  government  more  stringent  than  the  institution,  in  the  Jane 
following,  of  several  suits  against  the  rioters,  and  also  against  the 
non-complying  distillers,  to  serve  process  in  which  the  Marshal  of 
the  United  States  himself  visited  the  West.  This  led  to  the  catas* 
trophe.  These  suits  were  in  the  United  States  Court,  which  eat 
east  of  the  mountains,  where  the  accused  must,  of  course,  be  tried. 
But  the  seizure  of  offenders  to  be  tried  out  of  their  own  neighbor- 
hood, was  opposed  to  the  feelings  of  the  Americans,  and  to  the 
principles  of  that  English  law  upon  which  they  had  relied  through 
the  discussions  which  preceded  the  Revolution.  The  federal  gov- 
emment,  it  was  said,  in  taking  men  to  Philadelphia  to  be  tried  for 
alleged  misdemeanors,  was  doing  what  the  British  did  in  carrying 
Americans  beyond  the  sea.  Then  was  shown  the  power  of  those 
societies  to  which  reference  has  been  made.  In  February,  1794,  a 
society  had  been  formed  at  Mingo  creek,  consisting  of  the  militia 
of  that  neighborhood,  the  same  persons  who  led  in  all  future 
excesses.  In  April,  a  second  association,  of  the  same  character, 
and  a  regular  democratic  club,  were  formed  in  the  troublesome 
district.  In  the  latter,  nothing  was  done  in  relation  to  the  excise, 
so  far  as  is  known,  but  in  the  two  first  named  bodies  there  is  reason 
to  believe  that  the  worst  spirit  of  the  French  clubs  was  naturalized; 
the  excise  and  the  government  thoroughly  canvassed,  and  rebel- 
lion, disunion  and  bloodshed,  sooner  or  later,  made  familiar  to  the 
minds  of  all. 

It  may  be  readily  understood  that  under  such  circumstances, 
great  excitement  was  likely  to  prevail  upon  slight  provocation. 
Notwithstanding,  the  marshal  for  the  State,  David  Lennox,  was 
suffered  to  serve  his  writs  unresisted,  until,  when  he  went  with  the 
last  process  in  his  hands,  he  unwisely  took  with  him  the  inspector 
of  the  county,  General  John  Neville,  a  man  once  Very  popular,  hnt 
who  had  become  odious  to  the  misguided  populace,  on  account  of 
the  &ithful  performance  of  what  he  regarded  his  duty,  in  the 
attempt  to  execute  the  law.  After  serving  this  process,  the  marshal 
and  inspector  were  followed  by  a  crowd  and  a  gun  was  fired, 


17M-M. 


WBifiKT  nriuRBMnoir. 


though  without  doing  Any  ii^juij.  The  manhal  returned  to  FittS' 
burgh  and  the  inspector  to  hia  own  house ;  but  it  being  noised 
•broad  that  both  were  at  General  Neville's,  a  number  of  inilitia> 
men,  who  were  gathered  under  the  United  States  law,  agreed  the 
next  morning  to  pay  th  )  inspector  a  visit. 

For  some  time,  Neville  had  been  looking  for  an  attack,  knowing 
bis  unpopularity,  and  had  armed  his  negroes  and  barricaded  his 
windows.  An  attack  upon  his  house,  with  a  view  to  the  destruction 
of  his  papers,  had  probably  been  in  contemplation,  and  those  who 
gathered  on  the  morning  of  the  16th  of  July,  were  determined  to 
carry  the  proposed  destruction  into  effect.  When  General  Neville 
discovered  the  party  on  that  morning  around  his  door,  he  asked 
their  business,  and  upon  receiving  evasive  replies,  proceeded  at 
once  to  treat  them  as  enemies;  shut  his  door  again  and  opened  a 
fire,  by  which  six  of  the  assailants  wore  wounded,  one  of  them 
mortally.  This,  of  course,  added  greatly  to  the  anger  and  excite- 
ment previously  existing;  news  of  the  bloodshed  was  diffused 
through  the  Mingo  creek  neighborhood,  and  before  nightfall  steps 
were  taken  to  avenge  the  sufferers. 

"Apprehending,"  says  Hamiton,  "that  the  business  would  not 
terminate  here.  General  Neville  made  application  by  letter  to  the 
judges,  generals  of  militia  and  sheriff  of  the  county,  for  protection. 
A  reply  to  his  application,  from  John  Wilkins,  Jr.,  and  John  Gib- 
BOD,  magistrates  and  militia  officers,  informed  him  that  the  laws 
could  not  be  executed  so  as  to  afford  him  the  protection  to  which 
he  was  entitled,  owing  to  the  too  general  combination  of  the  people, 
in  that  part  of  Pennsylvania,  to  oppose  the  revenue  law;  adding, 
that  they  would  take  every  step  in  their  power  to  bring  the  riotem 
to  justice,  and  would  be  glad  to  receive  information  of  the  indi- 
viduals concerned  in  the  attack  upon  his  house,  that  prosecutions 
might  be  commenced  against  them;  and  expressing  their  sorrow 
that  should  the  pos$e  comitatua  of  the  county  be  ordered  out  in 
support  of  the  civil  authority,  very  few  could  be  gotten  that  were 
not  of  the  party  of  the  rioters. 

"The  day  following  the  insurgents  re-assembled  with  a  consid- 
erable augmentation  of  numbers,  amounting,  as  has  been  computed, 
to  at  least  five  hundred ;  and,  on  the  17th  of  July,  renewed  their 
attack  upon  the  house  of  the  inspector,  who,  in  the  interval,  had 
taken  the  precaution  of  calling  to  his  aid  a  small  detachment  from 
the  garrison  of  Fort  Pitt,  which,  at  the  time  of  the  attack,  consisted 
of  eleven  men,  who  had  been  joined  by  Major  Abraham  Kirkpat- 
rick,  a  friend  and  connexion  of  the  inspector. 


WHI8XT  XKBUBBBOTIQir. 


1791-94. 


**  There  being  scareelj  •  prospeot  of  effisotaal  defense  against  bo 
large  a  body  as  then  f^peared,  and  as  the  inspector  had  eyeiy  thing 
to  apprehend  for  his  person,  if  taken,  it  was  judged  advisable  that 
he  should  wiUidraw  from  the  house  to  a  place  of  concealment; 
Migor  Eirkpatrick  generously  agreeing  to  remain  with  the  eleven 
men,  in  the  intention,  if  practicable,  to  make  a  capitulation  in 
favor  of  the  property;  if  not,  to  defend  it  as  long  as  possible. 

"A  parley  took  place  under  cover  of  a  flag,  which  was  sent  by 
the  insoigents  to  the  house  to  demand  that  the  inspector  should 
ebme  forth,  renounce  his  office,  and  stipulate  never  again  to  accept 
an  ofiice  under  the  same  laws.  To  this  it  was  replied,  that  the  in- 
spector had  left  the  house  upon  their  first  approach,  and  that  the 
place  to  which  he  had  retired  was  unknown.  They  then  declared 
that  they  must  have  whatever  related  to  his  office.  They  were 
answered  that  they  might  send  persons,  not  exceeding  ux,  to  search 
the  house  and  tsike  away  whatever  papers  they  could  find  apper- 
taining  to  the  office.  But  not  satisfied  with  this,  they  insisted, 
unconditionally,  that  the  armed  men  who  were  in  the  house  for  its 
defense,  should  march  out  and  ground  their  arms,  which  Mi^or 
Krkpatrick  peremptorily  refused;  considering  it  and  representing 
it  to  them  as  a  proof  of  a  design  to  destroy  the  property.  This 
refusal  pat  an  end  to  the  parley. 

"A  brisk  firing  then  ensued  between  the  insurgents  and  those  in 
Hie  house,  which,  it  is  said,  lasted  for  nearly  an  hour,  till  the  assail- 
ants, hairing  set  fire  to  tise  neighboring  and  adjacent  buildings, 
eight  in  number,  the  intenseness  of  the  heat,  and  the  danger  of  an 
immediate  communication  of  the  fire  to  the  house,  obliged  Miyor 
Kirkpatriok  and  his  small  party  to  come  out  fmd  surrender  them- 
selves. In  the  course  of  the  firing,  one  of  the  insurgents  was  killed 
and  several  wounded,  and  three  of  the  persons  in  the  house  were  also 
wounded.  The  person  Idlled  is  understood  to  have  been  the  leader 
of  the  party,  of  the  name  of  James  McFarlane,  then  a  m^or  in  the 
militia,  formerly  a  lieutenttnt  in  the  Pennsylvania  line.  The  dwell- 
ing house,  after  the  surrender,  shared  tiie  fate  of  the  other  baild- 
ings,  the  whole  of  which  were  consumed  to  tiie  ground.  The  loss 
of  property  to  tlie  inspector,  upon  this  occasion,  is  estimated,  and, 
as  it  is  believed  with  gre$t,  moderation,  at  not  less  than  tiiree  thous- 
aad  poumlB,  or  ten  thousand  dollMS. 

The  mairshal,  together  with'Ool.  Freely  Neville,  and  several 
•then,  were  taken  l^  the  insQigents  gcnng  to  the  inspector's  hoaae. 
All,  eioept  the  marshal  and  Gol.  Neville,  soon  made  their  escape; 
but  these  were  carried  off  some  distanoe  firom  the  plaee  where  the 


1791-94. 


WBISKT  mSUEBBCXIOH. 


6»f 


affray  had  happened,  and  detained  till  one  or  two  o'clock  the  next 
morning.    In  the  coarse  <^  their  detention,  the  marshal,  in  pattica- 
lar,  suffered  very  severe  and   humiliating  treatment,  and  was 
frequently  in  imminent  danger  of  his  life.    Several  of  the  party 
frequently  presented  their  pieces  at  him  with  every  appearance  of 
a  design  to  assassinate,  from  which  they  were  with  difficulty 
restrained  hy  the  efforts  of  a  few  more  humane  and  more  prudent. 
"I^or  could  he  obtain  safety  nor  liberty,  but  upon  the  condition 
of  a  promise,  guaranteed  by  Col.  Neville,  that  he  would  serve  no 
other  process  on  the  west  side  of  the  Allegheny  mountains.    The 
alternative  being  immediate  death,  extorted  from  the  marshal  a 
compliance  w?th  this  condition,  notwithstanding  the  just  sense  of 
official  dignity,  and  the  firmness  of  character  which  were  witnessed 
by  his  conduct  throughout  the  trying  scenes  he  had  experienced.  '■■ 
''The  insurgents,  on  the  18th,  sent  a  dentation  of  two  of  their 
number  (one  a  justice  of  the  peace)  to  Pittsburgh,  to  require  of  th9 
marshal,  a  surrender  of  the  process  in  his  possesidcm  intimating 
that  his  compliance  would  satisfy  the  people^  and  add  to  his  safety; 
and  also  to  demand  of  Qen.  !N'eville,  in  peremptory  terms  the  resign 
nation  of  his  office,  threatening,  in  case  of  refusal,  to  attack  th& 
place  and  take  him  by  force;  demands  which  both  these  officers 
did  not  hesitate  to  reject,  as  alike  incompatible  with  their  honor 
and  their  duty. 

"As  it  was  well  ascertained  that  no  protection  was  to  be  expected 
from  the  magistrates  or  inhabitants  of  Pittsburgh,  it  became 
necessary  to  the  safety,  both  of  the  inspector  and  the  marshal,  to 
quit  that  place ;  and,  as  it  was  known  that  all  the  usual  routes  to 
Philadelphia  were  beset  by  the  insurgents,  they  concluded  to 
descend  the  Ohio,  and  proceed,  by  a  circuitous  route,  to  the  seat  of 
government,  which  they  began  to  put  in  execution  on  the  night  of 
the  19th  of  July." 

The  following  points,  which  are  of  greait  importance,  do  not 
appear  in  the  above  narrative.  First,  it  seems  the  attack  was  so 
deliberate  that  a  committee  of  three  was  chosen  to  superintend  it, 
who  sat  upon  an  elevation,  and  directed  the  various  movements. 
Second,  it  seems  that  the  object  aimed  at  was  the  destruction  of 
(MaiAl  pi^pers,  and  not  property  or  life.  Third,  McFarlane,  the 
oommander  of  ths  rebels  was  shot  dead,  when  he  esqposed  himself 
in  consequence  of  a  call  firom  the  houae  to  cease  firing;  this  was 
legaided  as  intentbnal  miiid«r  on  the  part  of  the  defiBudeiv. 
Foqrth,  th^se  ia  so  doubt  «a  to  the  bovping  haying  bean  authorise^ 
by  the  committee  of  attack. 
46 


698 


WBISKY  nrsuRBEOTioir. 


1791-94. 


The  aitack  upon  Neville's  housd  was  an  outrage  of  so  violent  a 
ciiaracter,  and  the  feeling  that  caused  it  was  of  so  mixed  a  nature, 
that  further  movements  were,  of  necessity,  to  be  expected.  Those 
who  thought  themselves  justified,  as  the  early  actors  in  the  Revolu- 
tion had  beeo,  would  of  course  go  forward;  those  who  anticipated 
the  vengeance  of  the  laws,  thought  it  safer  to  press  on  and  make 
the  rebellion  formidable,  than  to  stop  and  so  be  unable  to  hope  for 
terms  from  the  government.  The  depraved  looked  for  plunder, 
the  depressed  for  a  chance  to  rise;  the  ambitious  had  the  great  men 
of  France  in  view  before  them,  and  the  cowardly  followed  what 
they  dared  not  try  to  withstand. 

These  yarious  feelings  showed  themselves  at  a  meeting  held 
July  23d,  at  Mingo  creek,  the  particulars  of  which  are  ^ven  by 
Brackenridge,  who  attended,  in  a  vivH  and  clear  narrative.  The 
masses  were  half-mad,  filled  with  true  Parisian  fury,  and  drove 
their  apparent  leaders  powerless  before  them.  At  this  gathering, 
a  general  convention  to  meet  on  the  14th  of  August,  at  Parkinson's 
Ferry,  now  Williams^ort,  upon  the  Monongahela,  was  agreed  on; 
but  the  more  violent  meanwhile  determined  upon  steps  that  would 
entirely  close  the  way  to  reconciliation  with  the  government :  these 
were,  first,  the  robbery  of  the  mail,  by  which  they  expected  to  learn 
who  were  their  chief  opponents;  next,  the  expulsion  from  the  coun- 
try of  the  persons  thus  made  known;  and,  lastly,  the  seizure  of  the 
iTnited  States  arms  and  ammunition  at  Pittsburgh.  The  leading 
man  in  these  desperate  acts  was  David  Bradford,  an  attorney  and 
politician  of  some  eminence. 

The  first  step  was  successfully  taken  on  the  26th  of  July,  and 
General  John  Gibson,  Colonel  Presly  Neville,  son  of  General  John 
Neville,  and  three  others,  were  found  to  have  written  letters  in  re- 
lation to  the  late  proceedings.  This  being  known,  the  people  of 
Pittsburgh  were  requested  by  the  Jacobins  of  the  country  to  expel 
these  persons  forthwith,  and  such  was  the  fear  of  the  citizens,  that 
the  order  was  obeyed,  though  unwillingly.  But  the  third  project 
succeeded  less  perfectly.  In  order  to  effect  it,  a  meeting  of  the 
masses  had  been  called  for  August  1st,  at  Braddock's  field;  this 
call  was  made  in  the  form  usual  for  militia  musters,  and  all  were 
notified  to  come  armed  and  equipped.  Brackenridge  was  again 
present,  though  in  fear  and  trembling.  Terror,  indeed,  appears  to 
have  ruled  as  perfectly  as  beyond  the  Atlantic.  The  Pittsburgh 
repi^ntatives  had  gone  to  the  conference  from  fear  of  being 
thought  lukewarm  in  the  rebel  caafle,  and  finding  themselves  sas* 
pected,  passed  the  day  in  fear. 


1791-94. 


WHIBKT  IKSURRBOTIOK. 


699 


The  object  of  the  gathering,  an  attack  upon  the  United  States 
arsenal,  had  been  divulged  to  few,  and  upon  further  consultation 
was  abandoned.  But  it  was  determined  to  march  to  Pittsburgh  at 
any  rate,  for  the  purpose  of  intimidating  the  disaffected,  robbing  a 
few  houses,  and  burning  a  few  stores.  The  women  of  the  country 
had  gathered  to  see  the  sack  of  the  city  at  the  Forks — and  it  was' 
vnth  difficulty  that  the  conflagration  and  robbery  were  prevented ; 
the  leaders  in  general  opposed  the  excesses  of  their  followers ;  the 
brother  of  the  murdered  M'Farlane  protected  the  property  of  Ma- 
jor  Eirkpiatrick,  and  as  others  who  were  most  interested  in  the  in- 
surrection showed  equal  vigor  in  the  prevention  of  violence,  the 
march  to  Pittsburgh  resulted  in  nothing  worse  than  the  burning  of 
a  few  bams  and  sheds. 

When  a  knowledge  of  the  attack  on  Neville's  house,  and  the 
subsequent  proceedings  reached  the  federal  government,  it  wt^s 
thought  to  be  time  to  take  decided  steps.    On  the  5th  of  August, 
Hamilton  laid  the  whole  matter  before  the  president;  Judge  Wil- 
son of  the  Supreme  Court,  having,  on  the  4th,  certified  the  western 
counties  to  be  in  a  state  of  insurrection ;  and  upon  the  7th,  Wash- 
ington issued  his  proclamation,  giving  notice  that  every  means  in 
his  power  would  be  used  to  put  down  the  rebellion.    As  it  was  his 
wish,  however,  and  also  that  of  Governor  Mifflin  of  Pennsylvania^ 
that  no  pains  should  be  spared  to  prevent  a  recourse  to  arms,  com- 
missioners were  appointed,  three  by  the  TJuited  States,  and  two  by 
the  State,  to  visit  the  West,  and  try  to  procure  an  abandonment  of 
the  insurrection  without  bloodshed.    The  commissioners  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States  were  James  Boss,  a  senator  in  Congress, 
and  a  gentlemen  very  popular  with  the  people  in  Western  Penn- 
sylvania, Jasper  Yeates,  an  Associate  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  that  State,  and  William  Bradford,  the  Attorney  General  of  the 
United  States.    Those  on  the  part  of  Pennsylvania  were  Thomas 
M'Eean,  Chief  Justice  of  the  State,  and  William  Irvine,  a  Repre- 
sentative in  Congress. 

When  these  messengers  reached  the  neighborhood  of  Pittsburgh, 
the  meeting  at  Parkinson's  ferry  was  in  session,  and  Gallatin  and 
others  were  trying  to  prevent  matters  from  beccrming  worse  than 
they  already  were.  This  meeting,  upon  receiving  notice  of  the 
approach  of  the  commissioners,  agreed  to  send  a  committee  of  con- 
<  ferenoe,  consisting  of  delegates  from  the  ooundes  of  Westmoreland, 
Allegheny,  Fayette,  and  Washington,  in  Pennsylvania,  and  from 
Ohio  county,  in  Virginia,  to  treat  with  them ;  and  at  the  same  time 
named  a  atan^ng  oommittee,  one  from  each  township,  nuddng 


700 


VHISKT  nrSURBBOIZQK* 


im-94. 


sixty  in  number,  to  wh<»n  the  fonaoer  were  to  report,  and  who  were 
authorized  to  call  a  new  meeting  of  deputies,  or  recall  the  old 
ones,  in  order  to  accept  or  reject  the  terms  offered  on  the  part  of 
goyemment. 

On  the  21st  of  August,  the  commissioners  and  committee  of  con- 
ference met,  and  after  some  discussion  agreed  upon  terms,  which 
the  representatives  of  the  insurgents  thought  their  constituents 
would  do  well  to  accept.  They  were  then  submitted  to  the  stand- 
ing commtttee,  but  in  that  body  so  much  fear  and  mutual  distrnst 
prevailed,  as  to  lead  to  a  mere  recommendation-  to  the  people  to 
accept  the  terms  offered,  by  a  vote  of  thirty-four  to  twenty-three, 
while  the  committee  themselves  fitiled  to  give  the  pledges  wh;ch 
had  been  required  of  them.  This  state  of  things  and  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  fact  that  even  the  recommendation  was  obtiuqed  only 
by  shielding  the  voters  through  a  vote  by  ballot,  proved  to  the 
agents  for  government  that  little  was  yet  done  toward  tracquili- 
zing  the  country.. 

All  the  committecrmen  and  leaders  were  in  dread  of  popular 
violence,  and  after  various  letliers  had  passed,  and  a  second  com- 
mittee of  conference  had  agreed  that  it  would  be  wise  to  adopt  the 
terms  offered  by  the  government,  the  question  was  referred  to  the 
people  themselves,  who  were  to  sign  their  names  to  pledges  pre- 
pared for  the  purpose;  by  which  pledges  they  bound  themselves  to 
obey  the  law  and  help  its  operation ;  or,  unwilling  to  do  this,  they 
were  to  refuse  distinctly  to  sign  any  such  promise. 

This  trial  of  popular  sentiment  was  to  take  place  on  the  11th  of 
September,  in  the  presence  of  persons  who  had  been  at  Parkinson 
feny  meeting,  or  of  magistrates;  and  the  result  of  the  vote  was  to 
be  by  them  eert^ed  to  the  commissioners.  It  would  have  been 
well  to  have  §^ven  a  longer  time,  that  the  good  disposition  of  the 
leaders  might  have  Lad  an  opportunity  of  spreading  among  the 
pe<^e,  but  as  the  President  in  his  proclamati<»i  had  required  a 
dispersion  by  the  Ist  of  September,  it  was  thought  impossible  to 
wait  On  the  11th  a  vote  was  taken,  but  very  imperfect  and  un- 
satisfactory. In  some  portions  of  the  country,  men  openly  refused 
obedience  to  the  law;  in  some,  they  were  silent;  in  some  they 
merely  voted  by  ballot  fcnr  and  against  submission;  and  upon  the 
whole  gave  so  little  proof  Of  a  disposition  to  support  the  legal 
offieera  that  the  judges  of  the  vote  did  not  feel  willing  to  give  ce^ 
tificates  that  offices  of  Inspection  could  be  safely  established  in  the 
mweani  counties,  and  the  commissioners  w«ra  forced  to  retam  to 
Fhikd«lpbia  without  having  accomplished  their  objects. 


v/- 


1791-94. 


WHISST  nrsuKREonoH. 


701 


Ob  the  24th  of  September  they  reported  their  proceedings  and 
fftilnre  to  the  President;  who,  upon  the  25th,  called  the  militia  of 
Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  Maryland  and  Virginia,  into  the  field, 
under  the  command  of  Henry  Lee,  Qovemor  of  the  State  last 
named.  The  mal-oontents  being  still  safficiently  nvmerons  to 
resist  the  execation  of  the  revenue  laws,  liie  government  marched 
forward  the  army,  conrasting  of  aboat  fourteen  thousand  militia. 
Washington  himself  visited  the  troops,  and  met  some  deputations 
from  the  western  counties,  but  was  unable  to  accompany  the  army 
to  Pittsburgh,  whither,  however,  General  Ebmilton  went  to  repre- 
sent the  executive.* 

**  An  unusual  quantity  of  rain  having  fallen  during  the  autumn, 
the  army  suffered  greatly  on  their  march,  particularly  several  re^- 
ments  composed  of  mechanics,  merchants  and  others,  from  the 
cities,  who  were  not  inured  to  such  hardships.  They  became  so 
disheartened  that  if  the  passes  of  the  mountains  had  been  dispu- 
ted by  only  one  thousand  resolute  insurgents,  the  army  might 
have  been  greatly  disheartened,  if  not  defeated.  But  they  met 
no  resistance,  either  in  the  mountains  or  in  the  infected  distriets. 

'*  Bradford  and  a  few  others  who  had  the  most  to  fear,  fled  to  the 
Spanish  country  on  the  Mississippi.  Otherc,  equally  guilty,  but 
less  notorious  offenders,  sought  security  in  sequestered  settiements. 
'Not  a  dog  wagged  his  tongue'  against  the  army,  which  marched 
to  Pittsburgh  and  took  up  their  quarters."  f 

To  prevent  a  renewal  of  the  insurrection,  and  secure  obedience 
to  the  law,  an  armed  force  under  General  Morgan,  remained  through 
the  winter  west  of  the  mountains.  Thus,  at  a  cost  of  $669,992.84, 
the  whisky  riots  were  ended. 

But  there  is  reason  to  think  that  the  money  was  well  spent;  and 
that  the  insurrection  was  a  wholesome  eruption.  It  served  several 
good  purposes;  it  alarmed  the  wiser  portion  of  the  democratic 
party,  who  saw  how  much  of  Jacobin  fury  lay  hidden  in  the  Ameri- 
can people ;  it  proved  to  the  wiser  part  of  the  friends  of  the  ad- 
ministration, that  the  societies  they  so  much  hated,  even  if  they 
originated  the  evil  feelings  prevalent  in  the  West,  would  not 
countenance  the  riotous  acts  that  followed.  The  unruly  portion 
oi  the  western  people  was  awed  by  the  energy  of  the  executive. 


*It  iru  the  fixed  determination  of  Washington  that  whatever  expense  it  might  cost, 
vhatever  inoonrenienoe  it  might  oceasion,  the  people  must  be  taught  obedience,  and  the 
authority  of  the  laws  re-established. 

tVilkMOB'a  BMelltetioai. 


•@ 


702 


ITHISKY  l;«8URRE0TI0ir. 


1791-94. 


and  to  those  who  loved  order,  the  readinees  of  the  militia  to  march 
to  the  sui^ort  of  government  was  evidence  of  a  much  better  dis- 
position than  most  had  hoped  to  find.  In  addition  to  these  advan- 
tages, may  be  named  the  activity  of  business,  caused  by  the 
expenditure  of  ^f>  large  a  sum  of  money  in  the  West,  and  the 
increase  of  frontier  population  from  the  ranks  of  the  army. 

A  few  additional  facts,  selected  from  Day's  Historical  Oollections 
of  Pennsylvania : 

"  The  province  of  Pennsylvania,  as  early  as  1756,  had  looked  to 
the  excise  on  ardent  spirits  for  the  means  of  sustaining  its  bills  of 
credit  The  original  law,  passed  to  continue  only  ten  years,  was 
from  time  to  time  continued,  as  necessities  pressed  upon  the 
treasury.  During  the  Bevolution,  the  law  was  generally  evaded  in 
the  West,  by  considering  all  spirits  as/or  domestic  use,  such  being  ex- 
cepted from  excise;  but  when  the  debts  of  the  Revolution  began 
to  press  upon  the  States,  they  became  more  vigilant  in  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  law.  Opposition  arose  at  once  in  the  western  counties. 
Liberty-poles  were  erected,  and  the  people  assembled  in  arms, 
chased  dBT  the  officers  {^pointed  to  enforce  the  law.  The  object  of 
the  people  was  to  compel  a  repeal  of  the  law,  but  they  had  not  the 
least  idea  of  subverting  the  government. 

"The  pioneers  of  this  region,  descended  as  they  were  from 
lil'orth  Britain  and  Ireland,  had  come  very  honestly  by  their  love 
of  whisky ;  and  many  of  them  had  brought  their  hatred  of  an 
exciseman  from  the  old  country.  The  western  insurgents  followed, 
as  they  supposed,  the  recent  example  of  the  American  Ilevolution. 
The  first  attempt  of  the  British  parliament — ^the  very  cause  of  the 
Revolution — had  been  an  excise  law.  There  was  nothing  at  that 
day  disreputable  in  either  making  or  drinking  whisky. 

^*  No  temperance  societies  then  existed ;  to  drink  whisky  was  as 
common  and  honorable  as  to  eat  bread ;  and  the  fame  of '  old  Monon- 
gahela'  was  proverbial,  both  at  the  East  and  the  West.  Distilling 
was  then  esteemed  as  moral  and  respectable  as  any  other  business. 
It  was  early  commenced,  and  extensively  carried  on  in  Western 
Pennsylvania.  There  was  neither  home  nor  foreign  market  for 
rye,  their  principal  crop;  the  grain  would  not  bear  packing 
across  the  mountains.  Whislc^,  therefore,  was  the  most  im- 
portant item  of  remittance  to  pay  for  their  salt,  sugar  and  iron. 
The  people  had  cultivated  their  land  for  years  at  the  peril  of  their 
lives,  with  little  or  no  protection  from  the  Federal  government; 
and  when,  by  extraordinary  efforts,  they  were  enabled  to  rwse  a 
little  more  grain  than  their  immediate  wants  required,  they  were 


im-94. 


OLOfiX  or  THB  wmsKT  issuxBEonoir. 


708 


met  with  a  law  restraining  them  in  the  liberty  of  doing  what  they 
pleased  with  the  surplus.  The  people  of  Western  Pennsylvania 
regarded  a  tax  on  whisky  in  the  same  light  as  the  citizens  of  Ohio 
would  now  regard  a  United  States  tax  on  lard,  pork,  or  flour." 

It  is  but  justice  to  General  John  Neville  and  his  descendants, 
that  the  following  extract  from  the  pen  of  the  late  Judge  Wilke- 
son  should  be  recorded.  It  is  to  be  found,  with  much  other  valu- 
able matter,  in  his  "  Early  Recollections  of  the  West." 

"In  order  to  allay  opposition,  (to  the  excise  law,)  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, General  John  Neville,  a  man  of  the  most  deserved  popularity, 
was  appointed  inspector  for  Western  Pennsylvania.  He  accepted 
the  appointment  from  a  sense  of  duty  to  his  country.  He  was  one 
of  the  few  men  of  wealth  who  had  put  his  all  at  hazard  for  inde- 
pendence. At  his  own  expense,  he  raised  and  equipped  a  com- 
pany of  soldiers,  marched  them  to  Boston,  and  placed  them,  with 
his  son,  under  the  command  of  General  Washington.  He  was  the 
father  of  Col.  Pressly  Neville,  the  biothor-in-law  of  Major  Kirk- 
patrick,  and  the  father-in-law  of  M^jor  Craig,  both  of  them  officers 
highly  respected  in  the  western  country.  Besides  Gen.  Neville's 
claims  as  a  soldier  and  patriot,  he  had  contributed  greatly  to 
relieve  the  sufierings  of  the  settlers  i  his  vicinity.  He  divided 
his  last  loaf  with  the  needy;  and  in  a  season  of  more  than  ordi- 
naiy  scarcity,  he  opened  his  fields  to  those  who  were  suffering  with 
hanger.  If  any  man  could  have  executed  this  odious  law.  General 
Seville  was  that  man." 

Among  those  who  deserve  to  be  remembered  in  connection  with 
the  whisky  riots,  is  Alexander  Addison,  presiding  judge  of  the 
court  of  common  pleas  of  the  fifth  circuit  of  Pennsylvania.  His 
charge  to  the  grand  jury  of  Allegheny  county,  at  l^e  Becember 
sessions  in  1794,  "  on  the  late  insurrection,"  is  ^  calm,  temperate, 
and  yet  manly  appeal  to  the  reason  of  the  people,  in  support  of  the 
migesty  of  the  law.  The  jury,  however,  did  not,  and  probably 
dared  not,  respond  to  its  views.    !Je  says : 

"  The  late  insurrection  in  this  country,  from  the  numbers  con- 
cerned in  it,  the  manner  in  which  it  was  conducted,  the  object  it 
proposed  to  accomplish,  the  fatal  efiects  which  it  produced,  and 
the  melancholy  prospects  which  it  exhibited,  may  be  considered  as 
the  most  alarming  event  that  has  occurred  in  America  for  many 
years.  When  authority  has  been  encountered  with  tnniult,  and 
laws  have  been  suspended  by  armed  men,  when  the  rage  of  some 
citizens  has  attacked  the  lives  of  other  citizens,  and  destroyed  the>r 


704 


JVMI  ADMBOM'S  OHABOI  AH*  RaMABKB. 


17M. 


honMs  and  property  b/  fire,  every  nuui  of  m  lober  mind  miut  be 
imprwwed  witii  ooooem,  ftnd  eerioosly  consider  to  what  theee 
Ibings  tend. 

<*  We  proliBas  to  admire  libertji  and  to  lespeoft  the  priuoiples  of 
#  demooralio  vdpnbUo,  as  the  best  sonroe  of  government;  and  we 
eon^der  onr  own  government  as  founded  on  those  princ^les.  Will 
we  be  honest  in  onr  profesuon,  and  act  on  tlie  principles  which  we 
admire  ?  The  principles  of  a  democracy  are,  that  the  whole  people, 
either  personally,  or  by  their  representatives,  sboold  have  the  power 
of  middng  laws.  But  what  law  is  it  in  which  the  whole  people 
would  concur  7  So  various  we  thci  fkoulties  and  the  interests  of 
men,  that  unanimity  of  many,  in  any  measure,  is  seldom  to  be 
ejipected;  of  a  whole  people,  almoist  nevw.  If  no  law  were  to  be 
made,  therefore,  till  the  whole  people  should  assent  to  it,  no  law 
Irionld  almost  ever  be  made.  But  as  laws  must  be  made,  tiiere  is 
a  neceariiy  that  l^e  wUl  of  some  of  tbe  people  siiouM  be  con- 
strained; and  reason  requires  thdb  the  greater  numbw  should  bind 
the  less.  In  our  government,  ther^ore,  the  will  of  the  migority  is 
Equivalent  tu  the  will  of  the  whole,  and  as  such  must  be  obeyed; 
unless  we  will  avow  Hiat  we  mean  to  change  or  destroy  the  prin- 
ciples of  onr  government,  by  violence  and  tenmr,  and  abandomng 
reason,  the  principle  of  action  in  man,  degrade  ourselvto  to  the 
tank  of  brutes. 

«  To  permit  or  assume  a  power  in  any  particular  part  of  a  State, 
to  defeat  or  evade  a  law,  is  to  establish  a  principle  that  every  part 
ot  a  State  may  make  laws  for  itself;  ot,  in  other  words,  that  there 
shall  be  no  law,  no  State,  and  no  duty ;  but  a  cor*plication  of  sepa- 
rate societies,  %cting  each  according  to  its  pleasure.  Those  socie- 
ties wUl  again  be  subdivided;  foj*  a  mi^rity,  or  the  whole,  of  any 
society  will  have  no  authority  to  control  any  one  refractory  mem- 
ber. Ea^  man  in  the  State  will  be  free  from  all  law  but  his  own 
wiU.  Government  and  society  are  then  destroyed;  anwcby  is 
established;  and  the  wicked  and  the  strong,  like  savages  wad  wUd 
beasts,  prey  on  the  whole^  and  on  one  anotiier. 

^*  I  hold,  therefore,  tiiat  a  forcible  (q;^>osition  to  law,  instead  of 
fovoring  Uberty,  is  the  surest  way  to  destroy  it  Is,  then,  forcible 
reeSstance  to  law  never  justifiable?  Never;  if  the  laif  be  consistent 
witlk  the  constitution.  K  a  law  be  not  contradictory  to  tiie  prin- 
ttiples  of  the  constitution,  however  erroneous  those  principles  be,  it 
is  entitied  to  obedience.  "If  a  law  be  bad,  let  those  who  dislike  it 
«|>pfy>  by  petition  to  the  legislatnre,  for  ita  repeal.    If  the  legisla- 


1T94. 


juDOB  Ain>noir'B  ohaboi  jutd  uhams. 


m 


tore  reftise,  let  the  petitiimen  ehange  thdr  represratativefl.  If  in 
law  be  repugnant  to  the  oonititatioii,  the  oonedtnlion,  being  the 
parMnoQnt  anthoritj,  rilenoes  the  law  and  maket  it  void. 

"And  odneidering  the  fraternal  band  which  ties  ns  together,  and 
the  source  of  our  laws,  from  the  appointment  of  the  whole  peo|^; 
ought  we  rashly  to  abandon  a  cotdbleAoe  that,  as  soon  aa  a  law  is 
plainly  proved,  by  experience,  to  be  oppresnve  to  us,  onr  btvthrea 
will  relieve  ns  ?  Would  not  we  do  so  to  others  T  And  have  others 
leas  virtue  than  we  ? 

"The  late  troubles  exhibit  an  awfril  lesson,  which  it  would  be 
inexcusable  to  pass  over  without  attention  and  improvement. 
Daring  theii'  existence  tife  passions  were  too  much  excited,  and 
the  mind  too  little  at  leisure,  to  examine  thoroughly  their  nature 
or  effects ;  and  terror  debarred  the  exercise  of  fi-oedom  of  opinion 
and  expression.  But  now,  when  the  storm  is  over,  it  becomes  x>nr 
duty  to  look  back  on  the  past  scenes,  to  contemplate  the  ruins  it 
made,  and  tpei^ng  of  the  leading  transactions  frreely  and  without 
disguise,  to  bestow  some  serious  reflections  on  their  nature  and 
tendency.  These  reflections,  while  they  afford  us  an  opportunity 
of  remarking  how  {i»tal  to  happiness  is  a  resistance  to  lawful 
authority,  will  show  vis  also  how  opposite  to  liberty  anarchy  is. 

"  Some  of  the  plainest  dictates  of  personal  liberty,  if  not  its  most 
essential  principles,  are,  that  every  man  be  fi«e  to  think,  to  speak, 
uad  to  act,  as  his  inclination  and  judgment  may  lead  him,  provided 
he  offend  not  against  any  law;  that  no  man  shall  be  tried  or 
punished  according  to  the  arbitrary  will  of  any  individual,  but 
according  to  tiie  established  forms  and  mice  of  the  law;  and  that 
the  enjoyment  of  evety  man's  property  shall  be  secured  to  him,  * 
until  he  forfeit  it  by  tiie  sentence  of  the  law,  and  that  sentence  be 
executed  by  the  proper  ofllcer.  •  With  these  maxims  compare  the 
effects  of  anarchy,  as  we  have  experienced  it  Because  the  intor^st 
or  inclination  of  some  men  led  them  to  accept  and  execute  certain 
offices,  established  by  public  authority,  lawless  bodies  of  men, 
assembled  for  the  purpose  of  riot  and  violence,  seised,  insulted, 
and  abused  their  persons,  entered  their  houses  by  force,  uid  de- 
stroyed both  their  houses  and  property  by  fire.    If  any  thing  can 
place  such  transactions  in  a  more  detratable  liglM  t^an  at  first 
sight  they  must  appeu*,  it  may  be  tliis:  that,  if  these  things  may 
be  done  for  any  cause,  however  go<Kl,  there  needs  no  more  for  l^eir 
execution,  for  every  cause,  than  that  the  party  to  execute  them  be 
oi  opinion  that  the  cause  is  good.    Let  but  a  mob  assemble,  how- 
evw  small  it  be,  if  ftaflM«nt  to  fteoomplish  its  purpose;  let  them 


706 


JUOOB  ADDISON'S  OaARQB  AKD  BBIUKES. 


1704. 


agree  in  opinion  that  suoh  a  man  is  dangeroiu,  and,  therefore,  that 
his  property  ought  to  he  destroyed;  and  it  is  instantly  done.  Let 
hut  one  man  hate  another,  and  resolve  to  destroy  him,  he  has  only 
to  assemhle  a  few  of  simihur  sentincents,  or  over  whom  he  has 
influence,  they  instantly  pretend  to  he  the  people ;  and  the  work 
of  malice  is  accomplished,  under  the  semhlance  of  zeal  for  the 
puhlio  good. 

"  They  will  do  deeds  which  they  never  before  intended,  and 
Arom  which,  had  they  been  suggested,  they  would  have  shronk 
back  with  horror;  and  they  will  do  them,  from  no  motive,  and  to 
no  end  of  interest  to  themselves  or  others,,  but  merely  from  the 
rashness  of  the  moment,  a  sally  of  wifntonness,  or  an  impulse  of 
malice.  Let  us  learn,  therefore,  to  confine  our  conduct  within  the 
strict  line  of  duty,  and  remember  that  the  first  transgression  ren- 
ders easy  every  subsequent  one,  however  enormous. 

"As,  it  seems,  an  opinion  pretty  generally  prevuled,  that  riots 
in  Giiswee  were  proper,  it  appeared  hard  that  those  who  engaged 
in  them  should  sqfier  for  their  services  in  the  public  cause;  and  it 
seems  to  have  been  believed,  that  the  best  way  to  protect  them  was 
by  multiplying  the  number  of  offenders,  to  make  the  punishment 
of  any  appear  dangerous..  Perhaps,  here,  one  might  find  matter 
for  questioning  whether  it  be  not  desirable  that  wickedness  should 
be  accompanied  with  understanding;*  and  whether  folly  be  not  the 
most  mischievous  of  all  qualities. 

"  The  danger  of  this  country  from  Indian  incursions  had  ren- 
dered it  often  necessary  to  assemble  the  militia,  without  waiting 
for  the  orders  of  government,  which  would  come  too  late  for  the 
danger.  From  experience  it  was  found  that  attack  was  the  best 
defense.  Hence,  voluntary  expeditions  into  the  Indian  country 
were  frequently  undertaken,  and  government,  from  a  sense  of  their 
utility,  afterward  sanctioned  them,  by  defraying  their  expenses. 
In  this  manner,  it  had  become  habitual  wUh  the  mUiiia  of  these  counties 
to  assemble  at  the  call  of  their  officers^  wUhdut  inquiring  into  the  authority 
or  oiQect  of  the  call.  This  habit,  well  known  to  the  contrivers  of  the 
rendezvous  at  Braddock's  field,  rendered  the  execution  of  their 
plan  an  easy  matter.  They  issued  their  orders  to  the  officers  of 
the  militia,  who  assembled  their  men,  accustomed  to  obey  orders 
of  this  kind,  given  on  the  sudden,  and  without  authority.  The 
militia  c«ue  together,  without  knowing  from  whom  the  orders 
originated,  or  for  what  purpose  they  met  And,  when  met,  it  was 
easy  to  communicate,  from  breast  to  breast,  more  or  less  of  the 
popular  frenzy,  all  all  felt  it,  or  found  it  prudent  to  dissemble  and 


1794. 


JUDQI  ADDISON'S  OHAROI  AND  RIMARKB. 


707 


feign  that  they  felt  it  This  gave  appearance,  at  least,  of  strength 
and  unanimity  to  the  insurrection,  silenced  the  well  disposed,  and 
emboldened  ruffians  to  proceed  with  audacity  to  subsequent  out- 
rages, which  there  was  no  energy  to  restrain,  nor  force  to  punish. 
"But,  gentlemen,  the  past  cannot  be  recalled :  let  us  only  study 
to  improve  by  it ;  and  strive  to  make  some  compensation,  by  our 
fatare  conduct.  For  this  purpose,  let  us  suppress  the  first  seeds 
of  sedition  and  riot,  before  they  grow  up  as  before,  to  a  strength 
not  to  be  resisted.  Let  every  witness  of  such  things  carry  the 
ofibnder  before  a  magistate,  that  justice  may  be  executed.  And 
let  every  magistrate  take  heed,  "that  he  bear  not  the  sword  in 
vain."  To  permit  criminals  to  escape  from  punishment,  is  to  en- 
courage crimes.  Impunity  begets  offenses,  as  corruption  begets 
maggots.  A  few  examples  of  punishment  of  the  late  disorder, 
given  among  ourselves,  in  each  county,  will,  perhaps,  secure  our 
peace,  for  many  years,  and  prevent  the  existence  of  many  crimes, 
and  the  necessity  of  many  and  severe  punishments. 

"To  your  particular  and  serious  consideration,  gentlemen,  do  I 
address  these  sentiments.  Ton  are  the  door,  by  which  only,  jus- 
tice may  be  come  at  By  you,  a  way  may  be  opened  to  justice. 
By  you,  justice  ma)  be  shut  up.  In  your  hands,  the  laws  of  your 
country  have  placed  Uiis  authority;  and  for  the  exercise  of  it 
Btrictly,  according  to  law  and  truth,  you  are  bound  by  your  oaths, 
and  answerable  to  your  Qod.  You  have  no  discretion  to  do  as  you 
please :  your  opinions  must  be  governed  by  the  laws ;  your  belief 
must  be  guided  by  testimony;  and  so  you  have  sworn.  It  is  not 
for  you  to  determine  whether  it  be  expedient  that  punishment 
should  be  inflicted  on  any  particular  offender,  but  only  whether  it 
be  true  that  any  particular  person  is  an  offender. 

"I  do,  therefore,  solemnly  abjure  you,  to  deal  faithfully,  and 
make  true  presentments,  in  all  cases  of  any  breach  of  the  peace, 
or  other  offense,  especially  respecting  the  late  troubles.  This  will 
be  the  true  test  of  our  integrity,  and  will  determine  how  far  gov- 
ernment ought  to  trust  us  with  the  management  of  ourselves. 
Whenever  a  bill  is  sent  up  to  you,  if  it  be  proved  true,  I  call  upon 
you,  as  yoo  regard  your  oaths,  And  the  interest  of  your  country  to 
fnd  it  so.  Where  any  offense  is  within  the  knowledge  of  any  of 
you,  I  call  upon  you,  by  the  same  regard  to  your  oaths  and  your 
country,  that  you  present  the  facts  to  us,  or  give  information  of 
them  to  the  prosecutor  for  the  State,  that  he  may  draw  up  a  bill, 
to  hQ  found  on  your  knowledge. 
"Do  your  du|y,  |«ntlemen,  and  uttisfy  your  own  consciences. 


708 


■mLiMiira  or  oalupolis. 


1792. 


Present  all  oflbnden,  whatever,  to  the  Justice  of  yonr  country. 
This  yon  are  bound,  bj  your  oaths,  to  do.  Whether  those  offend* 
ers  shall  be  considered  as  proper  objects  of  mercy,  or  of  pnnish- 
ment,  it  is  not  for  you  to  decide.  That  question  lies  with  others; 
and  you  cannot  take  it  up,  without  violating  your  oaths,  and  pros- 
trating the  principles  of  our  laws  and  government." 

In  May  or  June,  1788,  Joel  Barlow  left  this  country  for  Europe, 
*'  authorized  to  dispose  of  a  very  large  body  of  land  "  in  the  West 
In  1790,  this  gentleman  distributed  proposals  in  Paris,  for  the  sale 
of  lands  at  five  shillings  per  acre,  which  promised,  says  Volney,  «$ 
climate  healthy  and  delightful ;  scarcely  such  a  thing  as  frost  in 
winter;  a  river,  called,  by  way  of  eminence,  'The  Beautifal,' 
abounding  in  fish  of  an  enormous  size ;  magnificent  forests  of  a 
tree  from  which  sugar  flows,  and  a  shrub  which  yields  candles; 
venison  in  abundance,  without  foxes,  wolves,  lions  or  tigers;  no 
taxes  to  pay;  no  military  enrollments;  no  quarters  to  find  for 
soldiers.  Purchasers  became  numerous,  individuals  and  whole 
fhmilies  disposed  of  their  property ;  and  in  the  course  of  1791,  some 
«mbarked  at  Havre,  others  at  Bordeaux,  Nantes,  or  Rochelle,"  each 
with  his  title  deed  in  his  pocket. 

Five  hundred  settlers,  among  whom  wero  not  a  few  carvers  and 
Riders  to  his  mi^esty,  coachmakers,  fiiseurs,  and  peruke  makers, 
and  other  artisans  and  arititeSy  equally  well  fitted  for  a  backwoods' 
life,  ar.'ived  in  ihe  United  States  in  1791-02;  uid,  acting  without 
concert,  traveling  without  knowledge  of  the  language,  customs  or 
roads,  they  at  last  managed  to  reach  the  spot  designated  for  their 
residence,  after  expending  nearly  or  quite,  the  whole  proceeds  of 
their  sales  in  France.* 

They  reached  the  spot  designated,  but  it  was  only  to  learn,  that 
the  persons  whose  title  deeds  they  held,  did  not  own  one  foot  of 
land,  and  that  they  had  parted  with  all  Iheir  woridly  goods  merely 
to  reach  a  wilderness,  which  they  knew  not  how  to  cultivate,  in  the 
midst  of  a  people,  of  whose  q)eech  and  ways  they  knew  nothing, 
and  at  the  veiy  moment  when  the  Indians  were  carrying  destruc- 
tion to  every  white  man's  hearth. 

Without  food,  without  land,  with  little  money,  no  experience, 
and  wi1&  want  and  danger  closing  around  them,  they  were  in  a  posi- 
tion that  none  but  Frenchmen  could  be  in  without  despair. 


•  Volnej'i  Tiew  of  the  olimftte  mcI  soil  •f  the  ITnited  States,  &c.    The  sugar-tree  wm 
the  mtple,  and  the  muc-beuiag  myrtle,  the  shnib  that  yielded  oandtee. 


1708. 


BUffnixai  or  oalumub  smuw. 


TOfir 


Who  brought  item  to  this  pass  ?  YoliMy  ujt,  the  Soioto  Com« 
pAoj,  which  had  bonght  of  the  Ohio  Company;  Mr,  Hall  aaje  iq 
his  letters  from  the  West,  a  oompany  who  had  obtained  a  grant 
from  the  United  States;  and»  in  his  statiiitios  of  the  West,  the 
Soioto  company,  which  was  formed  firoro  or  by  the  Ohio  company, 
gfl  a  subordinate.  Barlow,  he  says,  wm  sent  to  Earope  by  the 
Ohio  Company ;  and  by  them  the  land»  in  question  were  conveyed 
to  the  Soioto  company.  Kilbonra  says,  "the  Scioto  Land  Com- 
pany, which  intended  to  buy  of  Congress  all  the  tract  between  the 
western  boundary  of  the  Cttuo  Company's  purchase  and  the  Soioto, 
directed  the  French  settlers  to  Qallipolis,  supposing  it  to  be  west 
of  the  Ohio  Company's  purchase,  though  it  proved  not  to  be." 
The  Company,  he  says,  ffuled  to  make  their  payments,  and  the 
whole  proposed  purchase  remianed  with  government.* 

The  truth  undoubtedly  is,  that  those  for  whom  Barlow  aoted» 
were  the  persons  referred  to  by  Dr.  Cutler,  who  joined  with  tiie 
Ohio  Company  in  their  purchase  to  the  extent  of  three  and  one- 
half  millions  of  acres,  among  whom,  he  says,  were  many  of  the 
principal  characters  of  America;  and  this  is  demonstrated  by  the 
fact,  that  Col.  Duer,  wao  applied  to  Dr.  Cutler  '*  to  take  in  another 
oompany,"  as  the  agent  of  the  Scioto  Company  did  receive  the 
French  immigrants  and  send  them  to  GallipoHs. 

These  persons,  however,  never  paid  for  their  lands,  and  could 
give  no  title  to  the  emigrants  they  had  allured  across  the  ocean. 
Their  excuse  was,  that  their  agents  had  deceived  them,  but  it  was 
a  plea  good  ndther  in  morals  or  law.  Who  those  agents  were, 
and  how  far  they  were  guil^,  and  how  far  the  ccnnpany  was  so,  are 
points  which  seem  to  be  still  involved  in  doubt 

Bat  whatever  doubt  there  may  be  as  to  the  causes  of  the  suffer- 
ing, there  can  be  none  as  to  the  sufferers.  The  poor  gilders  and 
carvers  and  peruke  makerr,  who  had  followed  a  jack-arl«ntem  into 
the  "howling  wilderness,"  found  that  their  lives  depended  upon  their 
labor.  They  most  dear  the  ground,  build  their  hooses,  and  tiU 
their  fields.  liTow  the  spot  upon  which  they  had  been  located  by 
the  Scioto  Compnoiy  was  covered  in  part  with  those  immense  syca» 
more  trees,  which  are  so  frequent  aloQg  the  rivers  of  the  West,  and 
to  remove  which  is  no  small  andertiddng  even  for  the  American 
woodsman.  The  ooaobmakers  were  whmly  at  a  loss;  but  at  last, 
hoping  to  conquer  by  a  anup^de-moMt  tb^  tied  ropes  to  the  branchesi 


»  xubonn't  a»Mt(*i«!»  isai. 


710 


SUFFBRINOS  Of  ftALLIPOLIS  8BTTLBRS. 


1794. 


and  while  one  dozen  pulled  at  them  might  and  main,  another 
dozen  went  at  the  trunk  with  axes,  hatchets^  and  every  variety  of 
edged  tool,;  and  by  dint  of  persev^arance  and  cheerfulness,  at  length 
overcome  the  monster,  though  ilot  without  some  hair-breadth 
esQapes;  for  when  a  mighty  tree,  that  had  been  hacked  on  all  sides, 
fell,  it  required  a  Frenchman'a  heels  to  avoid  the  sweep  of  the 
wide-spread  branches.  But  when  they  had  felled  the  last  tree,  they 
were  little  better  off  than  before,  for  they  could  not  move  or  bum 
it.  At  last  a  good  idea  came  to  their  fiid ;  and  ivhilo  some  chopped 
off  the  limbs,  others  dug  by  the  side  of  the  trunk,  a  great  grave, 
into  which,  ,with  many  a  heave,  they  rolled  tlieir  fallen  enemy. 

Their  houses  they  did  not  build  in  the  usual  straggling  Araeri- 
can  style,  but  made  two  rows  or  blocks  of  log  cabins,  each  cabin 
being  about  sixteen  feet  square;  while  at  one  end  was  a  larger 
room,  which  was  used  as  a  council-chamber  and  ball-room. 

In  the  way  of*  cultivation  they  did  little.  The  land  was  not 
theirs,  and  they  had  no  motive  to  improve  it;  and,  moreover,  their 
coming  was  in  th/Oi  midst  of  the  Indian  war.  Here  and  there  a 
little  vegetable  garden  was  formed;  but  their  main  supply  of  food 
they  were  forced  to  buy  from  boats  on  the  river,  by  which  means 
their  remaining  funds  were  sadly  broken  in  upon. 

Five  of  their  number  were  taken  prisoners  by  the  Indians;  food 
became  scarce;  in  the  fall,  a  marsh  behind  the  town  sent  up  miasm 
that  produced  fevers;  then  winter  came,  and,  despite  of  Mr.  Barlow's 
promise,  brought  frost  in  plenty;  and,  by  and  by,  they  heard  from 
beyond  seas  of  the  carnage  that  was  desolating  the  fire-sides  they 
had  left.  Never  were  men  in  a  more  mournful  situation ;  but  still, 
twice  in  the  week,  the  whole  colony  came  together,  and  to  the 
sound  of  the  violin  danced  off  hunger  and  care. 

The  savage  scout  that  had  been  lurking  all  day  in  the  thicket, 
listened  to  the  strange  music,  and  hastening  to  his  fellows,  told 
them,  that  the  whites  would  be  upon  them,  for  he  had  seen  them 
at  their  war4ance ;  and  the  careful  Connecticut  man,  as  be  guided 
his  broadhom  in  the  shadow  of  the  Virginia  shore,  wondered  what 
mischief  "  the  red  varmint"  were  at  next ;  or,  if  he  knew  the  sound 
of  the  fiddle,  shook  his  head,  as  he  thought  of  the  whisky  that 
must  have  been  used  to  produce  all  that  merriment. 

But  French  vivacity,  though  it  could  work  wonders,  could  not 
pay  for  land.  Some  of  the  Gallipolis  settlers  went  to  Detroit, 
others  to  Kaskoskia;  a  few  bought  their  lands  of  the  Ohio  Com- 
pany, who  treated  them  with  great  liberality ;  and  in  1795,  Congress, 
being  informed  of  the  circumstances,  granted  to  the  sufferers 


1790. 


LEOAL  SUBVBT  Ot  VWonstlA  lAtlSBAYE  lAlTDS. 


Til 


twenty-four  thousand  aeres  of  land  opposite  Little  Sandy  river,  to 
which,  in  1798,  tvrelve  hundred  acres  more  Were  added;  which 
tract  has  since  been  known  as  JS^ench  Grant. 

The  influence  of  this  settlement  upon  the  State  was  unimpor- 
taat;  but  it  forms  a  curious  little  episode  in  Ohio  history,  and 
affords  a  strange  example  of  national  character.'^ 

During  this  period,  however,  other  settlements  had  been  taking 
place  in  Ohio,  which  in  their  influence  upon  the  destinies  of  the 
State  were  deeply  felt; — ^that  of  the  Virginia  Reserve,  between  the 
Scioto  and  Little  Miami  rivers,  that  of  the  Oonneoticut  Reserve, 
and  that  of  Dayton.  ,l'.^i''!.\'..'x- 

In  1787,  the  reserved  lands  of  the  Old  D>6mihion,  north  of  the 
Ohio,  were  examined,  and  in  August  cf  that  year  entries  were 
commenced.  Against  the  validity  of  these  entries.  Congress,  in 
1788,  entered  their  protest.  This  protest,  whicb-was  practically  a 
prohibition  of  settlement,  was  withdrawn  in  1790.  As  soon  as 
this  was  done,  it  becatne  an  object  to  have  surveys  made  in  the 
reserved  region,  but  as  this  was  an  undertaking  of  great  danger, 
ID  consequence  of  the  Indian  wars,  high  prices  in  land  or  money 
had  to  be  pud  to  the  surveyors. 

The  person  who  took  the  lead  in  this  gainful  but  unsafei  enter- 
prise was  I^athaniel  Massie,  then  twenty-seven  years  old.  He  had 
been  for  six  years  or  more  in  the  West,  and  had  prepared  himself 
in  Colonel  Anderson's  office  for  the  details  of  his  business.  Thus 
prepared,  in  December,  1790,  he  entered  into  the  following  con- 
tract with  certain  persons  therein  named : 

"Articles  of  agreement  between  Kathaniel  Massie,  of  one  part, 
and  the  several  persons  that  have  hereunto  subscribed,  of  the  other 
part,  witnesseth,  that  the  subscribers  hereof  doth  oblige  themselves 
to  settle  in  the  town  laid  off,  on  the  north-west  side  of  the  Ohio, 
opposite  the  lower  part  of  the  Two  Islands ;  and  make  said  t^wn, 
or  the  neighborhood,  on  the  north-west  side  of  the  Ohio,  their 
permanent  seat  of  residence  for  two  years  from  the  date  hereof; 
no  subscriber  shall  absent  himself  more  than  two  months  at  a  lime, 
and  during  such  absence  furnish  a  strong,  able-bodied  man  suffi- 
cient to  bear  arms  at  least  equal  to  himself;  no  subscriber  shall 
absent  himself  the  time  above  mentioned  in  case  of  actual  danger, 
nor  shall  such  absence  be  but  once  a  year;  no  subscriber  shall 


*Soe  the  commuhiration  of  Mr.  MontetW— Also  Amerloau  Pioneer,  i.  04. 


718 


pemniptpiv  «9us  II9»  ujn>,  nr  omft., 


17«6. 


imm«4^t!B^.:  E«eli  of  the  intisciiben  doth  oblige  thcunadlvds  to 
comply  with  the  rales  and  reg^Utiont  that  shall  he  agteeden  by 
a  mij^Hly  thereof  fbr  the  Mi4p(H4  of  tbe  setllOtneBt. 

**in  ooDsidefation  whereof  i^'afbaaiel  Maasie  d<^  bind  and 
oblige  himself^  his  heirs,  &c^  to  make  ovet  and  conToy  to  such  of 
the  snbscribers  that  comply  with  the  above  mentioned  conditions, 
at  the  expiration  of  two  years,  a  good  and  sufficient  title  unto  one 
in-lot  in  said  town,  cohtid&ing  fire  polias  in  front  and  eld^ven  back, 
one^ciMot  of  fowe  acres  convenient  to  said  town,  in  the  bottom, 
whi<^  the  Bwd  Maasie  is  to  pat  them  in .  immediate  possiBssion  of, 
also  one  hundred  acres  ci  land,  which  the  said  Massie  has  shown 
to  a  part  of  the  suhscribera;  the  conv^ance  to  be  made  to  each  of 
the  subsmben^  their  heirs  or  assigns. 

<*L:i  witness  whereof,  each  of  the  parties  have  hereunto  set 
their  handji^  imd  seals,  titiis  1st  day  of  Deo^nber,  1790." 

The  towm  thus  laid  off  was  aitaated  some  twelve  miles  aboTS 
Maysville,  and  was  called  Manchester;  it  is  still  hnewn  to  tha 
voyager  on  the  Ohio.  From  this  point,  Massie  and  his  companions 
made  surveying  ejtpeditions  through  tiie  perilous  years  from  1791 
to  1796,  but  though  often  distressed  and  in  danger,  they  wers 
never  wearied  nor  afraid;  and  at  length,  with  "Wayne's  treaty  all 
danger  of  Importance  was  at  an  end.'^ 

Oonnectieat,.as  has  been  stated,  had,  in  1786  resigned  her  claims 
to  western  laads^  wHh  the  exception  ef  a  reserved  tract  extending 
one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  beyond  Pennsylvania.  Of  this 
tract,  so  far  as  the  Indian  title  was  extiifguished,  a  survey  was 
ordered  in  Octobaf,  1786,  and  an  ofELce  opened  for  its  disposal; 
part  was  sold,  and  in  1792,  half  a  million  of  acres  were  given  to 
those  citicens  of  Oonne<^cut,  who  haC  lost  property  by  the  acts 
of  tite  British  troops,  daring  the  Bevolmtionary  War,  at  New 
London,  New  Havea.  and  elsewhere ;  these  lands  are  known  as  tbe 
«Firela&d«"  and  the  **Stiffi»ers'  lands,"  and  lie  in  the  western 
part  of  the  reserve.  In  May,  1795,  t^e  Legislature  of  Gonnecticnt 
authorised  a  committee  to  take  steps  for  the  disposal  of  the  remain- 
dtr  of  their  western  domain;  this  o^nimttee  made  advertisement 
aocorduitgly,  and  befove  autumn  had  disposed  of  it  to  fifty-nz 
persons^  forming  the  Oonneotieut  Land  Company,  fbtr  one  million 
two  huadred  thousand  dollars,  and  upon  fhe  5tii  or  9th  of  S^tem- 


•MePomWa  Sk«t«h  of  QMenl  MsmU. 


1795. 


BAPID  SXTTUiMINT  OF  MIAMI  VALLBT. 


718 


ber,  quitrdaimed  to  the  purchasers  the  whole  title  of  the  State, 
territorial  and  juridical. 

These  purchasers,  on  the  same  day,  conveyed  the  three  milliona 
of  acres  transferred  to  them  hy  the  State,  to  John  Morgan,  John 
Caldwell,  and  Jonathan  Brace,  in  trust;  and  upon  the  quit-claim 
deeds  of  those  trustees,  the  titles  to  all  real  estate  in  the  Western 
Reserve,  of  necessity,  rest.  Surveys  were  commenced  in  1796,  and 
by  the  close  of  1797,  all  the  lands  east  of  the  Cuyahoj^  were  divi- 
ded into  townships  five  miles  square.  The  agent  of  the  Connecti- 
cut Land  Company  was  General  Moses  Cleveland,  and  in  honor  of 
him  the  leading  city  on  the  Reserve,  in  1796,  received  its  name. 
That  township  and  five  others  were  retained  tor  private  sale,  and 
the  remainder  were  disposed  of  by  a  lottery,  the  first  drawing  in 
which  took  place  in  February,  1798. 

Wayne's  treaty  also  led  at  once  to  the  foundation  <^  Dayton,' and 
the  peopling  of  that  fertile  region.  The  original  proposition  by 
Symmes  had  been  for  the  purchase  of  two  millions  of  acres  between 
the  Miair  ie"  this  was  changed  very  shortly  to  a  contract  for  one 
million,  ey  \$  from  the  Great  Miami  eastwardly  twenty  miles ; 

but  the  coi      ..iOT  being  unable  to  paj  for  all  he  wished,  in  1792, 
a  patent  was  issued  for  248,540  acres. 

But  although  his  tract  was  by  contract  limited  toward  the  east, 
and  greatly  curtailed  in  its  extent  toward  the  north,  by  his  fmlure 
to  pay  the  whole  amount  due.  Judge  Symmes  had  not  hesitated  to 
Bell  lands  lying  between  the  eastern  boundary  of  his  purchase  and 
the  Little  Miami,  and  even  after  his  patent  issued  continued  to 
dispose  of  an  imaginary  right  in  those  north  of  the  quantity  pat- 
ented. The  first  irregularity,  the  sale  of  lands  along  the  Little 
Miami,  was  cured  hy  the  act  of  Congress  in  1792,  which  authori- 
zed the  extension  of  his  purchase  from  one  river  to  the  other;  but 
the  sales  of  territory  north  of  the  tract  transferred  to  him  hy  Con- 
gress, were  so  entirely  unauthorized  in  the  view  of  the  govern- 
ment, that  in  1796  it  refused  to  recognize  them  as  valid,  and  those 
who  had  become  purchasers  beyond  the  patent  line,  were  at  the 
mercy  of  the  federal  rulers,  until  an  act  was  procured  in  their  &vor 
in  1799,  by  which  pre-emption  rights  were  secured  to  them. 

Among  those  who  were  thus  left  in  suspense  during  three  years, 
were  the  settlers  throughout  the  region  of  which  Dayton  forms 
the  centre. 

Seventeen  days  after  Wayne's  treaty,  St.  Clair,  Wilkinson,  Jonar 
than  Dayton,  and  Israel  Ludlow  contracted  with  Symmes  for  the 
46 


7X4 


pROosBDXiras  of  lutd  oohpaitim. 


1705. 


seventli  and  eighth  ranges,  between  Mad  river  and  the  Little 
Miami.  Three  settlements  were  to  be  made,  one  at  the  month  of 
Mad  river,  one  on  the  Little  Miami,  in  the  seventh  range,  and 
another  on  the  Mad  river. 

On  the  2l8t  of  September,  1795,  Daniel  0.  Oooper  started  to 
survey  and  mark  oat  a  road  in  the  pnrchaae,  and  John  Dunlap  to 
ran  its  boandaries,  which  was  done  before  the  4th  of  October. 
Upon  the  4th  of  November,  Mr.  Ladlow  laid  off  the  town  of  Day- 
ton,  which  was  disposed  of  by  lottery. 

From  1790  to  1796,  the  Governor  and  Jndges  of  the  Brorth-"We8t 
Territory  pablished  sixty-four  statutes.  Thirty-four  of  these  were 
adopted  at  Oindnnati,  during  June,  July  and  August  of  the  last 
named  year,  and  were  intended  to  form  a  pretty  complete  body  of 
statutory  provisions ;  they  are  known  as  the  Maxwell  Code,  from 
the  name  of  the  publisher,  but  were  passed  by  Governor  St.  Glair 
and  Judges  Symmes  and  Turner. 

Among  them  was  that  which  provided  that  the  common  Taw  of 
England,  and  all  statutes  in  aid  thereof,  made  previous  to  the 
fourth  year  of  James  I,  should  be  in  full  force  within  the  territory. 

Of  the  system,  as  a  whole,  Mr.  Chase  says  that,  with  many  im- 
perfections, "  it  may  be  doabted  whether  any  colony,  at  so  early  a 
period  after  its  first  establishment,  ever  had  one  so  good." 

Just  after  the  conclusion  of  Wayne's  treaty,  a  speculation  in 
Michigan,  of  the  most  gigantic  kind,  was  undertaken  by  certain 
astute  Kew  Englanders,  named  Robert  Randall,  Charles  Whitney, 
Israel  Jones,  Ebenezer  Allen,  &o.,  who,  in  connection  with  varioni 
persons  in  and  about  Detroit,  proposed  to  buy  of  the  Indians 
eighteen  or  twenty  million  acres,  lying  on  Lakes  Erie,  Huron  and 
Michigan,  the  pre-emption  right  of  which  they  hoped  to  obtain 
fh>m  the  TTnited  States,  by  giving  members  of  Congress  an  interest 
in  the  investment. 

Some  of  the  members  who  were  approached,  however,  revealed 
the  plan,  and  Randall,  the  principal  conspirator,  having  been  rep- 
rimanded, the  whole  speculation  disappeared. 

Another  enterprise,  eqnally  gigantic,  but  far  less  objectionable, 
dates  from  the  20th  of  February,  1795,  to  wit,  the  North  American 
Land  Company,  which  was  formed  in  Philadelphia,  under  the 
management  of  Robert  Morris,  John  Nicholson  and  James  Green- 
leaf.  This  company  owned  vast  tracts  in  various  States,  which, 
under  an  agreement  bearing  date  as  above,  were  offered  to  the 
public. 


PBRIODVl. 

1796—1811. 

Bbforb  the  cloee  of  the  year  1796,  the  Union  had  safely  paseed 
through  the  first  great  crisis  in  its  histoiy.  At  its  formation 
it  was  embarrassed  with  debt;  it  was  embroiled  in  difficulties  with 
England,  Spain  and  France;  its  first  years  were  occapied  in  prose- 
cuting a  harassing  war  with  tbe  Indian  tribes,  and  in  quelling  the 
spirit  of  insubordination  to  its  authority  among  its  own  citizens. 
Bat  these  difficulties  were  now  overcome  by  the  wisdom  and  prur 
denoe  of  the  first  chief  Executive,  and  by  the  deyotion  and  fidelity 
of  the  men  to  whom  the  administration  of  the  new  government 
was  committed;  and  all  the  questions  at  issue  with  foreign  powers, 
and  all  the  embarrassments  that  threatened  the  safety  of  the  coun- 
try at  home,  were  met  and  settled  by  them  in  a  way  that  neither 
compromised  the  national  honor,  nor  sacrificed  the  national 
interest. 

The  new  government  inherited  from  the  confederation  a  difficulty 
with  Great  Britun,  which  in  the  end  threatened  to  involve  the  two 
nations  in  another  war,  and  to  dismember  the  North-West  from 
the  Union,  by  the  means  of  a  protectorate  over  the  Indian  tribes ; 
but  the  vigor  and  prudence  of  the  government  secured  a  treaty  by 
which  all  its  rights  were  maintained,  and  the  integrity  of  its  territory 
guaranteed.  It  inherited  a  difficulty  with  Spain,  which  that  power 
songht,  through  the  venality  of  their  politicians,  to  separate  the  ter- 
ritories of  the  South-West  from  the  Union,  and  to  extend  its  power 
to  the  AUeghenies ;  but  the  schemes  of  the  conspirators  against  the 
integrity  of  their  country  were  disconcerted,  and  Spun  was  com- 
pelled to  surrender  the  control  of  the  Mississippi,  through  which 
only  they  and  she  hoped  for  the  realization  of  the  objects  of  their 
tortuous  policy.  It  encountered  and  defeated  the  attempt  of  the 
agents  of  the  French  Republic  to  seduce  the  people  of  the  country 
iuto  opposition  to  their  government,  to  ally  themselves  with  the 
radical  republicans  of  France,  and  to  plunge  the  nation  into  the 
vortex  of  the  European  war.  It  was  called  to  meet  the  combined 
hostility  of  all  the  tribes  of  the  North-West,  and  it  succeeded,  after 
great  expenditures  and  great  sacrifices,  in  destroying  their  power, 


716 


BAPID  BBTTLSMBNT  OV  NOBTR-WKT  TBBBROBT. 


1199. 


and  in  extending  the  authority  of  the  nation  over  them  and  their 
country.  It  was  met  with  great  opposition  in  all  its  measures  hy 
the  difla£fected  portion  of  its  own  citizens — an  opposition  so  bitter 
as  to  break  out  in  open  insarrection  against  the  execution  of  its 
laws — but  it  overcame  that  opposition,  and  quelled  that  revolt, 
without  the  shedding  of  blood,  or  without  such  exercise  of  its 
authority  as  would  alienate  and  embitter  any  portion  of  the 
people. 

While  the  administration  of  Washington  was  thus  suceessfal  iu 
averting  the  dangers  that  beset  the  new  government,  at  home  and 
abroad,  the  beneficial  effects  of  its  policy  were  especially  felt  in  the 
West  The  suceessfal  close  of  the  Indian  war,  and  the  treaty  of 
Greenville  especially,  were  hailed  with  joy  everywhere  along  the 
frontier.  All  the  population  of  the  West  had  participated  in  the 
dangers  and  privations  of  the  war,  and  they  were  all  now  ready  to 
enjoy  the  quiet  and  security  of  the  peace.  The  great  and  fertile 
region  north-west  of  the  Ohio  was  now  open  to  the  enterprise  of 
tiie  pioneer  population  of  the  West;  tiie  danger  of  Indian  hostility 
was  at  an  end ;  and  an  emigration  began  immediately  to  find  ito 
way  to  the  valleys  of  the  Miamies,  the  Scioto,  uid  the  Muskiugum, 
so  considerable  that  the  population  of  the  N<n>th-Wcst,  before  the 
close  of  the  year  1796,  was  estimated  at  five  thousand. 

Western  Pennsylvania,  too,  experienced  the  beneficial  results  of 
the  cessation  of  hostilities  with  the  Indians,  and  the  suppression  of 
the  insubordinate  spirit  of  a  portion  of  its  people.  Settlers  begm 
to  come  from  the  east  to  extend  its  settlements,  and  to  fill  up  its 
towns.  The  region  east  and  south  of  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny 
began  at  once  to  receive  a  large  accession  of  population,  and,  it  is 
said,  at  the  close  of  the  year  1795,  Pittsburgh  contained  a  popula- 
tion of  fourteen  hundred  souls. 

The  region  north  and  west  of  the  Allegheny  and  \h%  Ohio  was, 
at  the  close  of  the  Indian  war,  mainly  a  wilderness,  with  here  and 
there  only  an  isolated  settiement  or  a  solitory  cabin.  Several  small 
forts  and  block  houses  were  built  in  that  region  through  the  period 
of  the  Revolutionary  and  Indian  wars. 

A  fort  was  built  on  the  site  of  the  old  village  of  Kittanning, 
known  also  by  the  name  of  Appleby's  fort,  by  the  government,  ia 
1776. 

In  1791,  Captain  Orr  built  a  block  house  near  tlie  eito  ^Tarea- 
tum,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Allegheny  river. 

In  1787,  a  fort  named  Franklin  was  buiH  near  the  mouth  ei 
French  creek,  about  a  mile  above  the  <^t«  ef  4the  dd  Frepdi  foi^ 


vm. 


OONDmOV  Of  ITORn-WBBTBBK  PBKHBTLYAiriA. 


717 


*l 


Venango,  by  ft  detaohmMit  of  United  Stutes  tvo<^  fiiom  Fort  Pitt, 
under  the  command  of  Ottptain  Hart 

In  1794,  a  block  house  was  bailt  near  the  site  of  tiie  old  French 
tortj  Le  BoBol^  by  Migor  Benny,  then  in  command  of  an  expedition 
to  Presqu'  Isle,  as  the  means  of  cutting  off  the  eommnnication  of 
the  Six  Nations  with  the  Western  IncUans. 

With  the  same  object,  in  1795,  under  the  direction  of  General 
Irvine,  two  block  houses  were  built  at  Presqn'  Isle,  and  a  small 
garrison  was  muntained  there  fbr  a  time  for  the  protection  of  the 
surveyors  engaged  in  ascertaining  and  locating  the  donation  lands 
in  that  region  of  the  State. 

Around  these  points,  and  at  others  along  the  Allegheny,  hardy 
and  adventurous  settlers  had  gathered  as  early  as  1790,  and,  after 
the  passage  of  the  land  law  of  1792,  many  settiers  passed  over  into 
that  region,  but  the  continuance  of  Indian  hostilities  drove  the 
greater  number  of  them  from  their  claims.  And  it  was  from  this  cir- 
cumstance, combined  with  the  unwise  and  iigudicious  legislation 
of  the  State  at  that  period,  that  those  diffiouliies  arose  in  regard  to 
the  titles  to  the  lands  in  North-Western  Pennsylvania,  that  so  long 
impeded,  and  still  to  a  limited  extent  affects  its  prosperity. 

It  may  be  proper  here,  then,  to  make  reference  to  the  land  laws 
of  North-Western  Pennsylvania,  and  the  influence  they  exerted  on 
the  settlement  of  that  region.* 

The  title  to  all  the  lands  within  the  limits  of  Pennsylvania  was 
vested  in  William  Penn,  and  his  heirs,  by  the  terms  of  the 
royal  charter  of  Charles  II,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1681.  The  title 
conveyed  in  that  charter,  however,  to  Penn,  did  not  justify  him  in 
disregarding  the  prior  rights  dP  the  aboriginal  inhabitants,  and,  in 
a  spirit  of  justice  that  contrasts  nobly  with  the  policy  pursued  by 
hia  contemporaries,  "  he  established  a  rule  in.  his  province  that 
no  lands  should  be  occupied  by  his  people,  until  they  were  first 
{purchased  from  the  Indiana."  In  accordance  with  this  wise  and 
jast  policy,  between  the  years  1682  and  1786,  twenty  different  pur- 
chases, of  greater  or  less  extent,  were  made,  by  the  proprietor  or 
his  successors,  of  the  Indian  land''  east  of  the  mountains,  on  terms 
which  were  regarded  as  mutually  satisfinctory. 

In  1737,  a  release  to  the  proprietaries  was  signed  by  certain 
Delaware  chiefs,  on  the  basis  of  a  deed  said  to  have  been  made  in 
1686,  for  certain  lands,  a  part  of  tiie  boundaries  of  which  was  de- 


*  In  nhtion  to  thii  8aVj«9t  cm  Smith's  Iaws  of  Pennsj^Tonia,  toI.  iL  p.  W,  Note. 


i 


718 


PUB0HA8IS  OV  THI  raOPBIRASIIf. 


1798. 


•oribed  m  "  extending  westward  to  Neshamony  oreek,  from  which 
said  line  doth  extend  itself  back  into  the  woods,  as  &r  as  a  man 
can  go  in  a  day  and  a  half."  The  walk  was  peifonned,  and  ex- 
tended, it  is  SMd,  about  thirty  miles  beyond  the  Lehigh  hills,  and 
over  the  Eittatinny  mountains.  The  Indiahs  were  greatly  dis- 
satisfied with  the  extent  of  the  purchase  as  thus  measured,  com- 
phuned  that  the  white  men  ran  instead  of  walking,  that  they 
intended  the  line  should  have  been  measured  up  the  creek,  by  its 
several  courses,  and  thus  the  "Walking  Purchase,"  as  it  was 
called,  became  one  of  the  chief  grievances  that  alienated  the  feel- 
ings of  the  Delawares,  and  induced  them  to  j<nn  the  French  in  the 
war  of  1754. 

In  1749,  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  the  Delawares  and  the 
Shawanese  signed  another  deed,  confirming  the  sale  previously 
made,  of  the  lands  east  of  the  Susquehanna,  as  &r  up  that  river  to 
the  mouth  of  Ctentaguy  creek,  and  bounded  on  the  north  by  a  line 
drawn  from  thence  to  tiie  Delaware  at  the  mouth  of  Lechawachsein 
creek,  and  thence  down  that  river  to  Eittatinny  hills. 

At  the  treaty  of  Albany,  in  1754,  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations 
made  to  the  pn^rietaries  a  deed,  conveying  their  title  to  all  the 
lands  bounded  by  a  line  drawn  "  tvom  the  Eittatinny  hills,  up  the 
Susquehanna  river,  to  a  point  one  mile  above  the  mouth  of  Eaya- 
rondinhagh  creek,  thence  north-west  and  by  west  as  far  as  the  said 
province  of  Pennsylvania  extends,  to  its  western  boundary;  thence 
along  the  said  western  line  to  the  south  line  or  boundary  of  the 
said  province;  thence  by  the  said  line  or  boundary  to  the  south  side 
of  the  said  Eittatinny  hills,  and  thence  along  the  soutli  side  of  said 
hills  to  the  place  of  beginning."  This  purchase  included  nearly 
the  whole  of  the  Indian  lands  in  Pennsylvania:  it  was  made  with- 
out regard  to  the  rights  of  the  other  tribes,  and  in  consequence  it 
became  the  immediate  occasion  for  the  Indian  war  of  that  period. 
In  order,  therefore,  to  allay  their  hostility,  on  the  representations  of 
the  home  government,  the  proprietaries  released  to  them  in  1758, 
all  the  lands  included  within  the  purchase,  west  of  a  line  drawn 
along  the  east  side  of  the  Allegheny  mountains. 

The  last  purchase  of  the  proprietaries  was  made  at  Fort  Stanwix, 
in  1768.  It  comprehended  all  the  lands  included  within  "  a  line 
drawn  from  Owogy,  on  the  east  branch  of  the  Susquehanna,  thence 
to  Towanda,  thence  up  the  same  and  across  to  the  head  of  Fine 
creek,  and  down  the  same  to  Eittanning,  and  from  Eittauning 
down  the  Allegheny  and  Ohio  rivers  to  the  south  line  of  the  pro- 
vince, and  thence  by  the  said  line  to  the  Allegheny  mountains,  and 


1796. 


TBI  DIVBSTDrO  AOT. 


719 


ft 


up  the  same  ftcroas  the  Sasqaehanna  to  the  Delaware,  and  thenoe 
hy  the  LechawachBein  creek  and  a  line  to  the  place  of  beginning." 

In  the  conviction  that  the  Revolutionary  contest  would  result  in 
the  independence  of  the  colonies,  and  in  Uie  belief  that  the  possea- 
uon  of  BO  large  a  domain  by  the  Penn  fJEtmily  would  endanger  the 
peace  and  liberty  of  the  Commonwealth,  the  legislature  of  Penn- 
Bylvania  passed  an  act  on  the  28th  of  June,  1779,  vesting  the  estates 
(^  the  proprietaries  in  the  commonwealth,  for  the  use  and  benefit 
of  all  its  citizens.  To  the  proprietaries  were  reserved  their  private 
estates,  and  all  manors  surveyed  before  the  declaration  of  indepen- 
dence, and,  in  lieu  of  their  proprietary  claim,  a  compensation  of 
one  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  pounds  sterling  was  granted  to 
them.  The  rights  of  all  third  parties,  derived  from  them  before 
the  4th  of  July,  1776,  were  confirmed.  The  vacant  lands  belong- 
ing to  the  proprietaries  within  the  limits  of  all  the  previous  pur- 
chases, were  constituted  a  fund  for  defraying  the  expenses  of  the 
war,  paying  the  compensation  granted  to  the  proprietaries,  reward- 
ing the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  State,  and  in  providing  for  the 
public  expenses. 

In  October,  1784,  a  treaty  was  made  with  the  Six  Nations,  at  Fort 
Stanwix,  at  which  all  their  title  was  extinguished  to  the  lands  in- 
cluded within  the  following  boundaries:  '* Beginning  at  the  south 
side  of  the  Ohio  river,  where  the  western  boundary  of  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania  crosses  the  said  river,  near  Shingho's  old  town  at  the 
mouth  of  Beaver  creek,  and  thence  by  a  due  north  line  to  the  end  of 
the  forty-second,  and  the  beginning  of  the  forty-third  degrees  of 
north  latitude;  thence  by  a  due  east  line,  separating  the  forty-second 
and  forty-third  degrees  of  north  latitude,  to  the  east  side  of  the  east 
branch  of  the  river  Susquehanna,  and  thence  by  the  bounds  of 
the  purchase  of  1768  to  the  place  of  beginning. 

And  in  January,  1785,  at  a  treaty  held  at  Fort  M'Intosh,  with 
the  chiefs  of  the  Delawares  and  the  Wyandots,  a  purchase-  was 
made  from  them  of  all  the  title  of  those  tribes  to  the  lands  included 
b  the  same  boundaries. 

Thus,  in  a  period  of  one  hundred  and  two  years,  the  title  of  the 
Indians  to  all  the  lands  within  the  limits  of  the  State  of  Pennsyl- 
vania was  extinguished,  and  the  commonwealth  became  possessed 
of  the  ownership  of  all  the  vacant  lands  within  the  State.  A  few 
years  later  the  bounds  of  the  State,  and,  by  consequence,  the  extent 
of  its  vacant  lands,  were  still  further  increased  by  the  purchase  of 
what  was  then  and  is  still  known  as  the  Triangle. 

It  has  been  seen  that  the  cessions  of  IS&w  York,  in  1781,  and  of 


780 


PUB0HA8I  Of  TBI  TBIAHOUk 


rm. 


MMwaohneetto,  in  1785,  comprehended  a  release  of  all  their  respeo- 
tive  claims  to  ^he  lands  lying  west  of  a  north  and  south  line  drawn 
throagh  the  most  western  hent  or  inclination  of  Lake  Ontario,  pro. 
Tided  that  line  should  be  found  to  run  through  a  point  twenty 
miles  west  of  the  most  westerly  bent  or  inclination  of  the  Niagara 
river.  The  cession  of  Oonnectiout,  too,  in  1786,  comprehended  • 
release  of  all  the  claims  of  that  State  to  the  lands  in  the  West,  ex- 
oept  a  reservation  known  as  the  Western  Beserre,  extending  west- 
ward one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  from  the  western  boundary  of 
Pennsylrania.  There,  therefore,  remained  a  tract  of  land  of  trian> 
gular  form,  containing  an  area  of  two  hundred  and  two  thousand 
one  hundred  and  eighty-seven  acres,  lying  west  of  the  boundary  of 
Kew  Tork,  north  of  the  charter  boundary  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
oast  of  the  Oonnecticut  Reserve,  that  was  thus  out  of  the  jurisdio- 
tion  of  any  of  the  surrounding  States,  and  still  remaining  in  the 
possession  of  the  Indians. 

General  Irvine  discovered,  while  surveying  the  donation  lands  of 
North-Westem  Fenpsylvania,  that  the  northern  boundary  of  that 
State  would  strike  Lake  Erie  so  as  to  leave  but  a  few  miles  of  lake 
coast  without  a  harbor  within  the  State ;  and,  in  consequence, 
through  his  representations,  a  movement  was  set  on  foot  to  secare 
from  the  Indians,  and  from  the  IJnited  States,  the  cession  of  the 
Triangle,  in  order  to  secure  to  Pennsylvania  the  possession  of  the 
harbor  of  Presqu'  Isle.  Accordingly,  the  board  of  treasury  was  iu* 
duced  to  make,  on  the  6th  of  June,  a  contract  of  the  sale  to  the  State 
of  Pennsylvania,  of  the  tract  described  as  '*  bounded  on  the  east  by 
New  York,  on  the  south  by  Pennsylvania,  on  the  north  and  west 
by  Lake  Erie."  And  on  the  4th  of  September,  1788,  it  was  re- 
solved by  Congress,  **That  the  United  States  do  relinqnish  and 
transfer  to  Pennsylvania,  all  their  right,  title,  and  claim  to  the  gov- 
ernment and  jurisdiction  of  said  land  forever,  and  it  is  declared  and 
made  known,  that  the  laws  and  public  acts  of  Pennsylvania  shall 
extend  over  every  part  of  the  said  tract,  as  if  the  said  tract  had 
originally  been  within  the  charter  bounds  of  said  Str  te."  And  by 
an  act  of  the  2d  of  October,  1788,  the  sum  of  twelve  hundred 
pounds  was  appropriated  to  purchase  the  Indian  title  to  the  tract, 
in  fulfillment  of  the  contract  to  sell  it  to  Pennsylvania. 

At  the  treaty  of  Fort  Harmar,  on  the  9th  of  January,  1789,  Corn- 
planter,  and  other  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  signed  a  deed,  in  con- 
sideration of  the  sum  of  twelve  hundred  pounds,  acknowledging 
"  the  right  of  soil  and  jurisdiction  to  and  over  that  tract  of  conn- 
try  bounded  on  the  south  by  the  north  line  of  Pennsylvania,  on  the 


1T96. 


TBI  DBPRBOIATION  LANDS. 


721 


east  by  the  west  bonndarjr  of  New  York,  and  on  the  north  by  the 
margin  of  Lake  Erie,  inuluding  Presqu'  Isle  and  all  the  bays  and 
harbors  along  the  margin  of  said  Lake  Erie,  from  the  west  boun- 
dary of  Pennsylvania  to  whore  the  west  boundary  of  New  York 
may  intersect  the  south  margin  of  the  said  Lake  Erie,  to  be  vested 
in  the  said  State  of  Pennsylvania,  ag^aeably  to  the  act  of  Congress 
of  the  6th  of  July,  1788."  By  an  act  of  the  18th  of  April,  1791, 
the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  was  authorized  to  complete  the  con- 
i  act  with  the  United  States,  which  was  done  on  the  8d  of  March, 
1792,  and  the  Triangle  was  finally  conveyed  to  the  State  of  Penn- 
sylvania, fbr  the  sura  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand,  six  hon- 
(hred  and  forty  dollars,  and  twenty-five  cents. 

Preliminary  steps,  however,  were  taken  by  the  commonwealth  of 
Pennsylvania,  for  disposing  of  the  lands  north  and  west  of  the 
Allegheny  and  Ohio  rivers,  before  the  title  to  that  region  was  se^ 
cured  f\roTa  the  aboriginal  owners. 

During  the  Revolution,  and  especially  between  the  years  1777 
and  1781,  the  value  of  the  bills  of  credit  issued  by  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania,  as  well  as  those  issued  by  the  Continental  Congreaa, 
continued  gradually  to  depreciate  until  they  fell  to  a  mere  nominal 
value.  Great  losses  were,  in  consequence,  sustained  by  the  holdert 
of  these  certificates,  especially  by  the  ofiicers  and  soldiers  of  the 
State  troops,  who  received  them  in  payment  of  their  services,  and 
incessant  disputes  arose  in  relation  to  the  deductions  to  be  made 
from  the  face  of  the  bills.  To  remedy  this  inconvenience,  the 
legislature,  by  the  act  of  the  8d  of  April,  1781,  fixed  a  scale  of  de- 
preciation, varying  from  one  and  a  half  to  seventy-five  per  cent., 
for  ebch  month  between  the  years  1777  and  1781,  according  to 
.  which  the  accounts  of  the  army  should  be  settled.  The  State, 
otherwise  unable  to  pay  the  ofiicers  and  soldiers  of  the  State 
establishment,  gave  to  them  certificates  in  conformity  with  the  pre- 
acribed  scale,  and  these,  which  were  called  depreciation  certificates, 
were  made  receivable  in  payment  for  lands  sold  by  the  State. 

In  order  to  provide  for  the  redemption  of  these  depreciation  cer- 
tificates, it  was  enacted  by  a  law  of  the  12th  of  March,  1783,  «*  that 
for  the  more  speeiy  and  effectual  complying  with  the  intention  of 
the  law  aforesaid,  there  be,  and  hereby  is,  located  and  laid  off  a 
certain  tract  of  land,  as  follows:  Beginning  where  the  western 
boundary  of  this  State  crosses  the  Ohio  river,  thence  up  the  said 
river  to  Fort  P-lt,  thence  up  the  Allegheny  river  to  the  mouth  of 
Hogalbughtiton  (Mahoning)  creek,  thence  by  a  west  line  to  the 
western  boundary  of  this  State,  thence  south  by  the  said  boundary 


# 


Ttt 


TBI  POVATIOIT  LAHM. 


17W. 


%• 


to  the  place  of  beginning,  reserving  to  the  use  of  the  State  three 
thousand  acres,  in  an  oblong  of  not  less  than  one  mile  in  depth 
from  the  Allegheny  and  Ohio  rivers,  and  extending  up  and  down 
the  said  rivers,  from  opposite  Fort  Pitt,  as  far  as  may  be  necessaiy 
to  include  the  same ;  and  the  farther  quantity  of  three  thouwod 
acres  on  the  Ohio,  and  on  both  sides  of  Beaver  creek,  including 
Fort  Mcintosh,  all  which  remaining  tract  of  land  as  aforesaid  is 
hereby  appropriated  as  a  further  fund  for  the  purpose  of  redeem- 
ing the  certificates  aforesaid ;  that  is  to  say,  the  surveyor-general 
of  this  State  shall,  according  to  such  directions  as  may  be  given 
him  by  the  Supreme  Executive  Council,  cause  the  aforesaid  tract 
of  land  to  be  laid  out  in  lots  of  not  less  than  two  hundred,  and  not 
more  than  tht  se  hundred  and  fifty  acres  each,  numbering  the  same 
lots  numerically  on  the  draught  or  plot  of  the  country  aforesaid, 
and  shall,  as  soon  as  the  same,  or  one  hundred  lots  thereof,  art 
surveyed,  together  with  the  secretary  of  the  land  ofiloe,  and  the 
receiver-general,  proceed  to  sell  the  same  lots  in  numerical  order, 
at  such  times  an4.  places,  and  under  such  regulations  as  shall  be 
appointed  by  the  Supreme  Executive  Council ;  the  full  cousidera- 
tion  bid  at  such  sales  shall  be  paid  into  the  receiver-general's  office, 
either  in  gold  or  silver,  or  in  the  certificates  aforesaid,  upon  fall 
payment  of  which  consideration,  and  the  expense  of  surveying, 
together  with  all  fees  of  the  different  ofilces,  patents  shall  be  issued 
in  the  usual  form  to  the  several  buyers  or  vendees,  and  the  different 
sums  in  specie,  that  may  be  paid  into  the  receiver-general's  office, 
ahall  be  paid  over  by  him  to  the  treasury  of  this  State,  for  the  par- 
pose  of  redeeming  such  certificates  as  may  remain  unsatisfied  at 
the  end  of  such  sales." 

By  an  act  of  the  7th  of  March,  1780,  the  faith  of  the  State  waa 
pledged  to  the  officers  and  privates  belonging  to  the  State  in  the 
Federal  army,  to  bestow  upon  them  "  certain  donations  and  qaao- 
tities  of  land,  according  to  their  several  ranks;  to  be  surveyed  and 
divided  off  to  them,  severally,  at  the  end  of  the  war." 

By  the  act  of  the  12th  of  March,  1788,  it  was  ordained  "  That, 
for  the  purpose  of  effectually  complying  with  the  letter  and  inten- 
tion of  the  said  resolve,  there  be,  and  there  is  hereby  declared  to 
be  located  and  laid  off  a  certain  tract  of  country,  beginning  at  ths 
mouth  of  Mogulbughtiton  creek ;  thence  up  the  Allegheny  liver 
to  the  mouth  of  Cagnawaga  (Conewango)  creek;  thence  due  north 
to  the  northern  boundary  of  this  State ;  thence  west,  by  the  sud 
boundary,  to  the  north-west  corner  of  the  State;  thence  south,  by 
the  western  boundaiy  of  the  State,  to  the  north-west  corner  d 


1796. 


TBI  OONATIOir  LAMM. 


728 


lands  appropriated  by  this  act  for  diacharging  the  certifioatet 
herein  mentioned ;  and  thence  by  the  same  lands  east  to  the  place 
ot' beginning;  which  said  tract  of  country  shall  be  reserved  and  set 
^part  for  the  only  and  sole  use  of  fulfilling  and  carrying  into  exe- 
cution the  said  resolye." 

And  it  was  further  ordained,  "  That  all  officers  and  private  men 
entitled  to  land  as  aforesaid,  shall,  and  they  are  hereby  directed  to 
make  their  respective  applications  for  the  same  within  two  years 
after  peace  shall  be  declared,  and  in  the  case  of  their  failure  to 
make  such  application,  in  person,  or  in  that  of  their  legal  repre- 
•entatives  within  one  year  of  their  decease,  then  it  may  Is  lawful 
for  any  person  or  persoi  whatever,  to  apply  to  the  lar  il-offioe, 
locate  and  take  up  such  parts  or  parcels  of  said  lands,  upon  suuh 
terms  as  the  Legislature  shall  hereafter  direct,  as  may  remain  ntxh  • 
cated  by  the  said  officers,  non-commissioned  officers,  and  private 
men,  their  heirs,  executors,  and  administrators." 

By  the  act  of  the  24th  of  March,  1785,  it  was  provided  that  the 
donation  lands  should  "  be  laid  off  in  lots  of  four  descriptions,  one 
to  contain  five  hundred  acres  each;  another,  three  hundred  acrep^ 
each ;  another,  two  hundred  and  fifty  acres  each;  and  another,  twc 
hundred  acres  each,  with  the  usual  allowances;  that  a  quantity 
equal  to  what  may  be  necessary  for  the  m^jor-generals,  brigadier- 
generals,  colonels,  captains,  and  two<thirds  of  the  lieutenant-colo- 
nels, shall  be  laid  off  into  lots  of  five  hundred  acres;  a  quantity 
equal  to  what  may  be  necessary  for  the  regimental  surgeons  and 
mates,  also  for  the  chaplains,  miyors,  and  ensigns,  into  lots  of  three 
hundred  acres  each;  a  quantity  equal  to  what  may  be  necessaiy  for 
one-third  of  the  lieutenant-colonels,  and  for  the  sergeants,  sergeant- 
majors,  and  quartermaster-sergeants,  into  lots  of  two  hundred  and 
fifty  acres ;  and  a  quantity  equal  to  what  may  be  neceeM  r  for  the 
lieutenants,  corporals,  drummers,  fifers,  drum-miyors,  i;;»-m%iors, 
and  privates,  into  lots  of  two  hundred  acres  each." 

And  for  the  impartial  distribution  of  these  donations,  a  lottery 
was  provided  at  which  "each  applicant,  if  a  mai-  i-general,  should 
draw  four  tickets  from  the  wheel  containing  the  numbers  on  the  five 
hundred  acre  lots;  if  a  brigadier-general,  three  tickets  from  said 
wheel ;  if  a  colonel,  two  tickets  from  said  wheel ;  if  a  lieutenant- 
colonel,  one  from  said  wheel,  and  one  from  the  wheel  containing 
the  nurabera  on  the  two  hundred  and  fifty  acre  lots;  if  a  surgeon, 
chaplain,  or  miyor,  two  tickets  from  the  wheel  containing  the  num- 
bers on  the  three  hundred  acre  lots;  if  a  captain,  one  ticket  from 
the  wheel  containing  the  numbers  on  the  five  hundred  acre  lota; 


T«J^^~: 


7S4 


THB  SBTTLSMIIIS  AOV. 


1T9«. 


if  a  lieutenant,  two  tickets  fh)m  the  wlieel  containing  the  num- 
bers on  the  two  hundred  acre  lots ;  if  an  ensign,  or  regimental 
•urgeon's  mate,  one  ticket  from  the  wheel  containing  the  num- 
bers on  the  three  hundred  acre  lots;  if  a  sergeant,  sergeant-major, 
or  quarter-master  sergeant,  one  ticket  from  the  wheel  containing 
the  numbers  on  the  two  hundred  and  fifty  acre  lots ;  and  if  a  drum- 
migor,  fife-migor,  drummer,  fifer,  corporal,  or  private  sentinel, 
one  ticket  from  the  wheel  containing  the  numbers  on  the  two  hun- 
dred acre  lots." 

Under  the  law  of  1785,  an  agent  was  to  be  appointed  whose  duty 
it  was  to  explore  the  donation  and  depreciation  districts,  to  exam- 
ine  the  quantity  of  the  lands,  and  especially  to  report  such  as  in  his 
opinion  were  unfit  for  cultivation.  General  Irvine  received  the 
appointment,  explored  the  country,  and  reported  that  a  part  of  the 
second  division  of  the  donation  lands  was  generally  unfit  for  calti- 
vation ;  and  in  consequence,  the  lots  included  in  it  were  withdrawn 
from  the  lottery,  and  from  this  circumstance,  it  received  the  name 
of  the  «  Struck  District." 

The  lands  within  the  <* Triangle,"  and  the  "Struck  District,"  as 
well  as  all  the  residue  of  the  lands  within  the  donation  and  depre- 
dation districts,  including  the  greater  portion  of  them  not  taken 
up  by  the  claims  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  army,  were 
offered  for  sale  under  the  act  of  the  8d  of  April,  1792.  That  act 
provided  that  all  the  lands  north  and  west  of  the  Allegheny  river, 
and  Oonewango  creek,  not  heretofore  reserved  for  public  or  char- 
itable uses,  should  be  offered  for  sale  to  persons  who  would  cnlti- 
rate,  improve  and  settle  them  at  the  rate  of  seven  pounds  and  ten 
shillings  per  hundred  acres,  with  an  allowance  of  six  per  cent,  for 
highways.  For  such  as  had  made  actual  settlements,  it  was  provi- 
ded that  warrants  should  be  issued  for  tracts  of  not  more  than  four 
hundred  acres  to  each  settler.  But  by  the  ninth  section,  it  woe 
provided,  "  That  no  warrant  or  survey  to  be  issued  or  made  in 
pursuance  of  this  act,  for  lands  lying  north  and  west  of  the  rivera 
Ohio  and  Allegheny  and  Conewango  creek,  shall  vest  any  title  in  or 
to  the  lands  therein  mentioned,  unless  the  grantee  has,  prior  to  the 
date  of  such  warrant,  made,  or  caused  to  be  made,  or  shall,  within 
the  space  of  two  years,  next  after  the  date  of  the  same,  make,  or 
oause  to  be  made,  an  actual  settlement  thereon,  by  clearing,  fen- 
cing, and  cultivating  at  least  two  acres  for  every  hundred  acres 
contained  in  one  survey,  erecting  thereon  a  messuage  for  the  habi- 
tation of  man,  and  residing,  or  causing  a  family  to  reside  thereon, 
for  the  space  of  five  yean  next  following  his  first  settling  of  the 


1796. 


TH£  PBNKSTIryANIA  POPULATIOV  OOMPABTt. 


12B 


same,  if  he  or  she  shall  so  long  live,  and  thi^t  in  defonlt  of  such 
actual  settlenaent  and  residence,  it  shall,  and  may  be  lawful  to  and 
for  this  commonwealth  to  issue  new  warrants  to  other  actual  set- 
tiers  for  the  said  lands,  or  any  part  thereof,  reciting  the  original 
warrants,  and  that  actual  settlements  and  residence  have  not  been 
made  in  pursuance  thereof,  and  so  often  as  defaults  shall  be  made 
for  the  time  and  in  the  manner  aforesaid,  which  new  grants  shall 
be  made  under  and  subject  to  all  and  eveiy  the  regulations  contained 
in  this  act:  provided  always,  nevertheless,  that  if  any  such  actual 
settler  or  any  grantee,  in  any  such  original  or  Rucceeding  warrant, 
shall,  by  force  of  arms  of  the  enemies  of  the  United  States,  be 
prevented  from  such  actual  settlement  or  be  driven  therefrom,  and 
shall  persist  in  his  endeavors  to  make  such  actual  settlement  as 
aforesaid,  then,  in  either  ca^e,  he  and  his  heirs  shall  be  entitled  to 
hold  the  said  lands  in  the  same  manner  as  if  the  actual  settlement 
had  been  made  and  continued." 

Under  the  provisions  of  this  act,  very  many  adventurous  settlers 
passed  over  the  AUegheny,  located  themselves  at  different  points 
witbin  the  limits  of  the  territory  now  opened  for  settlement,  com- 
menced improvements,  and  applied  for  warrants.  But  liie  hostilities 
of  the  Indians  prevented^  almost  universally,  their  complying  with 
the  legal  terms  of  the  settlement,  necessary  to  complete  their  titles. 
They  were  compelled  to  abandon  their  improvements,  and  retire 
beyond  the  river;  and  thus  exceedingly  perplexing  questions  arose 
in  regard  to  the  true  ownership  of  the  lands  they  had  claimed. 

The  difficulties  that  thus  arose  in  regard  to  the  titles  of  the 
settlers  to  their  claims,  were  greatly  enhanced  by  the  operations  of 
ceriaia  land  companies  that  were  organized  with  a  view  of  specu- 
lating in  the  lands  of  that  region.  The  most  prominent  of  thes^ 
were  the  North  American  Land  Company,  the  Pennsylvania  Popn^ 
lation  Company,  and  the  Holland  Land  Company. 

The  North  American.  Land  Company  has  already  been  referred 
to.  Soon  after  the  passage  of  the  act  of  1792,  John  Nieholson, 
who  was  previously  interested  in  the  North  American  Company, 
^plied  at  the  land  office  for  three  hundred  and  ninety  warranty 
to  be  located  in  the  Triangle,  and  for  two  hundred  and  fifty  warrants, 
to  be  located  on  the  waters  of  Beaver  creek—repreaeuting,  in  all, 
about  two  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  acres.  Before,  however, 
completing  his  purchase,  the  Pennsylvania  Peculation  Company 
was  formed,  of  whieh  he  was  made  President,  and  Messrs.  Case- 
nove,  Irvine,  Mead,  Leet,  Hoge  and  Stewart,  Managers.  The  capi' 
tal  stock  of  the  oompa^  eonsisted  of  two  thousand  fi?«  bandred 


726 


THK  HOLXtAHD  LAVS  OOUPANT. 


1796. 


Bhares,  which  was  laid  out  in  the  purchase  of  five  hundred  thoQ. 
sand  acres  of  land.    To  this  company  Nicholson  transferred  hii 
claims,  and  they  perfected  the  purchase  hy  paying  the  legal  price 
for  them.    In  addition,  they  parchased  five  hundred  more  warrants 
for  lands  in  the  donation  district    The  terms  of  their  purchaaea 
were  of  course  those  provided  in  the  law — ^the  payment  of  seven 
pounds  ten  shillings  per  hundred  acres,  and  the  making,  or  caaaing 
to  be  made,  of  a  legal  settlement  on  each  tract  covered  by  a  wtuv 
rant.    In  order  to  induce  emigrants  to  settle  on  their  lands,  the 
company  proposed  to  grants  in  fee  simple,  to  Qvery  settler,  on« 
hundred  and  fifty  acres  of  land,  if  he  should  comply  with  the 
requisitions  of  the  law  imposed  upon  them ;  and  in  that  way  it  was 
designed  that  the  occupant  should  secure  his  land,  together  \nth 
his  improvements,  and  the  company  should  secure  two  hundred  and 
fifty  acres  through  him.    But  the  fact  that  each  actual  settler  could 
secure  for  himself,  by  the  payment  of  the  stipulated  purchase 
money,  a  tract  of  four  hundred  acres,  under  the  law,  prevented 
in  a  great  measure  the  success  of  the   company's   scheme  of 
monopoly.    Settlers  generally,  indeed,  located  themselves  on  lands 
covered  by  their  own  warrants,  though,  in  some  cases,  these  in* 
fringed  upon  the  lands  of  the  company.    In  consequence,  suits  of 
cgectment  were  instituted  against  those  who  had  encroached  upon 
the  lands  to  which  the  company  had  an  incomplete  title,  and  this 
state  of  things  became  a  fruitful  source  of  litigation  for  manj 
years. 

A  far  more  fruitful  source  of  litigation,  however,  arose  from  the 
conflicting  constructions  placed  upon  the  ninth  section  of  the  act 
of  1792,  in  the  long  litigation  that  grew  out  of  thte  "Holland  Land 
Oase."  The  Holland  Land  Company  consisted  of  William  Willink 
and  eleven  associates,  capitalists  of  Holland,  who  had  lent  a  large 
sum  of  money  to  the  United  States  during  the  Revolution.  Prefer 
ring  to  keep  their  money  invested  in  the  United  States,  they  pur- 
chased lai^  tracts  of  land  in  New  York  and  Pennsylvania.  After 
the  passage  of  the  law  of  1792,  they  commenced  to  buy  warranty 
and  to  locate  settlers  west  of  the  Allegheny  river,  on  similar  temu 
to  those  of  the  Population  Company,  conceding,  however,  only  one 
hundred  acres  to  each  settler  on  their  lands. 

In  the  course  of  their  operations  they  paid  the  purchase  monej 
for  one  thousand  one  hundred  and  sixty-two  warrants,  and  m- 
veyed  one  thousand  and  forty-eight  more  tracts  for  location.  Bat 
in  consequence  of  the  Indian  war,  the  settlers  that  had  located 
on  their  lands  were  prevented  from  making  the  improvement! 


1796. 


THl  HOLLAND  LAND  OASI. 


T27 


required  by  law  within  the  r  fesoribed  two  years  after  tiie  date  of 
their  warrants.  In  consequence,  a  question  arose  whether  the 
company  had  failed  to  complete  their  titles  to  their  lands.  On 
the  one  hand  it  was  dfumed,  that  tV'^  conditions  of  settlement  were 
rendered  impossible  by  the  enemies  of  the  TTnited  States,  and, 
therefore,  it  was  not  necessary  to  do  any  thing  more  in  order  to 
perfect  the  titles  to  all  lands  on  which  warrants  were  actually  laid. 
On  the  other  it  was  insisted,  that  the  right  to  those  lands  was  for- 
feited by  the  neglect  of  the  company  to  persist  in  their  endeavors 
to  maintain  their  settlements. 

The  board  of  property  before  1800,  inclined  to  the  former  of 
these  constructions  of  the  law,  and  devised  a  prevention  certificate 
which  the  warrant-holder  might  present  at  the  land  office,  setting 
forth  that  he  had  been  prevented  by  the  enemies  of  the  United 
States  from  making  the  settlement  of  his  lands  prescribed  in  the 
law,  upon  which  he  was  entitled  to  his  patent;  and  the  Holland 
company  received  many  patents  for  their  lands  under  these  pre- 
vention certificat^r.    The  new  board  of  property  in  1800,  placed  a 
different  construction  upon  the  law,  and  refused  the  issue  of  any 
more  patents  on  prevention  certificates.    The  Holland  Company, 
thus  refused  patents  on  these  certificates,  applied  to  the  Supreme 
Goart  of  the  State  for  a  mandamus,  to  compel  the  board  of  pro- 
perty to  complete  their  titles.    The  cause  was  heard  at  the  March 
term  of  1800.    The  chief  justice  held,  that  the  war  discharged  the 
company  from  the  condition  of  settlement,  and,  therefore,  their 
patents  were  due  them.    Two  other  judges  held,  that  under  the 
law  the  settler  was  bound  to  continuously  persevere  in  his  efforts 
to  make  a  settleihent,  and,  as  the  Holland  Company  through  their 
Bottlers  had  not  done  so,  their  titles  were  forfeited;  and  thus  the 
application  of  the  company  was  refused. 

The  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  made  under  these  circnm« 
itances,  instead  of  calming,  greatly  increased  the  excitement  in  the 
country,  and  indeed  throughout  the  State  powerful  interests  were 
arrayed  on  each  side  of  the  question.  On  the  one  part  the  land 
companies,  the  settlers  who  had  been  employed  to  occupy  Siheir 
lands,  and  a  large  body  of  emigrants  who  had  passed  into  the  dis- 
puted region  and  made  locations  for  themselves  during  the  war, 
wore  claiming  that  the  state  of  the  country  had,  within  the  mean- 
ing of  the  law,  prevented  the  completion  of  their  several  settle- 
ments, and  were  seeking  every  legal  means  to  enforce  and  defend 
tbeir  claims  to  their  land.  On  the  other,  a  large  body  of  emigrants 
were  passing  into  the  country,  especially  since  the  decision  of  the 


728 


THK  QQLLAFO  LAND  0A8«. 


1T96. 


Sapremo  Court,  occupying  the  disputed  lands,  and  applying  for  new 
warrants  for  them,  on  the  ground  tliat  all  former  titles  were  anniU- 
led  by  the  default  of  their  holders. 

To  prevent  the  confusion  thus  about  to  arise,  f -\e  Legislature,  by 
an  act  of  the  2d  of  April,  1802,  provided  for  the  bearing  of  an 
agreed  case,  before  the  Supreme  Court,  involving,  as  it  was  sap. 
posed,  all  the  points  in  controversy.  The  court  met  at  Sunbury, 
in  1802,  and  decided  that  though  tiie  prevention  by  the  enemies  of 
the  United  States  suspended,  it  did  not  dispense  with  the  condi- 
tions of  settlement,  and  therefore  each  settler,  to  perfect  his  title, 
was  bound  to  renew  his  endeavors  to  maintain  a  settlement  on  his 
land  as  soon  as  the  danger  was  removed.  If  so,  his  warrant  was 
good ;  if  not,  it  was  forfeited.  The  Holland  Company  declined  to 
abide  by  the  decision  of  the  court,  and  commenced  proceedings  in 
the  United  States  Courts.  The  case  was  first  argued  in  the  United 
States  Circuit  Court;  the  judges  disagreed  in  their  constructions  of 
the  law,  and  the  case  was  removed  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States.  In  1805,  Chief  Justice  Marshall  decided  that,  un- 
der tbc  I«w  of  1792,  the  settler  was  excused  by  reason  of  the  war 
from  making  an  actual  settlement  before  January  1st,  1796,  and  if 
he  then  persisted  in  making  his  settlement,  he  was  entitled  to  his 
patent,  according  to  law.  Under  this  decision,  the  Holland  Com- 
pany, as  well  as  the  other  land  companies,  and  individuals  who  had 
laid  warrants,  in  the  disputed  region  during  the  war,  were  con- 
firmed in  their  titles,  and  thus  eventually  obtuned  quiet  possession 
of  their  lands.  Many  tracts  of  land,  however,  claimed  by  indi- 
viduals, remained  long  in  litigation,  in  consequence  of  the  difBculty 
of  making  proof  of  what  constituted  an  actual  settlement,  and  as 
to  who  were  the  original  setUers  under  the  law,  and  in  accordance 
with  the  ruling  of  the  courts;  and  thus  the  title  to  re'.l  astate  was 
long  insecure,  and  the  peace  and  harmony  of  the  country  was  long 
disturbed  by  the  ill-judged  and  inaccurate  legislation  of  the 
9tate. 

The  effect  of  all  this  uncertainty  and  insecurity  of  the  titles  of 
land  in  l^orth-Westem  Pennsylvania  was,  :-i  curse,  disastroas. 
Emigrants,  e^cially  those  from  the  better  and  ^ore  reliable  classes 
of  society,  who  would  otherwise  have  been  attracted  to  that  region, 
were  disposed  to  avoid  it,  and  to  pass  on  further,  to  the  Western 
Beserve,  or  to  other  portions  of  the  Korth- Western  Territorj. 
Many  who  had  located  themselves  in  North-Westem  Pennsylvania, 
wearied  with  continual  litigation,  abandoned  their  claims  and 
removed  to  the  W«8l»  where  the  titles  to  real  estate  were  seoore. 


1796. 


OBQANIZATION  OV  NORTH-VEBTBRN  PXNNSTLVANIA. 


729 


Lftirge  bodies  of  land,  too  long  remained,  and  in  some  instances 
still  remain,  in  the  hands  of  speoolators  unoccupied,  and  unim- 
proved, or  only  occupied  by  tenants  having  no  interest  in  the  im- 
provement of  the  lands  or  the  advancement  of  the  country.  From 
these  combined  causes,  all  of  them  the  results  of  the  mischievous 
character  of  the  early  legislation  of  Pennsylvania,  the  north- 
western portion  of  that  State  was  long  far  behind  the  region  west 
of  it,  in  population,  progress,  and  improvement. 

Tet  there  was  at  an  early  day  much  enterprise  manifested  by 
the  settlers  of  that  country,  notwithstanding  the  embarrassing  cir- 
cumstances with  which  they  were  surrounded.    By  an  act  of  the 
Legislature  of  the  18th  of  April,  1795,  commissioners  were  ap- 
pointed to  survey  five  thousand  acres  of  the  reservation  at  Presqu' 
Me,  and  lay  off  thereon  the  town  of  Erie;  to  survey  one  thousand 
acres  of  the  reservation  at  the  mouth  of  French  creek,  and  lay  off 
thereon  the  town  of  Franklin;  to  survey  one  thousand  acres  of 
the  reservation  at  the  mouth  of  the  Conewango  creek,  and  lay  off 
thereon  the  town  of  Warren;  and  to  survey  five  hundred  acres  of 
the  reservation  at  Le  Boeuf,  and  to  complete  thereon  the  laying  off 
of  the  town  of  Waterford,  previously  commenced  by  Andrew  Elli- 
cott.    In  addition  to  these,  many  other  villages  soon  sprung  up, 
and  the  population  of  North-Western  Pennsylvania  so  &r  increased 
that  the  Legislature  divided  it,  by  the  act  of  the  12th  of  March, 
1800,  into  the  counties  of  Beaver,  Butler,  Mercer,  Crawford,  Erie, 
Warren,  Venango,  and  Armstrong. 


The  ordinance  prescribing  the  mode  of  surveying  and  disposing 
of  the  lands  in  the  North- Western  Territory  has  already  been 
given.    Changes  were  afterward  made  in  some  of  its  provisions, 
but  its  main  provisions  yet  remained,  and  under  its  operation  the 
many  difficulties  that  have  arisen  elsewhere,  in  regard  to  the  secu- 
rity of  titles,  and  the  identification  of  lands,  have  been  obviated  in 
the  West    All  the  lands  in  the  North-West  Territory  were  held 
by  the  United  States,  on  the  basis  of  purchases  made  at  various 
times  from  the  Indians,  and  were  all  surveyed  and  sold  [under  the 
provisions  of  that  ordinance;  and  in  this  way  the  title  ^ven  was 
always  secure,  and  the  identification  complete.    There  were,  how- 
ever, a  variety  of  tracts,  of  greater  or  less  extent,  in  various  parts 
of  the  North- West,  which  were  granted  to  or  reserved  by  other 
parties,  and  therefore  never  came  under  the  operation  of  the  land 
laws  of  the  United  States.    The  more  important  reservations  ez> 
iatiDg  at  the  close  of  the  Indian  war  were  these : 
47 


■'1^ 


f6(^ 


3. 


LAND  TITLK8  IH  THl  N0BTB-WB8T. 


1796. 


It  was  the  custom  of  the  commandantt  of  the  different  Frencb 
posts  in  early  times,  to  make  concessions  to  individuals,  of  specified 
tracts  of  land,  on  certain  prescribed  conditions,  some  of  which  have 
already  been  referred  to.  In  this  way  very  considerable  qaantities 
of  land  were  conceded  around  all  the  French  posts,  before  the 
transfer  of  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi  to  Oreat  Britain.  After 
the  sovereignty  over  that  country  was  transferred  to  the  United 
States,  commissioners  were  appointed  at  various  times  to  examine 
these  titles.  All  titles  that  could  be  proved  to  have  originated 
in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  France,  and  the  usages  of  the 
French  colonies,  were  confirmed,  and,  in  consequence,  large 
bodies  of  land  in  Illinois,  about  Vincennes,  Detroit,  and  elsewhere, 
were,  and  are  still  held  by  titles  derived  from  the  French  gov- 
ernment. 

A  tract  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  acres  of  land,  on  the 
Borth  side  of  the  Ohio  river,  opposite  to  the  falls,  was  granted  in 
1783,  by  the  State  of  Virginia,  and  reserved  in  the  cession  of  the 
claim  of  that  state  to  the  North-West,  for  the  use  of  General 
Clarke,  and  the  officers  and  soldiers  who  served  under  him  in  the 
conquest  of  Illinois. 

It  has  been  seen  that  the  State  of  Connecticut,  in  the  cession  of 
her  claim  to  the  North-West,  in  1786,  reserved  the  jurisdiction  and 
ownership  over  a  tract  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  in  length, 
and  of  variable  width,  lying  west  of  Pennsylvania,  and  including, 
by  subsequent  survey,  an  area  of  three  million  eight  hundred 
thousand  acres.  Of  these  lands,  as  has  bean  stated,  five  hundred 
fliousand  acres  were  donated,  in  1792,  to  the  sufierers  by  the  burn- 
ing of  New  London,  Fairfield,  Norwich,  and  other  towns  in  Con- 
necticut, during  the  Revolutionary  war,  and  the  remainder  of  the 
unsold  lands  of  the  lieserve,  being  about  three  millions  of  acres,  was 
^nsferred,  in  1795,  to  the  Connecticut  Land  Company,  divided 
into  townships  of  five  miles  square,  and  sold. 

The  United  States  military  lands  consisted  of  two  million  five 
hundred  and  sixty  thousand  acres,  set  apart  by  an  act  of  the  Ist  of 
June,  1796,  for  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Revolution.  They 
were  located  on  the  east  of  the  Scioto  river,  and  south  of  the  line 
established  by  the  Qreenville  treaty,  divided  into  townships  of  five 
miles  square,  and  sub-divided  into  lots  of  one  hundred  acres  each, 
fur  the  location  of  warrants,  as  provided  by  the  act. 

The  Virginia  military  lands  consisted  of  a  body  of  lands  Ijing 
lietween  the  Bv<\»to  and  Little  Miami  riven,  reserved  by  the  State 
of  Vii^nia  iu  1784,  for  the  use  of  the  TirgiioB  Continental  lloe. 


1796. 


LANl>  TITLBS  IN  THB  WOBTH-WIST. 


n^ 


It  was  never  aurveyed  in  any  rogalar  form,  and,  in  consequence, 
much  litigation  has  arisen  in  regard  to  the  conflict  of  claims  and  of 
boundaries  within  that  district 

The  Ohio  Company's  lands  consisted  at  first  of  one  million  five 
hundred  thousand  acres,  on  the  Ohio  river,  afterward  reduced  tof 
nine  hundred  and  sixty-four  thousand  two  hundred  and  eighty-five 
acros,  which  that  company  paid  for  and  patented. 

The  donation  tract  was  a  body  of  one  hundred  thousand  acres, 
granted  to  the  Ohio  Company,  on  the  north  of  their  lands,  on  thct 
condition  that  they  should  locate  one  actual  settler  on  each  hundred 
acres  of  the  tract  within  five  years  from  the  date  of  the  grant,  upon 
failure  of  which  all  of  the  lands  not  occupied  within  the  prescribed 
time  should  revert  to  the  general  government. 

Symmes'  purchase,  as  has  been  seen,  consisted  of  a  tract  of  thred 
iiundred  and  eleven  thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty-two  acres, 
between  the  two  Miaraies. 

The  Refugee  tract  consisted  of  a  body  of  one  hundred  thousand 
acres,  granted  to  certain  refugees  from  the  British  provinces,  who 
had  attached  themselves  to  the  American  cause  during  the  Revolu- 
tion. It  lies  eastward  from  the  Scioto,  extending  forty-eight  miles 
in  length,  and  four  and  a  half  in  width. 

The  French  grant  was  a  tract  of  twenty-four  thousand  acres,  on 
the  Ohio,  donated  to  the  Gallipolis  settlers,  in  lieu  of  the  loseei 
they  sustained  through  the  failure  of  the  Scioto  Company  to  make 
good  the  titles  to  the  lands  they  sold  to  them. 

Dohrman's  grant  was  a  township  of  land  granted  Arnold  Henry 
Dohrman,  a  merchant  of  Lisbon,  for  the  aid  he  rendered  to  the 
American  cause  in  the  Revolutionary  war. 

The  Moravian  lands  consisted  of  three  several  tracts,  on  tlie 
Muskingum,  of  four  thousand  acres  each,  granted  by  act  of  Con- 
gress to  the  Moravian  Brethren  of  Bethlehem,  in  trust  for  thd 
Christian  Indians  residing  on  them. 

In  addition  to  these,  there  were  several  small  tracts  of  land  in 
various  portions  of  the  North-West,  donated  to  individuals  for 
eminent  services  to  the  country. 

The  great  event  of  1796  was  the  final  transfer  of  the  northern 
posts  from  Britain  to  the  United  States,  under  Jay's  treaty.  This 
was  to  have  taken  place  on  or  before  the  first  of  June,  but  owing 
to  the  late  period  at  which  the  House  of  Representatives,  after 
their  memorable  debate  upou  the  treaty,  passed  the  necessary  appro- 
priations, it  was  July  before  the  American  government  feh'  itself 


782 


SKnumuri  or  ohiluoothi. 


1798.1 


jofftified  in  addresBing  the  authorities  in  Canada  in  regard  to 
Detroit  and  the  other  frontier  forts.  When  at  last  called  upon  to 
give  them  up,  the  British  at  once  did  so,  and  Wayne  transferred 
his  hoad-quarters  to  the  neighborhood  of  the  lakes,  where  a  county 
named  from  him  was  established,  including  the  north-west  of  Ohio, 
the  north-east  of  Indiana,  and  the  whole  of  Michigan.* 

Meanwhile,  the  treaty  with  Spain  was  likely  to  become  ineffect- 
ual, in  consequence  of  the  alliance  of  Spain  and  France  upon  the 
19th  of  August,  and  the  difficulties  which,  at  the  same  time,  arose 
between  the  latter  power  and  the  United  States.  Spain  took  advan- 
tage of  the  new  position  of  i^airs  to  refuse  the  delivery  of  the 
posts  on  the  Mississippi,  as  had  been  stipulated,  and  proceeded,  as 
has  been  already  related,  to  tempt  the  honesty  of  leading  western 
politicians. 

During  this  year  settlements  went  on  rapidly  in  the  West.  Early 
in  the  year,  Nathaniel  Massie,  to  whom  reference  has  already  been 
made,  took  steps  to  found  a  town  upon  the  Scioto,  on  a  portion  of 
the  lands  which  he  had  entered.  This  town  he  named,  when  sxa- 
veyed,  Chillicothe. 

One  hundred  in  and  out-lots  in  the  town  were  chosen  by  lot,  by 
the  first  one  hundred  settlers,  as  a  donation,  according  to  the  original 
proposition  of  the  proprietor.  A  number  of  in  and  out-lots  were 
also  sold  to  other  persons  desiring  to  settle  in  the  town.  The  first 
choice  of  in-lots  were  disposed  of  for  the  moderate  sum  of  ten 
dollars  each.  The  town  increased  rapidly,  and  before  the  winter 
of  1796,  it  had  in  it  several  stores,  taverns,  and  shops  for  me- 
chanics. 

The  arts  of  civilized  life  soon  began  to  unfold  their  power  and 
influence  in  a  more  systematic  manner  than  had  ever  been  wit- 
nessed by  many  of  its  inhabitants,  especially  those  who  were  bom 
and  raised  in  the  frontier  settlements,  where  neither  law  nor  gospel 
were  understood  or  attended  to. 

There  were  three  places  in  Ohio  called  Chillicothe  by  the  Indians, 
one  of  which  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  this  town  site.  It  is  a 
Sbawaneae  word,  and  denotes  place  or  sUe.  Old  Chillicothe  was  on 
the  Little  Miami,  and  the  other  was  on  or  near  the  Maumee,  or 
Miami  of  the  Lake.  The  Shawanese  nation,  which  originated  from 
the  Carolinas,Qeorgia,  and  Florida,  was  divided  into  four  tribes— 
the  Piqua,  Mequachake,  Kiskapocoke,  and  Chillicothe  tribes. 


•  WMliin<;!  jv,'»  9pMoh,  American  State  Fttptia,  i.  80.    Chase's  Sketoh,  p.  27. 


1796. 

Thefo 
been  noti 
company 
direction 
their  land 
voased  at 
stores  nec( 
by  way  of  1 
to  Buffalo 
Seneca  anc 
their  claimi 
sumoftwe 
lake  shore, 
arrived  at 
erected  a  < 
storage  of  i 
Castle,"  an( 
parties  comi 
of  Pennsylv 
Mahoning  ri 
veyed  the  It 
they  enterec 
After  the 
tionoftheli 
the  return  o 
menoed  the 
Cleveland, 
eight  rods 
square  often 
and  the  parti 
and  his  fami 
At  that  til 
essee  river,  c 
at  Lewistowi 
one  white  fati 
of  N'ew  Engl 
family  at  Clc 
meut  at  Detn 
In  the  spri 
removed  to 
sarveyors  of 
was  laid  off  i 


1796. 


BRTLBllBirC  Of  OHILLIOOTHB. 


'iPwM 


The  formation  of  the  Oonnecticut  Land  Oompany  has  already 
been  noticed.  Early  in  tiie  spring  of  1796,  the  directors  of  that 
company  selected  and  sent  out  forty-three  surveyors,  under  the 
direction  of  General  Moses  Cleveland,  to  survey  that  portion  of 
their  lands  lying  east  of  the  Cuyahoga  river.  The  party  rendez- 
voused at  Schenectady,  in  June,  collected  there  the  materials  and 
stores  necessary  for  their  enterprise,  and  thence  proceeded  in  hoats 
by  way  of  the  Mohawk,  the  Oswego,  Lake  Ontario,  and  the  Niagara, 
to  Buffalo.  Therd  they  held  a  council  with  the  chiefb  of  the 
Seneca  and  Mohawk  tribes,  and  obtained  from  them  a  cession  of 
their  claims  to  the  lands  included  in  the  company's  purchase,  for  the 
sum  of  twelve  hundred  dollars.  Thence  they  proceeded  along  th^ 
lake  shore,  a  part  of  them  by  land,  and  a  part  in  their  boats,  and 
arrived  at  the  site  of  Conneaut  on  the  4th  of  July.  There  they 
erected  a  cabin  for  the  accommodation  of  the  party,  and  for  the 
storage  of  their  goods,  to  Which  they  gave  the  name  oi  "  Stowe 
Castle,"  and  immediately  commenced  their  survey.  One  of  the 
parties  commenced  a  meridian  line  from  the  lake  at  the  boundary 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  ran  south  to  the  high  lands  north  of  the 
Mahoning  river.  Another,  under  the  direction  of  Cleveland,  sur- 
veyed the  lake  coast  to  the  mouth  of  the  Cuyahoga  river,  which 
they  entered  and  explored  for  eleven  miles  from  its  mouth. 

After  the  completion  of  this  preliminary  surveiy,  another  explora- 
tion of  the  lake  shore  was  made  from  Conneaut  to  Sandusky.  On 
the  return  of  the  party  to  the  month  of  the  Cuyahoga,  they  com- 
menced the  survey  of  a  town  site  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of 
Cleveland.  It  was  laid  out  into  two  hundred  and  twenty  lots  of 
dght  rods  in  front,  and  forty  rods  in  the  rear,  around  a  public 
square  of  ten  acres.  About  the  let  of  October,  a  cabin  Was  raised, 
and  the  party  soon  after  returned  to  Conneaut,  leaving  Job  Styles 
and  his  family,  and  Captain  Paine,  to  occupy  the  new  city. 

At  that  time,  it  is  said,  the  white  inhabitants  west  of  the  '^en 
eesee  river,  consisted  only  of  the  garrison  at  Niagara,  two  families 
at  Lewistown,  a  British  Indian  interpreter,  two  Indian  traders,  and 
one  white  family  at  Buffalo,  a  few  settlers  at  Presqu'  Isle,  the  party 
of  Kew  England  surveyors,  with  two  families  at  Conneaut,  one 
family  at  Cleveland,  a  French  trader  at  Sandusky,  and  the  settle- 
ment at  Detroit. 

In  the  spring  of  the  next  year,  the  families  at  Conneaut  were 
removed  to  Cleveland,  which  was  made  the  head-quarters  of  the 
surveyors  of  the  company.  The  whole  territory  of  the  purchase 
was  laid  off  in  townships  of  five  miles  square,  and  settlers,  generally 


m 


BZTBHBIOir  or  SIXTLKMliraS. 


ITM. 


'•  -Wm 


from  Conneoticnt,  commeDced  to  occupy  the  Iftnds  on  the  Cay  alioga 
f^nd  eleewhere  on  tlie  company's  lands,  and  before  the  end  of  the 
century,  thirty-two  separate  settlements  had  been  made  on  the 
Westeni  Beserve.* 

A  detachment  of  American  troops,  consisting  of  sixty-five  men, 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Moses  Porter,  took  possession  of 
the  evacuated  fort  at  Detroit,  about  the  12th  of  July.  In  Septem- 
ber, Winthrop  Sargent,  Secretary  of  the  North-Western  Territory, 
proceeded  to  De'roit,  and  organized  the  county  of  Wayne,  and 
fWtablished  the  civil  authority  in  that  quarter. 

This  year,  also,  the  settlements  in  the  Muskingum,  Scioto,  and 
Miami  valleys  were  much  extended.  The  immigrants  from  the 
New  England  and  Middle  States,  came  into  the  West  by  way  of 
Brownsville  and  Wheeling.  At  Brownsville,  many  fitted  up  flat 
boats,  aqd  descended  the  Ohio  to  Limestone,  and  other  points  in 
Kentucky,  or  else  landed  on  the  north  side  of  the  Ohio.  Others 
proceeded  by  land  from  Wheeling,  to  that  section  of  the  territor; 
they  had  selected  for  their  future  homes.  The  colonies  destined 
for  the  valleys  of  the  Muskingum  and  Scioto  chiefly  passed  by  this 
iQute. 

Small  villages  and  farming  settlements  were  made  on  the  banks 
of  the  Ohio,  and  its  tributaries  below  the  Muskingum.  Symmes' 
purchase,  on  the  Miami,  underwent  rapid  changes. 

Cincinnati  had  increased  its  population  and  improved  its  style  of 
l^uilding.  In  1792,  it  contained  about  thirty  log  cabins,  beside  the 
l^arracks  and  other  buildings  connected  with  l^ort  Washington, 
and  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  inhabitants. 

The  first  house  of  worship,  for  the  first  Presbyterian  Church,  vras 
^cted.  In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1796,  Cincinnati  had  more 
than  one  hundred  log  cabins,  beside  twelve  or  fifteen  frame  hoises, 
and  a  population  of  about  six  hundred  persons. 

Within  the  Vir^nia  Military  Land  District,  which  lay  between 
the  JAUle  Miami  and  Scioto  rivers,  several  new  settlements  were 
made,  and  surveys  were  executed  by  Nathaniel  Massie,  the  enter- 
iprising  pioneer  of  the  Scioto  valley,  over  the  most  fertile  lands 
westward  to  the  Little  Miami,  as  far  north  as  Todd's  fork,  and  on 
fkll  the  branches  of  Paint  creek,  and  eastward  to  the  Scioto.  He 
performed  much  service  as  a  pioneer  in  extending  the  settlements 
and  the  boi^ndaries  of  civilization  in  this  pi^rt  of  Ohio.  As  early  as 


*  AiueriQaii  Pioneer,  ii.  22-88. 


17M. 


EZTIKSIOM  or  IBTTLBMIKTl. 


785 


1790,  he  laid  out  the  town  of  MAnebester,  on  the  Ohio,  twelve  niilea 
above  Limestone.  By  the  following  March,  he  bad  hia  atockada 
complete,  and  about  thirty  families  within  it. 

Emigrants  from  Virginia,  in  great  numben,  advanced  into  the 
Scioto  valley,  and  settlements  extended  on  the  fine  lands  lying  on 
Paint  and  Deer  creeks,  and  other  branches  of  the  Scioto. 

At  the  same  time  the  pioneers  of  civilization  were  gradually  ex> 
tending  settlements  along  the  Muskingum,  as  far  as  the  mouth  of 
Licking.  It  was  in  this  year  that  Ebeneier  Zane  obtained  the 
grant  of  a  section  of  land  as  the  consideration  of  opening  a  bridle- 
path  from  the  Ohio  river  at  Wheeling,  across  the  country  by  Chil- 
licothe,  to  Limestono,  in  Kentucky,  which  was  located  where 
Zanesville  now  is.  The  United  States  mail  traversed  this  route 
for  the  first  time  the  following  year.* 

Before  the  close  of  the  year  1796,  the  white  population  of  the 
North- Western  Territory,  now  included  in  the  State  of  Ohio,  had 
increased  to  about  five  thousand  souls  of  all  ages.  These  were 
chiefly  distributed  in  the  lower  valleys  of  the  Muskingum,  Scioto, 
and  Miami  rivers,  and  on  their  small  tributaries,  within  fifty  miles 
of  the  Ohio  river. 

With  this  progress  of  settlements,  the  end  of  the  Indian  war  by 
the  treaty  at  Greenville,  and  the  delivery  of  the  northern  posts  by 
the  British,  under  Jay's  treaty,  all  apprehension  of  danger  on  the 
part  of  the  whites  ceased,  and  friendly  intercourse  with  the  natives 
Bncceeded.  Such  disaffected  Indians  as  persisted  in  their  feelings 
of  hostility  to  the  Americans,  retired  into  the  interior  of  the  North- 
Western  wilderness,  or  to  their  allies  in  Canada.  Forts,  stations, 
and  stockades,  became  useless,  and  were  abandoned  to  decay.  The 
hardy pio.eer  pushed  further  into  the  forest,  and  men  of  enter- 
liiise  and  capital  in  the  older  settlements  became  interested  in  se- 
caring  claims  and  titles  to  extensive  bodies  of  fertile  lands,  and 
sending  out  colonies  for  their  occupation.  Settlements  were 
made,  and  towns  and  villages  planted  in  Western  Yirginia  and 
Kentucky. 

Daring  the  period  of  the  Indian  wars  in  the  north-west,  frequent 
acts  of  hostility  were  committed  by  the  Oherokees  and  other  south- 
ern Indians  on  the  settlements  in  Tennessee,  especially  those  along 
the  Cumberland  river.  These  depredations,  in  which  many  per- 
sona were  killed  and  scalped,  were  committed  by  small  maiauding 


*  Honet»e'i  Valley  of  the  l|i«#is»ppi,  U.  Bl% 


786 


•mLiMnrn  foutB-wiar. 


i^O^. 


parties.  The  terminAtion  at  the  Indiftn  war  in  the  North^West 
WM  followed  by  treatiee  with  the  Soath-Western  Indiane,  and  the 
cessation  of  hostilities  in  that  quarter. 

In  1790,  North  Oarolina,  which  claimed  jurisdiction  over  the 
territorial  district  of  Tennessee,  ceded  to  the  federal  gevemment  all 
this  territory.  The  ceded  country,  by  act  of  Oongrest,  approved 
May  20th,  was  erected  into  a  territory  of  the  United  States,  under 
the  name  of  the  "South  Western  Territory."  The  ordinance  of 
1787,  for  the  North-Western  Territory,  with  the  exception  of  the 
sixth  article,  prohibiting  slavery,  was  adopted  as  the  ftindamentsl 
law  in  its  organization. 

Notwithstanding  the  hostile  attitude  of  the  Indians,  large  num- 
bers  of  emigrants,  each  year,  left  Virginia,  North  and  South  Caro- 
lina, and  even  Georgia,  for  this  district  of  country,  and  settle- 
ments continued  to  extend  into  the  wilderness.  In  1798,  the  people 
became  impatient  of  their  dependent  form  of  government,  and 
adopted  an  address  to  the  governor,  that  as  the  territory  contained 
more  than  five  thousand  free  white  male  persons,  the  requisite 
number,  as  provided  by  the  ordinance  of  1787,  they  might  have  s 
territorial  legislature. 

In  December  of  that  year,  the  Governor  issued  his  proclamation 
for  the  election  of  a  General  Assembly,  as  provided  by  law. 

The  legislature  assembled  at  Enoxville,  in  February,  1794,  and 
passed  the  necessary  laws  to  open  roads,  protect  the  inhabitants 
from  Indian  depredations,  and  other  matters. 

According  to  a  census  ordered  by  the  Territcrial  Legislature,  in 
1795,  the  aggregate  population  of  the  territory  was  seventy-seven 
thousand  two  hundred  and  sixly-two  persons,  of  whom  sixty-six 
thousand  four  hundred  and  ninety  were  whites,  and  the  remainder 
slaves  and  free  persons  of  color.  This  amount  of  population  more 
than  entitled  them  to  a  State  government,  according  to  the  provis- 
ions of  the  ordinance  of  (Dougrese. 

The  governor  of  the  territory  issued  his  proclamation  for  sn 
election  of  five  persons  in  each  county,  to  meet  in  convention  for 
the  purpose  of  forming  a  constitution.  This  convention  assembled 
at  Enoxville,  on  the  11th  of  January,  1796,  and  formed  the  consti- 
tution, and  on  the  9th  of  February,  Gov.  Blount,  forwarded  to  Mr. 
Pickering,  Secretary  of  State,  a  copy.  This  wise  sent  by  Mr. 
McMinn,  who  was  instructed  to  tarry  long  enough  in  Philadelphia, 
to  ascertain  whether  the  new  State  would  be  admitted  into  the 
Union.  On  the  6th  of  June,  the  act  was  passed  by  Congress  to 
receive  the  State  of  Tennessee. 


1796. 


DBATR  OV  OmmAL  WATVl. 


78T 


Four  yean  after  the  organization  of  the  State  goremment,  the 
population  had  inoreaeed  to  one  hundred  and  five  thousand  six 
hundred  and  two  bouIi,  including  thirteen  thousand  five  hundred 
and  eighty-four  slaves  and  persons  of  color.* 

During  1796,  Samuel  Jackson  and  Jonathan  Sharpless  erected 
*'  Redstone  paper-mill,"  four  miles  east  of  Brownsville,  it  being  the 
first  manufactory  of  the  kind  west  ofthe  AUeghonies. 

In  the  month  of  December,  1796,  General  Anthony  Wayne,  being 
on  his  way  from  Detroit  to  Philadelphia,  was  attacked  with  Bick> 
ness,  and  died  in  a  cabin,  at  or  near  Erie,  (Presqu'  Isle)  in  the  north 
part  of  Pennsylvania.  He  was  bom  in  Chester  county.  Pa.,  Janu- 
ary 1st,  1745;  hence,  in  a  few  days,  had  he  lived,  he  would  have 
been  fifty-one  years  of  age.  He  was  a  distinguished  officer  in  the 
Revolutionary  war,  a  man  of  unparalleled  bravery,  and  led  the  for- 
lorn hope  in  the  attack  upon  Stoney  Point  His  remains  were 
removed  from  Presqu'  Isle  in  1809,  by  his  son,  Ool.  Isaac  Wayne,  to 
Radnor  church-yard,  near  the  place  of  his  birth,  and  an  elegant 
monument  erected  on  his  tomb  by  the  Pennsylvania  Oincinnati 
Society. 

After  the  formation  of  the  treaty  with  Spain,  and  before  the  sur- 
1797.]  render  of  the  Spanish  posts  east  of  the  Mississippi,  in 
accordance  with  its  provisions,  yet  another  effort  was  made  by  Car. 
ondelet  to  effect  the  separation  of  the  West  from  the  Union. 

After  the  death  of  Qeneral  Wayne,  Wilkinson  was  appointed  to 
the  command  of  the  Western  army.  In  June,  1797,  Power  was 
sent  back  to  Kentucky,  for  the  double  purpose  of  inducing  Wilkin- 
son to  delay  the  march  of  the  American  troops  to  the  posts  on  the 
Mississippi,  professedly  until  certain  questions  at  issue  between  the 
two  governments  were  adjusted,  and  especially  for  the  purpose  of 
testing  his  disposition,  and  the  dispositions  of  the  leading  politi- 
cians of  Kentucky,  in  regard  to  the  question  of  separation.  His 
instructions  from  Carondelet,  dated  May  26th,  1797,  will  famish, 
however,  the  most  satisfactory  statement'  of  the  purpose  of  his 
mission : 

"On  your  journey  you  will  give  to  understand,  adroitly,  to  those 
persons  to  whom  you  have  an  opportunity  of  speaking,  that  the 
delivery  of  the  posts  which  the  Spaniards  occupy  on  the  Missis- 
sippi, to  the  troops  of  the  United  States,  is  directly  opposed  to  the 


*  Haywood's  History  of  Tennea  nt,  pp.  UO-KO. 


788 


I1T8TRV0TI0N8  OF  POWB&. 


1797. 


intereatt  of  tibose  of  the  West,  who,  as  they  must  one  day  separate 
firom  the  Atlantic  States,  wouM  find  thfinselves  without  any  com- 
munication with  lower  Louisiana,  from  whence  they  ought  to  ex- 
3  ect  to  receive  powerful  succors  in  artillery,  arms,  ammuuition  and 
money,  either  publicly  or  secretly,  as  soon  as  ever  the  'Western 
States  should  determine  on  a  separation,  which  must  injure  their 
prosperity  and  their  independence;  that,  for  this  reason.  Congress 
u  resolved  on  risking  everything  to  take  those  posts  from  Spain, 
and  that  it  would  be  forging  fetters  for  tht  mselves,  to  furnish  it 
with  militia  and  means,  which  it  can  only  find  in  the  Western 
States.  These  same  reasons,  difiused  abroad  by  means  of  the  pub- 
lic papers,  might  make  the  strongest  impressions  on  the  people, 
And  induce  them  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  the  Atlantic  States. 

"If  a  hundred  thousand  dollars,  distributed  in  Kentucky,  would 
oause  it  to  rise  in  insurrection,  I  am  very  certain  that  the  minister, 
in  the  present  circumstances,  would  sacrifice  them  with  pleasure; 
and  you  may,  without  exposing  yourself  too  much,  promise  them 
to  those  who  enjoy  the  confidence  of  the  people,  with  another 
equal  sum  to  arm  them,  in  case  of  necessity,  and  twenty  pieces  of 
field  artillery. 

"You  will  arrive,  without  danger,  as  bearer  of  a  dispatch  for  the 
General,  where  the  army  may  be,  whose  force,  discipline,  and  dis- 
position you  will  examine  with  care;  and  you  will  endeavor  to 
discover,  with  your  natural  penetration,  the  General's  disposition* 
I  doubt  that  a  person  of  his  disposition  would  prefer,  through 
yanity,  the  advantages  of  commanding  the  army  of  the  Atlantic 
States  to  that  of  being  the  founder,  the  liberator,  in  fine,  the  Wash- 
ington of  the  Western  States.  His  part  is  as  brilliant  as  it  is  easy; 
all  eyes  are  dmw  n  toward  him ;  he  possesses  the  confidence  of  his 
fellow  citizens,  and  of  the  Kentucky  volunteers.  At  the  slightest 
movement,  the  people  will  name  him  the  General  of  the  new 
republic ;  his  reputation  will  raise  an  army  for  him,  and  Spain,  as 
well  as  France,  will  furnish  him  the  means  of  paying  it. 

"On  taking  Fort  Massac,  we  will  send  him,  instantly,  arms  and 
artillery;  and  Spain,  limiting  herself  to  the  possession  of  the  forts 
of  Natchez  and  Walnut  Hills,  as  far  as  Fort  Confederation,  will 
oedo  to  the  Western  States  all  the  eastern  bank  to  the  Ohio,  which 
will  form  a  very  extensive  and  powerful  republic,  connected,  by  its 
•ituation  and  by  its  interest,  with  Spain,  and  in  concert  with  it, 
will  force  the  savages  to  become  a  party  to  it,  and  to  confound 
themselves,  in  time,  with  its  citizens. 

"The  public  are  discontented  with  the  new  taxes;  Spain  and 


1T97, 


POWIB'8  PROPOBmOHB. 


78C 


France  are  enraged  at  the  connection  of  the  United  States  K-ith 
England;  the  army  is  weak,  and  devoted  to  Wilkinson ;  the  threats 
of  Congress  aathorize  me  to  succor,  on  the  spot,  and  openly,  the 
Western  States;  money  will  not,  then,  he  wanting  to  me,  for  X  shall 
send,  without  delay,  a  ship  to  Vera  Cruz  in  search  of  it,  as  well  as 
of  ammunition.  iNTothing  more  will  consequently  he  required,  hut 
an  instant  of  firmness  and  resolution,  to  make  the  people  of  the 
West  perfectly  happy.  If  they  suffer  this  instant  to  escape  them, 
^nd  we  are  forced  to  deliver  up  the  posts,  Kentucky  and  Tennesseei 
surrounded  hy  the  said  posts,  and  without  communication  with 
lower  Louisiana,  will  ever  remain  under  the  oppression  of  the 
Atlantic  States." 

Power  proceeded  at  once  to  Kentucky,  and  presented  the  follow*- 
ing  communication  from  Carondelet,  to  lunis,  Sehastian,  Nicholas, 
find  Murray : 

"His  Excellency,  the  Baron  of  Carondelet,  Commander-in-chief, 
^nd  Governor  of  his  Catholic  Majesty's  provinces  of  West  Florida 
and  Louiaiana,  having  communications  of  importance,  emhracing 
the  interests  of  said  provinces,  and  at  the  same  time  deeply  affect- 
ing those  of  Kentucky,  and  the  western  country  in  general,  to 
make  to  its  inhahitants,  through  the  medium  of  the  influential 
characters  in  this  country,  and  judging  it,  in  the  present  uncertain 
pd  critical  attitude  of  politics,  highly  imprudent  and.  dangerous 
to  lay  them  on  paper,  has  expressly  commissioned  and  authorized 
me  to  suhmit  the  following  proposals  to  the  consideration  of 
lyiossrs.  S.,  N.y  I.,  and  M.,  and  also  of  such  other  gentlemen  as  may 
l^e  pointed  out  hy  them,  and  to  receive  from  them  their  sentiments 
ftDd  determination  on  the  suhject. 

"  The  ahove-named  gentlemen  are  immediately  to  exert  all  their 
influence,  in  impressing  on  the  minds  of  the  inhahitants  of  the 
Western  country,  a  conviction  of  the  necessity  of  their  withdrawing 
«nd  separating  themselves  from  the  Federal  Union,  and  forming 
f^D  independent  government,  wholly  unconnected  with  that  of  the 
Atlantic  States. 

"  To  prepare  and  dispose  the  people  for  such  an  event,  it  will  he 
pecessary  that  the  most  popular  and  eloquent  writers  in  this  State 
should,  in  well-timed  publications,  expose,  in  the  most  striking 
point  of  view,  the  inconveniences  and  disadvantages  that  a  longer 
oonnection  with,  and  dependence  on,  the  Atlantic  States  must  in- 
evitably draw  upon  them,  and  the  great  and  innumerable  difEicul<r 
tips  in  which  they  will  probably  be  entangled  if  they  do  not 
ppeedily  secede  from  thi^  Union;  the  benefits  they  will  certtjtinly 


740 


fowbr'b  propositions. 


mi. 


reap  from  a  secession,  ought  to  be  pointed  oat  in  the  most  forcible 
and  powerful  manner;  and  the  danger  of  permitting  the  federal 
troops  to  take  possession  of  the  posts  on  the  Mississippi,  and  thus 
forming  a  cordon  of  fortified  places  around  them,  must  be  particu- 
larly expatiated  upon. 

"  In  consideration  of  gentlemen's  devoting  their  time  and  talents 
to  this  object,  his  Excellency,  the  Baron  of  Carondelet,  will  appro- 
priate the  sum  of  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  to  their  use,  which 
shall  be  paid  in  drafts  on  the  royal  treasury  at  IITew  Orleans ;  or,  if 
more  convenient,  shall  be  conveyed  at  the  expense  of  his  Catholic 
Majesty,  into  this  country,  and  held  at  their  disposal. 

"  Moreover,  should  such  persons  as  shall  be  instrumental  in  pro- 
moting the  views  of  his  Catholic  Migesty,  hold  any  public  employ- 
ment, and  in  consequence  of  taking  an  active  part  in  endeavoring 
to  effect  a  secession,  shall  lose  their  employment — a  compensation 
equal  at  least  to  the  emoluments  of  their  office,  shall  be  made  to 
them,  by  his  Catholic  Majesty,  let  their  efforts  be  crowned  with 
success  or  terminate  in  diappointment. 

"Immediately  after  the  declaration  of  independence.  Fort  Man- 
sac  should  be  taken  possession  of  by  the  troops  of  the  new  govern- 
ment, which  shall  be  furnished  by  his  Catholic  Majesty  without 
loss  of  time,  together  with  twenty  field-pieces,  with  their  carriages, 
and  every  necessary  appendage,  including  powder,  ball,  &c.,  to- 
gether with  a  number  of  small  arms  and  ammunition,  sufficient  to 
equip  the  troops  that  it  shall  be  judged  expedient  to  raise. 

"  The  whole  to  be  transported  at  his  expense  to  the  already 
named  Fort  Massac.  His  Catholic  Majesty  will  further  supply  the 
sum  of  one  hundred  thousand  dollars,  for  the  raising  and  main- 
taining said  troops,  which  sum  shall  also  be  conveyed  to  and  de- 
livered at  Fort  Massac." 

"The  northern  boundary  of  his  Catholic  Mfyesty's  provmces  of 
East  and  West  Florida,  shall  be  designated  by  a  line  commercing 
on  the  Mississippi,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Yazoo,  extending  due 
east  to  the  River  Confederation,  or  Tombigbee:  Provided,  That  all 
his  Catholic  Majesty's  forts,  posts,  and  settlements  on  the  Confed- 
eration, or  Tombigbee,  are  included  in  the  south  side  of  such  a 
line ;  but  should  any  of  his  Majesty's  forts,  posts,  or  settlements, 
fall  to  the  north  side  of  said  line,  then  the  northern  boundary  of 
hii  Majesty's  provinces  of  East  and  "West  Florida,  shall  be  desig- 
nated by  a  line  beginning  at  the  same  point  on  the  Mississippi,  and 
drawn  in  such  a  direction  as  to  meet  the  River  Confederation,  or 
Tombigbee,  six  miles  to  the  north  of  the  most  northern  Spanish 
post,  or  settlement  on  said  river. 


1797. 


FOWBB'B  PBOP0SITI0N8. 


"All  the  lands  north  of  that  line  shall  be  considered  as  consti- 
tuting a  part  of  the  territory  of  the  new  government,  saving  that 
small  tract  of  land  at  the  Chickasaw  Blufts,  on  the  eastern  bank  of 
the  Mississippi,  ceded  to  his  Mi^esty  by  the  Chickasaw  nation,  in 
a  formal  treaty  concluded  on  the  spot,  in  the  year  1795,  between 
Ms  Excellency,  Senor  Don  Manuel  Gayoso  de  Lemos.  Governor  of 
Natchez,  and  Augleakabee,  and  some  other  Chickasaw  chiefs; 
which  tract  of  land  his  Msyesty  reserves  for  himself.  The  eastern 
boundary  of  the  Floridas  shall  be  hereafter  regulated. 

"His  Catholic  Majesty  will,  in  case  the  Indian  nations  south  of 
the  Ohio  should  declare  war,  or  commit  hostilities  against  the  new 
government,  not  only  join  and  assist  it  in  repelling  its  enemies, 
but  if  said  government  shall  at  any  future  time  esteem  it  useful  to 
reduce  said  Indian  nations,  extend  its  dominion  over  them,  and 
compel  then  to  submit  themselves  to  its  constitution  and  laws,  his 
Migesty  will  heartily  concur  and  co-operate  with  the  new  gov- 
ernment in  the  most  effectual  manner  in  obtaining  this  desira- 
ble end. 

"His  Catholic  Miyesty  will  not,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  in- 
terfere in  the  framing  of  the  constitution  or  laws  which  the  new 
government  shall  think  fit  to  adopt;  nor  will  he,  at  any  time,  by 
any  means  whatever,  attempt  to  lessen  the  independence  of  the  said 
government,  or  endeavor  to  acquire  an  undue  influence  in  it,  but 
wiil,  in  the  manner  that  shall  hereafter  be  stipulated  by  treaty,  de- 
fend and  support  it  in  preserving  its  independence. 

"The  preceding  proposals  are  the  outlines  of  a  provisional  treaty, 
which  his  Excellency,  the  Baron  of  Carondelet,  is  desirous  of  en- 
tering into  with  the  inhabitants  of  the  western  country,  the  moment 
they  shall  be  in  a  situation  to  treat  for  themselves.  Should  they 
not  meet  entirely  with  your  approbation,  and  shouid  you  wish  to 
make  any  alterations  in,  or  additions  to  them,  I  shall  on  my  return, 
if  you  think  proper  to  communicate  them  to  me,  lay  them  before 
his  Excellency,  who  is  animated  with  a  sincere  and  ardent  desire 
to  foster  this  promising  and  rising  infant  country,  and  at  the  same 
time,  promote  and  fortify  the  interests  of  his  beneficent  and  royal 
master,  in  securing,  by  a  generous  and  disinterested  conduct,  the 
gtatitude  of  a  just,  sensible,  and  enlightened  people. 

"The  important  and  unexpected  events  that  have  taken  place  in 
Europe  since  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  concluded  on  the  27th  of 
October,  1795,  between  his  Catholic  Majesty  and  the  United  States 
Qf  America,  having  convulsed  the  general  system  of  politics  in  thstt 


742 


BEPLT  OF  THE  0ON8PIRAT0R8. 


179T. 


quarter  of  the  globe,  and  wherever  its  inflaence  is  extended,  caus- 
ing a  collision  of  interests  between  nations  formerly  living  in  the 
most  perfect  union  and  harmony,  and  directing  the  political  views 
of  some  States  toward  objects  the  most  remote  from  their  former 
pursuits ;  but  none  being  so  completely  unhinged  and  disjointed  as 
the  cabinet  of  Spain,  it  may  be  confidently  asserted,  without  in- 
curring  the  reproach  of  presumption,  that  his  Catholic  Majesty 
will  not  carry  the  above-mentioned  treaty  into  execution;  never- 
theless, the  thorough  knowledge  I  have  of  the  disposition  of  the 
Spanish  Government  justifies  me  in  saying  that,  so  far  from  it  be- 
ing his  Majesty's  wish  to  exclude  the  inhabitants  of  this  western 
country  from  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  or  withhold 
from  them  any  of  the  benefits  stipulated  for  them  by  the  treaty,  it 
is  positively  his  intention,  so  soon  as  they  shall  put  it  in  his  power 
to  treat  with  them,  by  declaring  themselves  independent  of  the 
federal  government,  and  establishing  one  of  their  own,  to  grant 
them  privileges  far  more  extensive,  give  them  a  decided  preference 
over  the  Atlantic  States,  in  his  commercial  connections  with  them, 
and  place  them  in  a  situation  infinitely  more  advantageous,  in 
every  point  of  view,  than  that  in  which  they  would  find  themselves 
were  the  treaty  to  be  carried  into  effect." 

But  the  time  for  the  dismemberment  of  the  Union  had  gone  by. 
The  people  were  satisfied  with  the  government.  The  government 
had  given  full  proof  of  its  vigor,  and  the  conspirators  who  had  been 
so  long  plotting  the  ruin  of  their  country  for  Spanish  gold,  what- 
ever may  have  been  their  secret  wishes,  were  too  sagacious  not  to 
know  that  it  was  now  impossible  to  execute  their  treasonable  pro- 
ject. Accordingly,  with  a  show  of  disinterested  patriotism  that 
contrasts  strongly  with  their  long  and  tortuous  intrigue,  they  made 
the  following  reply : 

"Sir: — ^We  have  seen  the  communication  made  by  you  to  Mr. 
Sebastian.  In  answer  thereto,  we  declare  unequivocally,  that  we 
will  not  be  concerned,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  in  any  attempt 
that  may  be  made  to  separate  the  western  country  from  the  United 
States.  That  whatever  part  we  may  at  any  time  be  induced  to  take 
in  the  politics  of  our  country,  that  her  welfare  will  bo  our  only  in- 
ducement, and  that  we  will  never  receive  any  pecuniary,  or  any 
other  reward,  for  any  personal  exertions  made  by  us,  to  promote 
tibat  welfare. 

"The  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  must  always  be  the  fa- 
Yorite  object  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  n'CBtem  country;  they  cannot 


1797. 


POWIR  S  APPEAL  TO  WIUCISrSOR. 


748 


be  contented  without  it;  and  will  not  be  deprived  of  it  longer 
than  necessity  shall  compel  them  to  submit  to  its  being  withheld 
from  them. 

"  We  flatter  onrselves  that  every  thing  will  be  set  right  by  the 
governments  of  the  two  nations;  but  if  this  should  not  be  the  case, 
it  appears  to  us  that  it  must  be  the  policy  of  Spain  to  encourage, 
by  every  possible  means,  the  free  intercourse  with -the  inhabitants 
of  the  western  country,  as  this  will  be  the  most  efficient  means  to 
conciliate  their  good  will,  and  to  obtain  without  hazard,  and  at  re- 
duced  prices,  those  supplies  which  are  indispensably  necessary  to 
the  Spanish  government  and  its  subjects." 

Whether  Sebastian  signed  this  reply,  is  not  known ;  but  upon 
proof  that  he  had,  for  years  afterward,  received  two  thousand  dol- 
lars annually,  as  a  pension  from  Spain,  for  services  rendered,  it  was 
unanimously  adjudged  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  Ken- 
tucky, on  the  6th  of  December,  1806,  that  he  had  been  guilty, 
while  holding  the  place  of  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Appeals,  of  car- 
rying on  a  criminal  intercourse  with  the  agents  of  the  Spanish  gov- 
ernment, and  disgracing  his  country  for  pay.  Before  this  decision, 
however,  Sebastian  had  resigned  his  place,  and  thenceforward  was 
lost  to  the  councils  of  the  State. 

Power,  however,  proceeded  to  Detroit,  to  visit  General  Wilkin- 
son, for  whom  he  had  brought,  from  !N^ew  Orleans,  a  large  sum  of 
money.  Aside  from  this  appeal  to  his  avarice,  he  sought  to  arouse 
his  ambition. 

"  The  western  people,"*  said  he,  "  are  dissatisfied  with  the  ex- 
cise on  whisky,  'vpaiu  and  France  are  irritated  at  the  late  treaty 
wLich  baa  bound  together  so  closely  the  United  States  and  Eug- 
laud,  the  army  is  devoted  to  its  talented  and  brilliant  commander, 
and  it  requires  but  firmness  and  resoiutiv  u  on  yoar  part  to  render 
the  Western  people  free  and  happy.  Can  a  .lUiU  o  •  your  supeiior 
genius  prefer  a  subordinate  and  contracted  jjCo.r.i'jn,  as  the  com- 
mander of  the  small  and  insignificant  arn>y  <  '  r'o  >  (Jnited  States, 
to  the  glory  of  being  the  founder  of  an  empire,  iiie  liberator  of  so 
many  millions  of  his  countrymen — the  Washington  of  the  West? 
Is  not  this  splendid  achievement  to  be  easily  accomplished  ?  Have 
you  not  the  confidence  of  your  fellow-citizens,  and  principally  of 
the  Kentucky  volunteers?  Would  not  the  people  at  the  slightest 
movement  on  your  part,  hail  you  as  th<  chief  of  the  new  republio  ? 


*  Martia's  Hiator/  of  Louiuaaa,  ii.,  146. 


744 


WILKINSON'S  TBBATMBMT  OF  POWER. 


1796. 


Would  not  your  repatation  alone  raise  you  an  army,  which  France 
and  Spain  would  enable  you  to  pay  ?  The  eyes  of  the  world  are 
fixed  upon  you ;  be  bold  and  prompt ;  do  not  hestitate  to  grasp  the 
golden  opportunity  of  acquiring  wealth,  honors,  and  immortal 
fame.  Bat  should  Spain  be  forced  to  execute  the  treaty  of  1795, 
and  surrender  all  the  posts  claimed  by  the  Fnited  States,  then  the 
bright  visions  of  independence  for  the  Western  people,  and  of  the 
most  exalted  position  and  imperishable  renown  for  yourself,  must 
forever  vanish." 

Bat  Wilkinson,  though  restrained  by  no  love  of  his  country,  or 
no  motives  of  honor  or  of  conscience,  was  far  too  sagacious  not  to 
see  that  ic  was  now  a  hopeless  project  to  attempt  to  sdver  the 
Union ;  and  accordingly,  with  a  show  of  patriotism,  often  easily 
assumed  by  those  who  are  destitute  of  its  spirit,  he  declined  to 
entertain  the  treasonable  scheme. 

"  Having  informed  him,"  said  Power,  in  a  letter  to  Qayoso,  "  of 
the  proposals  of  the  Baron  de  Ca>  ondelet,  he  proceeded  to  tell  me 
that  it  was  a  chimerical  project  which  it  was  impossible  to  execute: 
that  the  inhabitants  of  the  Western  States,  having  obtained  by 
treaty  all  they  desired,  would  not  wish  to  form  any  other  political 
or  commercial  alliances ;  and  that  they  had  no  motive  for  separat- 
ing themselves  from  the  interests  of  the  other  States  of  the  Union, 
even  if  France  and  Spain  should  make  them  the  most  advanta- 
geous offers;  that  the  fermentation  which  existed  four  years  back 
is  now  appeased ;  that  the  depredations  and  vexations  which  Ameri- 
can commerce  suffered  from  the  French  privateers,  had  inspired 
them  with  r  n  implacable  hatred  for  their  nation ;  that  some  of  the 
KentuckiiiQS  had  proposed  to  him  to  raise  three  thousand  men  to 
invade  Louisiana,  in  case  a  war  should  be  declared  between  the 
United  States  and  Spain ;  that  the  latter  had  no  other  course  to 
pursue,  under  the  pi3£ent  circumstances,  but  to  comply  fully  with 
the  treaty." 

And  in  order  more  effectually  to  shield  himself  from  the  sus- 
picion of  treason,  he  caused  Power  to  be  removed  to  the  Spanish 
territories  under  the  guard  of  Captain  Shaumburgh,  and  immedi- 
ately wrote  to  Captain  Benton,  at  Yincennes: 

"I  fear  the  Spaniards  will  oblige  us  to  go  to  blows  with  them— in 
which  case  you  know  they  must  go  to  the  wall.  I  shall  pursae 
every  means  in  my  power  to  preserve  to  our  country  the  blessings 
of  peace,  but  shall  make  every  preparation  for  war,  and  will  be 
guarded  against  surprise.  Mr.  Power  delivered  me  a  letter  from 
the  Baron  Caroudelet,  in  which  he  spates  a  variety  of  frivoloas 


1798. 


HABBISOBT  MADB  8B0RBTABT  OF  THB  TERBITOBT. 


745 


reasons  for  not  deliverini;;  the  posts,  and  begs  that  no  more  troops 
may  be  sent  down  the  Mississippi,  before  certain  a^astmeuts  take 
place  between  our  respective  courts.  I  have  put  aside  all  his  excep- 
tions, and  have  called  on  him  in  the  most  solemn  manner  to  fulfill 
the  treaty,  as  he  regards  the  interest  or  honor  of  his  master,  and 
have  hopes  that  my  letter  may  produce  some  change  in  the  conduct 
of  the  Dons.  Although  Mr.  Power  has  brought  me  this  letter,  it 
is  possible  it  might  be  a  mask  to  other  purposes;  I  have,  therefore, 
for  his  accommodation  and  safety,  put  him  in  care  of  Captain 
Shaumburgh,  who  will  see  him  safe  to  New  Madrid,  by  the  most 
direct  route.  I  pray  you  to  continue  your  vigilance,  and  give  me 
aU  the  information  in  your  power.  I  am  just  from  Michilimacki- 
nnck,  having  visited  that  post  to  see  it  put  in  a  state  of  defense." 

The  "occupying  claimant"  law  of  Kentucky — ^which  was  intended 
1798.]  to  relieve  those  who  were  ejected  from  lands  from  the  hard- 
ship of  paying  rent  for  the  time  they  had  held  them,  while  their 
improvements  were  not  paid  for  or  regarded — was  also  passed  in 
this  year.  It  was  afterward  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  to  be  unconstitutional,  but  the  justice  of  that  decision 
was  not  acquiesced  in  by  the  best  men  of  Kentucky,  and  the  Appel- 
late Court  of  that  State  never  recognized  it,  upon  the  ground  diat 
it  was  not  a  decision  of  the  majority  of  the  Supreme  Court 

Detroit,  during  1797,  contained,  according  to  Weld,  three  hun- 
dred houses. 

The  Congress  of  the  United  States,  on  the  7th  of  April,  1798, 
passed  an  act  organizing  the  territory  of  the  Mississippi;  and 
Wintlirop  Sargent,  Secretary  of  the  North-Western  Territory,  was 
appointed  the  Governor.  Mr.  Sargent,  for  some  cause,  was  an 
unpopular  man  as  Secretaiy  and  acting  Governor  in  the  absence  of 
St.  Clair.  He  was  a  pompous,  over-bearing  man ;  and  in  1801,  he 
was  accused  of  misdoings  in  Mississippi.  During  the  spring  of 
this  year.  Gen.  Wilkinson  had  been  ordered  to  the  country  still 
lield  by  the  Spaniards,  who,  however,  abandoned  the  region  in  dis- 
pute without  serious  opposition.  By  the  10th  of  October,  the  line 
dividing  the  possessions  of  Spain  and  the  Federal  Government, 
was  in  a  great  measure  run,  and  the  head-quarters  of  the  American 
commander  were  fixed  at  Loftus  Heights,  six  miles  north  of  the 
3lBt  degree  of  north  latitude. 

The  appointment  of  Sargent  to  the  charge  of  the  South- West 
Territory,  led  to  the  choice  of  William  Henry  Harrison,  who  had 
been  aid-de-camp  to  General  Wayne,  in  1794,  and  whose  character 
48 


746 


TBKRITORUL  BBPBBSBHTATIVVa  OHOSIH. 


1798. 


•tood  vei7  high  in  th«  eptiination  of  the  public,  to  the  Seoretaijr- 
Bbip  of  the  North-Weat,  which  place  he  h«ld  until  appointed  to  rep. 
resent  that  territory  in  Congrees. 

The  North-Western  Territory,  as  may  be  seen  by  a  reference  to  the 
ordinance  of  1787,  was  to  have  a  representative  assembly  as  soon 
as  its  inhabitants  numbered  five  thousand*  Upon  the  29th  of 
October,  Governor  St  Clair  gave  notice  by  proclamation  that  the 
required  population  e^psted,  and  directed  an  election  of  representa- 
tives to  be  held  on  the  third  Monday  in  December. 

The  representatives,  when  assembled,  were  required  to  nominate 
ten  persons,  whose  names  were  sent  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  who  selected  five,  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate,  appointed  them,  for  the  legislative  council.  In  this  mode 
the  country  passed  into  the  second  grade  of  a  territorial  govern- 
ment. 

During  the  summer  of  1798,  Congress  passed  ao  act  concerning 
alien  enemies.    The  first  section  of  that  act  provided-* 

"That  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
at  any  time  during  the  continuance  of  this  act,"*  to  order  all  such 
aliens  as  he  shall  judge  dangerous  to  the  peace  and  safety  of  the 
United  States,  or  shall  have  reasonable  grounds  to  suspect  are  con- 
cerned in  any  treasonable  or  secret  machinations  against  the  gov- 
ernment thereof,  to  depart  out  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States, 
within  such  time  a,8  shall  be  expressed  in  such  order;  which  order 
shall  be  served  on  such  alien  by  delivering  him  a  copy  thereof,  or 
leaving  the  same  at  his  usual  abode,  and  returned  to  the  office  of 
the  Secretary  of  State,  by  the  Marshal,  or  other  person  to  whom 
the  same  shall  be  directed.  And  in  case  any  alien  so  ordered  to 
depart,  shall  be  found  at  large  within  the  United  States  after  the 
time  limited  in  such  order  for  his  departure,  and  not  having 
obtained  a  license  from  the  President  to  reside  therein,  or  having 
obtained  such  license,  shall  not  have  conformed  thereto,  every  such 
alien  shall,  on  coavictioii  thereof,  be  imprisoned  for  a  term  not 
exceeding  three  years,  and  shall  never  after  be  admitted  to  become 
a  citizen  of  the  United  Sta^tes:  Provided  always,  and  be  it  farther 
enacted,  that  if  any  alien  so  ordered  to  depajrt,  shall  prove,  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  President,  by  evidence  to  be  taken  before  such 
person  or  persons  as  the  President  shall  direct,  who  are  for  that 
purpose  hereby  authorized  to  administer  oatha^  that  no  injury  or 


*  This  aj3t  was  limited  to  th^  time  of  two  years  troxa,  uii  %fter  its  ptssaoge. 


1798. 


BIRRTK 


ON  LAWS  UNPOPULAB  IN  THH  WI0T. 


74T 


danger  to  the  United  States  will  arise  from  suffering  saoh  alien  to 
reside  therein,  the  President  may  grant  a  license  to  snch  alien  to 
remain  within  the  United  States  for  such  time  as  he  shall  judge 
proper,  and  at  such  plaoe  as  he  shall  designate.  And  the  President 
may  also  require  of  such  alien  to  enter  into  a  hond  to  the  United 
States,  in  such  penal  sum  as  he  may  direct,  with  one  or  more  suffi- 
cient sureties,  to  the  satis&ction  of  the  person  authorized  by  the 
President  to  take  the  same,  conditioned  for  the  good  behavior  of 
such  alien  during  his  residence  in  the  United  States,  and  not  viola- 
ting his  license,  which  license  the  President  may  revoke  whenever 
he  shall  think  proper."  / 

And  at  the  same  session  an  act  was  passed  in  addition  to  the  act 
for  the  punishment  of  certain  crimes  against  the  United  States. 
The  second  section  of  it  provided — 

"  That  if  any  person  shall  write,  print,  utter  or  publish,  or  shall 
cause  or  procure  to  be  written,  printed,  uttered  or  published,  or 
shall,  knowingly  and  willingly,  assist  in  writing,  printing,  uttering 
or  publishing,  any  false,  scandalous  and  malicious  writing  or  wri- 
tings against  the  government  of  the  United  States,  or  either  house 
of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  or  the  President  of  tb« 
United  States,  with  intent  to  defame  the  said  government,  or  either 
house  of  the  said  Congress,  or  the  President,  or  to  bring  them,  or 
cither  of  them,  into  contempt  or  disrepute;  or  to  excite  against 
them,  or  either  or  any  of  them,  the  hatred  of  the  good  people  of 
the  United  States,  or  to  stir  up  sedition  within  the  United  States ; 
or  to  excite  any  unlawful  combinations  therein,  for  opposing  or 
resisting  any  law  of  the  United  States,  or  any  act  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  done  in  pursuance  of  any  snch  law,  or  of  the 
powers  in  him  vested  by  the  constitution  of  the  United  States ;  or 
to  resist,  oppose  or  defeat  any  such  law  or  act;  or  to  aid,  encourage 
or  abet  any  hostile  design  of  any  foreign  nation  against  the  United 
States,  their  people,  or  government,  then  such  person,  being  thereof 
convicted  before  any  court  of  the  United  States  having  jurisdiction 
thereof,  shall  be  punished,  by  a  fine  not  exceeding  two  thousand 
dollars,  and  by  imprisonment  not  exceeding  two  years." 

These  acts,  known  in  the  political  history  of  the  country  as  the 
Alien  and  Sedition  Laws,  passed  as  they  were  under  the  Federal 
administration  of  John  Adams,  excited  great  opposition.  Thejf 
were,  by  the  democratic  party,  especiiUly,  everywhere  regarded  with 
horror,  and  hated ;  and  in  Virginia  and  Kentucky,  especially,  called 
forth  in  opposition  the  most  able  men,  and  produced  the  most 
violent  leisures. 


748 


CONVBNTION   Or  tJHVt  LB0I8LATUBI  IN  TBRBITORT. 


1799. 


The  governor  of  Kentucky  called  the  attention  of  the  Legisia- 
tnre  to  tliem,  and  on  the  8th  of  November,  resolutions,  prepared  by 
Mr.  Jefferson,  were  introduced  into  the  Uonse,  declarinjo:  that  the 
United  States  are  **  united  by  a  compact  under  the  stylo  and  title 
of  a  constitution  for  the  United  States ;  that  to  this  compact,  each 
State  acceded,  as  a  State,  and  is  an  integral  party,  its  co-States 
forming  to  itself  the  other  party ;  that  the  government  created  by 
this  compact,  was  not  made  the  exclusive  or ^na/ judge  of  the  ex- 
tent of  the  powers  delegated  to  itself;  but  that,  as  in  all  other  cases 
of  compact  among  parties  having  no  common  judge,  each  party  has 
an  equal  right  to  judge  for  himself,  as  well  of  infractions,  as  the 
mode  and  manner  of  address." 

And  this  doctrine  was  further  developed  by  the  mover  of  the 
resolutions,  John  Oreckenridge :  said  he,  **  I  consider  the  co-Statea 
to  be  alone  parties  to  the  federal  compact,  and  solely  authorized  to 
judge  in  the  last  resort  of  the  power  exercised  under  the  compact- 
Congress  not  being  a  party,  but  merely  the  creature  of  the  com- 
pact, and  subject  as  to  its  assumption  of  power,  to  the  final  judg- 
ment of  those  by  whom,  and  for  whose  use,  itself  and  its  powers 
wore  all  created."  In  another  passage  he  says,  *' If  upon  the  rcp- 
i^sentation  of  the  States,  from  whom  they  derive  their  powers, 
they  should  nevertheless  attempt  to  enforce  them,  I  hesitate  not  to 
declare  it  as  my  opMiion,  that  it  is  then  the  right  and  duty  of  the 
several  States,  to  ntdlify  those  acts,  and  protect  their  citizens  from  their 
operation."* 

'  To  this  doctrine,  since  disclaimed  by  Kentucky,  in  a  clear  and 
formal  declaration,  in  1838,  Willium  Murray,  of  Franklin,  alone, 
odered  a  steady  opposition,  and  took  the  ground  since  occupied  by 
Mr.  Webster  with  so  great  p<»wer ;  but  he  argued  in  vain — the  Sen- 
ate unanimously  passed  the  resolutions.  The  House  acted  with 
almost  equal  unanimity,  and  the  go/emor  gave  them  his  appro- 
bation. 

A  change  in  the  Penal  Code  of  Kentucky  took  place  during 
1798,  by  which  the  punishment  of  death  was  confined  to  the 
crime  of  murder,  and  for  all  others  the  penitentiary  system  was 
substituted. 

The  representatives  of  the  Korth-West  Territory,  elected  under  the 
1799.]    proclamation  of  Governor  St  Clair,  met  at  Cincinnati  on 


*  Butler,  pp.  285-87. 


1799. 


BUBMBI  8   BBMABK8  ON  IHB  NBW    LB0I8LATURB. 


749 


the  22d  of  January,  1799,  and  under  the  provisions  of  the  ordinance 
of  1787,  nominated  ten  persons,  whose  names  were  sent  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States.  On  the  2d  of  March,  the  President 
selected  from  the  list  of  candidates,  the  names  of  Jacob  Burnet, 
James  Findluy,  Henry  Vanderburgh,  Robert  Oliver,  and  David 
Vance,  and  on  the  next  day  the  Senate  confirmed  their  nomination 
as  the  Legislative  Council  of  the  North-West  Territory. 

The  territorial  legislature  again  met  at  Cincinnati  on  the  16th  of 
September,  but  for  want  of  a  quorum  was  not  organized  until  the 
24th  of  that  month.  The  House  of  RepresentativeR  consisted  of  nine- 
teen members,  of  whom  seven  were  from  Ha  <n  county,  four 
from  Ross,  three  from  Wayne,  two  from  Adams,  one  from  Jefl'er- 
son,  one  from  Washington,  and  one  from  Enox. 

After  the  organization  of  the  legislature.  Gov.  St.  Clair  addressed 
the  two  houses  in  the  representatives'  chamber,  and  recommended 
such  measures  to  their  consideration  as,  in  his  juflq^ment,  were 
suited  to  the  condition  of  the  country,  and  would  advance  the 
safety  and  prosperity  of  the  people. 

"The  legislative  body,"  says  Mr.  Burnet,  "continued  in  session 
till  the  19th  of  December,  when  having  finished  their  business,  the 
governor  prorogued  them,  at  their  request,  till  the  first  Monday  in 
November.  This  being  the  first  session,  it  was  necessarily  a  very 
laborious  one.  The  transition  from  a  colonial  to  a  semi-independ- 
ent  government,  called  for  a  general  revision,  as  well  as  a  consid- 
erable enlargement  of  the  Rtatute-book.  Some  of  the  adopted  laws 
were  repealed,  many  oth^irs  altered  and  amended,  and  a  long  list 
of  new  ones  added  to  the  code.  New  offices  were  to  be  created 
and  filled — ^the  duties  attached  to  them  prescribed,  and  a  plan  of 
ways  and  means  devised  to  meet  the  increased  expenditures,  occa- 
sioned by  the  change  which  had  just  taken  place. 

"As  the  number  of  members  in  each  branch  was  small,  and  a 
large  portion  of  them  either  unprepared  or  indisposed  to  partake 
largely  of  the  labors  of  the  session,  the  pressure  fell  on  the  shoulders 
of  a  few.  Although  the  branch  to  which  I  belonged,  was  composed 
of  sensible,  strong-minded  men,  yet  they  were  unaccustomed  to 
the  duties  of  their  new  station,  and  not  conversant  with  the  science 
of  law.  The  consequence  was,  that  they  relied  chiefly  and  almost 
entirely  on  me,  to  diuft  and  prepare  the  bills  and  other  documents, 
which  originated  in  the  council,  as  will  appear  by  referring  to  the 
journal  of  the  session. 

"  One  of  the  important  duties  which  devolved  on  the  legislature, 
was  the  election  of  a  del^ate  to  represent  the  territory  in  Con- 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0     ^^  tii 

■tt  l&i   ■2.2 

m  m  ^ 

II  m     U&     110 

I.I  ■■■ 


|!i25  |U   1 1.6 

la^B  Rln^^s  NiflBI 


HiotogreilJiic 

Sciences 
CorpQration 


23  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WMSTIR,N.Y.  UStO 

(716)t72-4S03 


760 


LBOtSLATVM  ■LSCm  DBLBQATI  TO  OOITORISS. 


im. 


gtma.  As  soon  as  the  govemor^s  proclamation  made  its  appear- 
ance, the  election  of  a  person  to  fill  that  station  excited  general 
attention.  Before  the  meeting  of  the  legislature,  public  opinion 
had  settled  down  on  William  Henry  Harrison,  and  Arthur  St 
Olair,  Jr.,  who  were  eventually  the  only  candidates.  On  the  8d  of 
October,  the  two  houses  met  in  the  representatiyes'  chamber, 
according  to  a  joint  resolntimi,  and  proceeded  to  the  election.  The 
ballots  being  toknn  and  counted,  it  appeared  that  William  Heniy 
Harrison  had  eleven  votes,  and  Arthur  St.  Glair,  Jr.,  ten  votes ;  the 
former  was  therefore  declared  to  be  duly  elected.  The  le^slature, 
by  joint  resolution,  prescribed  the  form  of  a  certificate  of  his  election ; 
ha^ng  received  that  certificate,  he  resigned  the  office  of  Secretary 
of  the  territory — ^proceeded  forthwith  ti  Philadelphia,  and  took 
his  seat.  Congress  being  then  in  session. 

**  Though  he  rt/presrnted  the  territory  but  one  year,  he  obtidned 
some  important  advantages  for  his  constituents.  He  introduced  a 
resolution  to  subdivide  the  surveys  of  the  public  lands,  and  to  offer 
them  for  sale  in  small  tracts — he  succeeded  in  getting  that  meaaare 
through  both  houses,  in  opposition  to  the  interests  of  speculators 
who  were,  and  who  wished  to  be,  the  retailers  of  land  to  the  poorer 
classes  of  the  community.  His  proposition  became  a  law,  and  was 
hailed  as  the  most  beneficent  act  that  Congress  had  ever  done  for 
the  territory.  It  put  it  in  the  power  of  every  industrious  man, 
however  poor,  to  become  a  freeholder,  and  to  lay  a  foundation  for 
the  future  support  and  comfort  of  his  fomily.  At  the  same  wssion, 
he  obtained  a  liberal  extension  of  time  for  the  pre-emptioners  in 
the  northern  part  of  the  Miami  purchase,  which  enabled  them  to 
secure  their  farms,  and  eventually  to  become  independent,  and 
even  wealthy."  * 

The  following  additional  information  in  regard  to  the  proceed- 
ings of  that  legislature  is  quoted  from  a  circular  of  Mr.  Harrison  to 
the  people  of  the  territory,  dated  May  14th,  1800. 

"Amongst  the  variety  of  olgects  which  engird  my  attention, 
as  peculiarly  interesting  to  our  territory,  none  appeared  to  me  of 
so  much  importance  as  the  adoption  of  a  system  for  the  sale  of  the 
public  lands,  which  would  give  more  favorable  terms  to  that  class 
of  purchasers  who  ai^  likely  to  become  actual  settlers,  than  was 
offered  by  the  existing  laws  upon  that  subject;  and,  conformably 
to  this  idea,  I  procured  the  passage  <^  a  res<dntion,  at  an  early 


*  Hi8t«ri«al  TrMmatioaa  of  OUo,  i.  71. 


17M. 


Wtkvt  tAltt  6lt  tHi  tl(>tSUtt7&i. 


t«i 


period)  for  the  ftpp<niititkdiit  of  «  eoMmittM  to  tekn  fbd  tuftttet  into 
consideratioil. 

"Shortly  ifter,  I  reported  a  bill  oontiuQing  ternm  for  tb^  pur. 
chaser  as  favorable  as  conld  have  been  expected.  This  bill  waa 
adopted  hf  the  House  of  Representattvea  Without  any  material 
alteration ;  bttt  in  the  Senate,  amendments  were  introduced,  obliging 
the  purchaser  to  pay  interest  On  that  part  of  the  money  for  which 
a  credit  was  given,  from  the  date  of  the  purchase,  and  directing 
that  one  half  of  the  land  (instead  of  the  whole,  as  was  provided 
by  the  bill  from  the  House  of  Representatives,)  should  bd  sold  in 
half  sections  of  three  hundred  and  twenty  aotes,  and  the  other  half 
in  whole  sections  of  sit  hnndred  and  forty  acres.  All  my  exertions^ 
aided  by  some  of  the  ablest  members  of  the  lower  house,  at  a  con- 
ference for  that  ptt^Kwe,  were  ttot  sufficient  to  indude  the  Senate 
to  recede  ftom  their  amendments;  but,  upon  the  whole,  there  is 
cause  of  eongratulation  to  my  fellow-oitiiens  that  terms  as  &vor> 
able  as  the  bill  still  contains,  have  been  procured. 

<*  This  law  promises  to  be  the  foundation  of  a  great  increase  of 
population  and  wealth  to  our  country;  for  although  the  minimum 
price  of  the  luid  is  still  fixed  at  two  dollars  per  acre,  the  time  for 
making  payments  has  been  so  extended  as  to  put  it  in  the  power 
of  every  industrious  man  to  comply  with  them,  it  being  only 
ftecessaty  to  pay  one-fourth  part  of  the  money  in  hand,  and  the 
balance  at  the  end  of  two,  three,  and  four  years ;  besides  this,  the 
odious  circumstence  of  forfeiture,  which  was  made  the  penalty  of 
fuling  in  the  payments  under  the  old  law,  is  entirely  abolished, 
and  the  purchaser  is  allowed  one  year  after  the  last  pigment  is  due 
to  collect  the  money;  if  the  land  is  not  then  paid  for  it  is  sold, 
and,  after  the  public  have  been  reimbursed,  the  balance  of  the  mo- 
ney is  returned  to  the  purchaser.  Four  land-offices  are  directed  to 
be  opened— one  at  Cincinnati,  one  at  Ghillicothe,  one  at  Marietta, 
and  one  at  Steubenville— 'for  the  sale  of  the  lands  in  the  neighbor* 
hood  of  those  places." 

In  addition  to  this,  lAay  properly  be  added  the  following  review 
of  its  proeeedings,  by  Mr.  Chase  i 

"The  whole  number  of  acts  passed  and  approved  by  the  gov- 
ernor was  thirty-seven.  Of  these  the  most  important  related  to 
the  militia,  to  tiie  administration  of  justice,  and  to  taxation.  Pro- 
ri«ion  was  made  for  the  efficient  organization  and  discipline  of  the 
military  force  of  the  territory;  justices  of  the  peace  were  author 
ised  to  hear  and  determine  all  actions  upon  the  case,  except  troverj 
Md  all  aotiOBi  of  debt^  except  tipoii  bonds  for  the  peiformanoe  of 


762 


ADJ0UK5MBMT  Of  TBRRITORIAL  LKOISLATUBB. 


1799. 


oovenantB,  without  Uinitation  as  to  the  amount  in  controverey ;  and 
a  regular  system  of  taxation  was  established.  The  tax  for  territo- 
rial purposes  was  levied  upon  lands;  that  for  county  purposes  upon 
persons,  personal  property,  and  houses  and  lots. 

**  During  this  session,  a  bill,  authorizing  a  lottery  for  a  public 
purpose,  passed  by  the  council,  was  rejected  by  the  representatives. 
Thus  early  was  the  policy  adopted  of  interdicting  this  demoralizing 
and  ruinous  mode  of  gambling  and  taxation ;  a  policy  which,  with 
but  a  temporary  deviation,  has  ever  since  honorably  characterized 
the  Legislature  of  Ohio. 

"Before  adjournment,  the  legislature  issued  an  address  to  the 
people,  in  which  they  congratulated  their  constituents  upon  the 
change  in  the  form  of  government;  rendered  an  account  of  their  pub* 
lie  conduct  as  legislators;  adverted  ttf  the  future  greatness  and  im- 
portance  of  this  part  of  the  American  empire ;  and  the  provision 
made  by  the  national  government  for  secular  and  religious  instruc- 
tion  in  the  West;  and  upon  these  considerations,  urged  upon  the 
people  the  practice  of  industry,  frugality,  temperance,  and  every 
moral  virtue.  '  Religion,  morality  and  knowledge,'  said  they,  <  are 
necessary  to  all  good  governments.  Let  us,  therefore,  inculcate 
the  principles  of  humanity,  benevolence,  honesty  and  punctuality 
in  dealing,  sincerity,  and  charity,  and  all  the  social  affections.' 

"  About  the  same  time  an  address  was  voted  to  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  expressing  the  entire  confidence  of  the  legisla- 
ture in  the  wisdom  and  purity  of  his  administration,  and  their 
warm  attachment  to  the  American  constitution  and  government. 
The  vote  upon  this  address  proved  that  the  differences  of  political 
sentiment,  which  then  agitated  all  the  States,  had  extended  to  the 
Territory.  The  address  was  carried  by  eleven  ayes  against  five 
noes. 

"  On  the  19th  of  December,  this  protracted  session  of  the  first 
legislature  was  terminated  by  the  governor.  In  his  speech  on  this 
occasion  he  enumerated  eleven  acts,  to  which,  in  the  course  of  the 
session,  he  had  thought  fit  to  apply  his  absolute  veto.  These  acts 
he  had  not  returned  to  the  legislature,  because  the  two  houses  were 
under  no  obligation  to  consider  the  reasons  on  which  his  veto  was 
founded;  and,  at  any  rate,  as  his  negative  was  unqualified,  the  only 
effect  of  such  a  return  would  be  to  bring  on  a  vexatious,  and  pro- 
bably fruitless,  altercation  between  the  legislative  body  and  the 
executive.  Of  the  eleven  acts  thus  negatived,  six  related  to  the 
erection  of  new  counties.  These  were  disapproved  for  various 
reasons,  but  mainly  because  the  governor  claimed  that  the  power 


1800. 


PROPOSALS  TO  DIVIDB  H0BTH-WI8T  TBBRITORT. 


758 


exercised  in  eDaoting  them,  was  vested  by  the  ordinance,  not  in  the 
legislature,  but  in  himself.  This  free  exercise  of  the  veto  power 
excited  much  dissatisfaction  among  the  people,  and  the  controversy 
which  ensued  between  the  governor  and  the  legislature,  as  to  the 
extent  of  their  respective  powers,  tended  to  confine  and  strengthen 
the  popular  disaffection."* 

The  great  extent  of  the  territory  north-west  of  the  Ohio,  made  the 
1800.]  ordinary  operations  of  government  extremely  uncertain, 
and  the  efficient  action  of  Courts  almost  impossible.  The  Com- 
mittee of  Congress,  upon  the  8d  of  March,  1800,  reported  upon  the 
subject,  that— 

"  In  the  three  western  counties  there  has  been  but  one  court 
having  cognizance  uf  crimes,  in  five  years:  and  the  immunity 
which  offenders  experience,  attracts,  as  to  an  asylum,  the  most  vile 
and  abandoned  criminals,  and  at  the  same  time  deters  useful  and 
virtuous  persons  from  making  settlements  in  such  society.    The 
extreme  necessity  of  judiciary  attention  and  assistance,  is  experi- 
enced in  civil  as  well  as  criminal  cases.    The  supplying  to  vacant 
places  such  necessary  officers  as  may  be  wanted,  such  as  clerks, 
recorders,  and  others  of  like  kind,  is,  from  the  impossibility  of  cor- 
rect notice  and  information,  utterly  neglected.    This  territory  is 
exposed,  as  a  frontier,  to  foreign  nations,  whose  agents  can  find 
Bufficient  interest  in  exciting  or  fomenting  insurrection  and  discon- 
tent, as  thereby  they  can  more  easily  divert  a  valuable  trade  in 
fars  from  the  United  States,  and  also  have  a  part  thereof  on  which 
ihey  border,  which  feels  so  little  the  cherishing  hand  of  their 
proper  government,  or  so  little  dread  of  its  energy,  as  to  render 
their  attachment  perfectly  uncertain  and  ambiguous. 

The  committee  would  further  suggest,  that  the  law  of  the  8d  of 
March,  1791,  granting  land  to  certain  persons  in  the  western  part 
of  said  territory,  and  directing  the  laying  out  of  the  same,  remains 
unexecuted;  that  great  discontent,  in  consequence  of  such  neg- 
lect, is  excited  in  those  who  were  interested  in  the  provisions  of 
Baid  law,  and  which  require  the  immediate  attention  of  this  legis- 
lature. To  minister  a  remedy  to  these  evils,  it  occurs  to  this  com- 
mittee that  it  is  expedient  that  a  division  of  said  territory,  into  two 
distinct  9nd  separate  governments  should  be  made ;  and  that  such 
division  be  made,  by  a  line  beginning  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great 


*  Cham's  Sketoh,  p.  20, 


m 


kHDIAVi  fUlftlTOfty  fOBMlD. 


1800. 


Miami  river,  ranning  directly  north,  until  it  inteneots  the  bound* 
ttty  between  the  United  States  teid  Canada."* 

In  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  this  resolation,  an  act  was 
^sed,  and  approved  upon  the  7th  of  May,  from  which  the  follow* 
ing  proTiflions  are  extracted : 

"  That  from  and  after  the  4th  day  of  July  next,  all  that  part  of 
the  territory  of  the  United  States  north-w^st  of  the  Ohio  river, 
which  lies  to  the  westward  of  a  line  ber'^uing  at  the  Ohio,  oppo* 
rite  to  the  mouth  of  Eentucl^  river,  and  running  thence  to  Fort 
Becoveiy,  and  thence  north,  until  it  shall  intersect  the  territorial 
line  between  the  United  States  and  Canada,  shall,  for  the  purpote 
of  temporary  government,  constitute  a  separate  territory,  and  be 
ealled  the  Indiana  Territory. 

"And  be  it  further  enacted.  That  there  shall  be  established  with* 
in  the  said  territoiy  a  government,  in  all  respects  rimilar  to  that 
provided  by  the  ordinance  of  Oongress,  passed  on  the  thirteenth 
day  of  July,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty-seven,  for  the 
government  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  north-west  of 
the  river  Ohio ;  and  the  inhabitants  thereof  shall  be  entitled  to,  and 
enjoy,  all  and  singular,  the  rights,  privileges,  and  advautagei, 
granted  and  secured  to  the  people  by  the  said  ordinance. 

"  And  be  it  further  enacted.  That  so  much  of  the  ordinance  for 
the  government  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States  north-west  of 
the  Ohio  river,  as  relates  to  the  organization  of  a  General  AsMm* 
bly  therein,  and  prescribes  the  powers  thereof,  shall  be  in  force  and 
operate  in  the  Indiana  Territory,  whenever  satisfactory  evidence 
shall  be  given  to  the  governor  thereof  that  such  is  the  wish  of  a 
tnigority  of  the  freeholders,  notwithstanding  there  may  not  be 
therein  five  thousand  free  male  inhabitants  of  the  age  of  twenty' 
one  years  and  upward :  Provided,  that  until  there  shall  be  five 
thousand  free  male  inhabitants  of  twenty*one  years  and  upward, 
in  said  territory,  the  whole  number  of  Representatives  ir>  the  Gen' 
eral  Assembly  shall  not  be  less  than  seven,  nor  more  than  nine, 
to  be  apportioned  by  the  governor  to  the  several  counties  in  said  tot- 
ritory,  agreeably  to  the  number  of  free  males  of  the  age  of  twenty* 
one  years  and  upward,  which  they  may  respectively  contain. 

"And  be  it  frirther  enacted.  That  nothing  in  this  act  contained, 
ilhall  be  construed  so  as  in  any  manner  to  aflbct  the  government 
now  in  force  in  the  territoiy  of  the  United  States,  north-west  of 


*Am«iioBn  State  Pkptm,  zx.  206. 


1800. 


V.  WI8T  TIBRITOBT  LIOULATVU  AT  OBIUJOOTHI. 


756 


nee  for 
west  of 
AsBeni' 
brceand 
svidence 
iBh  of  i 
not  Ih) 
twenty- 
be  five 
upward, 
;be  Gen- 
an  nine, 
Bflidter- 
twenty- 

n. 

)ntained, 

IrernDient 

■west  of 


fbe  Ohio  river,  fhrther  than  to  prohibit  the  exercise  thereof  within 
the  Indiana  Territory,  from  and  after  the  aforesaid  fourth  of  July 
next:  Provided,  That  whenever  that  part  of  the  territory  of  the 
United  States  which  lies  to  the  eastward  of  a  line  beginning  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Qreat  Miami  river,  and  running  thence,  due  north,  to 
the  territorial  line  between  the  United  States  and  Canada,  shall  be 
erected  into  an  independent  State,  and  admitted  into  the  Union  ou 
an  equal  footing  with  the  original  States,  thenceforth  said  line  shall 
become  and  remain  permanently  the  boundary  line  betweeti  such 
State  and  the  Indiana  Territory,  any  thing  in  this  act  contained  to 
the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

"And  be  it  fiirther  enacted.  That  until  it  shall  be  otherwise  o^ 
dered  by  the  Legislatures  of  the  said  territories,  respectively,  Chil- 
licothe,  on  the  Scioto  river,  shall  be  the  seat  of  the  government  of 
the  territory  of  the  United  States  north-west  of  the  Ohio  river; 
and  that  St  Vincennes,  on  the  Wabash  river,  shall  be  the  seat  of 
the  government  for  the  Indiana  Territory."* 

The  person  appointed  to  govern  the  new-made  territory  was 
William  H.  Harrison,  whose  commission  was  dated  in  1801. 

It  has  been  mentioned  that  the  State  of  Connecticut,  in  the 
cession  of  her  claims  to  the  West,  had  reserved  the  title  both  to 
the  jurisdiction  and  soil  of  the  Western  Reserve.  When  she  dis- 
posed of  the  soil,  however,  troubles  at  once  arose,  for  the  settlera 
fonnd  themselves  without  a  government  upon  which  to  lean. 

Upon  their  representation,  the  mother  State,  in  October,  1797) 
authorized  her  Senators  to  release  her  jurisdiction  over  the  Reserve 
to  the  Union.  Upon  the  21st  of  March,  1800,  a  committee  of  Con- 
gress reported  in  favor  of  accepting  this  cession,  and  upon  the  80th 
of  May  the  release  was  made  by  the  Governor  of  the  State,  in 
accordance  with  a  law  passed  during  that  month ;  the  United  States 
issoing  letters  patent  to  Connecticut  for  the  soil,  and  Connecticut 
transferring  all  her  claims  of  jurisdiction  to  the  Federal  Govem- 
mentf  At  that  time,  settlements  had  been  commenced  in  thirty- 
five  of  the  townships,  and  one  thousand  persons  had  become  set- 
tlers; mills  had  been  built,  and  seven  hundred  miles  of  road  cut 
in  various  directions. 

The  "Connecticut  Reserve"  continued  to  receive  numerous  emi- 
grants from  the  New  England  States,  who  formed  settlements  chiefly 


•  Und  Lawi,  451. 


766 


OOVKRNOB  ST.  OLAIB'B  SPIKOB. 


1800 


near  Lake  Erie.  The  population  in  this  part  of  the  territory  had 
increased  so  fast,  that  in  December,  1800,  the  county  of  Trumbull 
was  organized.  About  this  period,  a  large  number  of  settlors  on 
the  military  lands  of  North-Western  Pennsylvania,  who  had  become 
involved  in  the  troubles  arising  out  of  the  land  laws  of  that  district, 
abandoned  their  improvements,  to  avoid  litigation,  and  retired  to 
the  southern  part  of  the  Western  Reserve.  They  were  an  acquisi* 
tion  to  this  part  of  Ohio,  and  by  industry  and  frugality,  in  a  few 
years,  more  than  retrieved  the  loss  of  their  improvements. 

Congress  having  made  Chillicothe  the  capital  of  the  North- 
western Territory,  on  the  third  of  November,  1800,  the  General 
Assembly  met  at  that  place.  At  this  meeting.  Governor  St.  Clair, 
in  strong  terms,  expressed  his  sense  of  the  want  of  popularity  under 
which  he  labored. 

"My  term  of  office,"  said  he,  "and  yours,  gentlemen  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  will  soon  expire.  It  is,  indeed,  veiy 
uncertain  whether  I  shall  ever  meet  another  Assembly  in  the  char- 
acter I  now  hold,  for  I  well  know  that  the  vilest  calumnies  and  the 
greatest  falsehoods  are  insidiously  circulated  among  the  people, 
with  a  view  to  prevent  it.  While  I  regret  the  baseness  and  malevo- 
lence of  the  authors,  and  well  know  that  the  laws  have  put  the 
means  of  correction  fully  in  my  power,  they  have  nothing  to  dread 
from  me  but  the  contempt  they  justly  merit  The  remorse  of  their 
own  consciences  will,  one  day,  be  punishment  sufficient.  Their 
arts  may,  however,  succeed.  Be  that  as  it  may,  of  this  I  am  certain, 
that  be  my  successor  whom  he  may,  he  can  never  have  the  interests 
of  the  people  of  this  territory  more  truly  at  heart  than  I  have  had, 
nor  labor  more  assiduously  for  their  good  than  I  have  done ;  and  I 
am  not  conscious  that  any  one  act  of  my  administration  has  been 
influenced  by  any  other  motive  than  a  sincere  desire  to  promote 
their  welfare  and  happiness." 

Notwithstanding  the  general  dislike  felt  toward  him,  however, 
6t.  Glair  was  re-appointed,  in  1801,  to  the  place  he  had  so  long 
occupied. 

Toward  the  close  of  this  year,  the  first  missionary  to  the  Con- 
necticut Reserve  came  thither,  under  the  patronage  of  the  Connect- 
icut Missionary  Society.  He  found  no  township  containing  more 
than  eleven  families. 


The  governor  and  several  of  the  legislators  of  the  North-Westem 
1801.]  Territory  having  been  insulted  during  the  autumn  of  1801, 
at  Chillicothe,  while  the  Assembly  was  in  session — and  no  measures 


1801. 


PBOOnOIKOS  Of  TBI  LB0I8LATURI  AT  OHILLIOOTHI. 


757 


being  taken  by  the  anthorities  of  the  capital  to  protect  the  execu- 
tive— alaiirwas  passed,  removing  the  seat  of  government  to  Cin- 
cinnati again.  But  it  was  not  destined  that  the  territorial-  Assem- 
bly should  meet  again  anywhere.  The  unpopularity  of  St.  Clair, 
already  referred  to,  was  causing  many  to  long  for  a  State  govern- 
ment, and  self-rule.  This  unpopularity  arose  in  part  from  the  feel- 
ings connected  with  his  defeat;  in  part  from  his  being  identified 
with  the  Federal  party,  then  fast  falling  into  disrepute;  and  in  part 
from  his  assuming  powers  which  most  thought  he  had  no  right  to 
exercise,  especially  the  power  of  sub-dividing  the  counties  of  the 
territory. 

But  the  opposition,  though  very  powerful  out  of  the  Assembly, 
was  in  the  minority,  even  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and 
during  December,  1801,  was  forced  to  protest  against  a  measure 
broaght  forward  in  the  Council,  for  changing  the  Ordinance  of 
1787  in  such  a  manner  as  to  make  the  Scioto  and  a  line  drawn  from 
the  intersection  of  that  river,  and  the  Indian  boundary  to  the 
western  extremity  of  the  Connecticut  Reserve,  the  limit  of  the 
most  eastern  State  to  be  formed  from  the  Territory. 

This  change,  if  made,  would  long  have  postponed  the  formation 
of  a  State  government  beyond  the  Ohio,  and  against  it  TiflSn, 
Worthington,  Langham,  Darlinton,  Massie,  Dunlavy,  and  Morrow, 
recorded  solemnly  their  objections.  Not  content  with  this,  it  was 
determined  that  some  one  should  at  once  visit  Washington,  on  be- 
half of  the  objectors;  and  upon  the  20th  of  December,  Thomas 
Worthington  obtained  leuve  of  absence  for  the  remainder  of  the 
session.  His  acts  and  :]\i.>m  of  his  co-laborers  belong  to  the  next 
year. 

From  1799  to  1808  the  territorial  legislature  met  annually,  but 
made  not  many  laws,  owing  to  the  extraordinary  powers  conferred 
CD  the  governor,  by  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  and  the  very  arbitrary 
manner  by  which  he  vetoed  many  of  the  bills  that  passed.  During 
the  period  of  the  territorial  legislature,  most  of  the  business  usually 
done  by  territorial  legislatures  since,  was  done  by  the  governor 
of  the  territory.  He  erected  new  counties,  fixed  county  seats,  and 
issued  divers  proclamations  enacting  laws  by  his  own  authority, 
and  put  his  veto  upon  all  legislative  enactments  which  he  fancied 
encroached  on  his  prerogatives,  and  therefore  his  administration 
became  extremely  unpopular. 

On  the  15th  of  January,  1802,  the  legislature  of  that  State  passed 
1802.]   an  act  <*for  the  establishment  of  a  college  at  Ganonsbnrg, 


758 


JXrriBSON  OOLLKOI  OHARTKRIO. 


1802. 


in  the  ooanty  of  W«0bington,  in  the  Commonwealth  of  PenuByl. 
vania. 

About  the  year  1785,  the  Rev.  John  McMillan,  who  had  been 
die  pastor  of  the  Presbyterian  congregations  of  Ghartiers  and 
Pigeon  creeks,  since  1776,  opened  at  his  residence  a  school  for  the 
purpose  of  preparing  young  men  for  the  ministry,  at  which  several 
of  Uie  most  distinguished  clergymen  of  that  denomination,  at  that 
period,  received  their  first  training  for  their  profession.  The  \ni»t- 
est  on  the  subject  of  education  awakened  in  that  region  by  the 
success  of  McMillan's  school,  as  well  as  that  of  one  or  two  othen, 
maintained  for  a  brief  period,  led  the  Synod  of  Vir^nia,  which 
then  extended  its  jurisdiction  over  Western  Pennsylvania,  to  take 
measures  for  the  establishment  of  one  or  more  institutions  of  learn- 
ing within  its  bounds.  Accordingly  that  body,  at  its  meeting  in 
1791,  resolved  to  establish  two  academies;  one  in  the  county  of 
Rockbridge,  Virginia,  under  the  care  of  Bev.  William  Graham, 
HiUd  under  the  superintendence  of  the  Presbyteries  of  Lexington 
and  Hanover,  a  school  which  has  since  grown  into  the  Washington 
College  o^  Lexington ;  and  the  other  in  the  county  of  Washington, 
Pennsylvania,  under  the  care  of  Rev.  John  McMillan,  and  under 
the  superientendence  of  the  Presbytery  of  Redstone.  At  the 
meeting  of  that  Presbytery  in  October,  1792,  it  was  resolved  "  to 
appoint  Canonsburg  to  be  the  seat  of  the  institution  of  learning 
which  they  are  appointed  by  the  Synod  to  superintend." 

The  Canonsburg  Academy  was,  in  consequence,  established  at 
that  village.  A  large  and  commodious  stone  building  was  erected 
for  its  use,  a  corps  of  teachers  was  appointed,  and  many  of  the 
most  distinguished  men  in  all  departments  of  public  life  in  the 
West  received  their  education  there.  The  Academy  remuned  an- 
der  the  care  of  the  Redstone  Presbytery  until  1798,  at  which  time 
1^  change  was  made  in  the  institution.  The  Board  of  Trustees  he- 
Oiime  a  close  corporation,  and  all  ecclesiastical  supervision  over  the 
institution  ceased.  By  the  act  of  1802,  the  Canonsburg  Academy 
was  incorporated  under  the  name  of  Jefferson  College,  and  the 
jpropertjy  of  the  academy  was  vested  in  the  trustees  of  the  college. 
At  the  same  time,  a  donation  of  three  thousand  dollars  was  made 
to  it  by  the  State.  The  college  was  fully  organized,  the  Bev. 
Thomas  Watson  was  elected  President,  and  a  corps  of  professors 
was  appointed,  and  Jefferson  College  thus  became  the  first,  as  it 
has  proved  tp.be  one  of  the  most  efiiciedt  institutions  west  of  the 
mountains.  More  than  four  thousand  stndenta  have  been  educated 
at  it|  fM)4  it  l)afii  sent  out  more  than  fquji^^  hwdred  gradaft^ 


<S«eJoBi9^.Qf  t]^, 


1802. 


OONyiVTIOlf  fO«  A  HIW  STATI  ▲UTHORIUD. 


769 


many  of  whom  occupy,  or  have  occupied  the  highetl  poritions  in 
every  department  of  public  and  professional  life, 

Jn  January,  1802,  an  act  was  passed  by  the  Legislature  of  the 
ll'orth-'Western  Territory,  to  establish  »  university  at  the  town  of 
Athens.  Two  townships  of  land,  within  the  Ohio  Oompany's  pur- 
chase, consisting  of  forty-six  thousand  and  eighty  acres,  had  previ- 
ously been  donated  by  Congress,  for  the  support  of  an  institution 
of  learning.  It  1804  it  was  re-chartered  by  the  State  government, 
^d  fully  organized  under  the  name  of  the  Ohio  University,  with  a 
board  of  twenty- four  trustees,  chosen  by  the  Legislature,  and  with 
«D  endowment  fund  arising  from  its  lands  of  about  four  thousand 
five  hundred  dollars. 

The  great  dissatisffKstion  which  existed  in  the  North-Western 
Territory  with  the  administration  of  Governor  St  Glair,  excited  the 
wish  among  many  of  the  prominent  men  of  the  Territory  for  the 
eitablisbment  of  a  State  government,  north  of  the  Ohio  river,  and, 
ad  has  beeu  seen,  Worthington  set  out  for  Philadelphia  late  in  the 
preceding  year,  to  secure  that  object,  as  well  as  to  protest  against 
a^ny  change  in  the  boundaries  of  the  North-Westem  States,  as  con- 
^inplated  in  the  ordinance, 

While  Worthington  wttfi  on  his  way  to  the  seat  of  government, 
Massie  presented,  on  the  4th  of  January,  a  resolution  for  choosing 
a  committee  to  address  Congress,  in  respect  to  the  proposed  State 
government.  This,  upon  the  following  day,  the  House  refused  to 
pass,  however,  by  a  vote  of  twelve  to  five.  An  attempt  was  next 
made  to  procure  ft  census  of  the  territory,  and  an  act  for  that  pur> 
pose  passed  the  House,  but  the  council  postponed  the  consideration 
of  it  until  the  next  session,  which  was  to  commence  at  Cincinnati 
on  the  fourth  Monday  of  the  following  November.* 

Worthington,  meantime  at  Philadelphia,  pursued  the  ends  of  his 
mission,  and  used  his  influence  to  effect  that  organization  "which, 
terminating  the  influence  of  tyranny,"  wi^to  '*  meliorate  the  cir- 
cumstances of  thousands,  by  freeing  them  from  the  domination  of 
a  despotic  chief."  His  efforts  proved  successful^  and  upon  the  4th 
of  March  a  report  was  made  to  the  House  in  fovor  of  authorizing 
a  State  Convention.  This  retort  went  n^n  the  basis  that  the> 
territory,  by  the  United  States  census  made  in  1800,  contained 
more  than  forty-five  thousand  inhabitants,  and  as  the  government, 
since  that  tin^e,  had  sold  half  a  million  of  acres,  that  the  territory 


*  Sm  Jvwtfl.  Ckf  tlw  Ooaaoil,  63  and  78,  apd  Joami^l  of  thie  Boon,  111,  116, 166. 


760 


LANDS  RB8BRTKD  TOR  BOHOOL  f  VITDS. 


1802. 


east  of  tlie  Miami,  supposing  the  past  rate  of  increase  to  continae, 
would,  by  the  time  a  State  government  could  be  formed,  contain 
the  sixty  thousand  persons  contemplated  by  the  ordinance;  and 
apon  this  basis  proposed  that  a  convention  should  be  held,  to  deter* 
mine,  1st,  whether  it  were  expedient  to  form  a  State  government, 
and  2d,  to  prepare  a  constitution,  if  such  an  organization  wore 
deemed  best.  In  the  formation  of  this  State,  however,  a  change  of 
boundaries  was  proposed,  by  which,  in  accordance  with  the  fifth 
article  of  the  ordinance  of  1787,  all  of  the  territory  north  of  a  lino 
drawn  due  east  from  the  head  of  Lake  Michigan  to  Lake  Erie  was 
to  be  excluded  from  the  new  government  about  to  be  called  into 
existence.    The  report  closed  as  follows: 

"The  committee  observe,  in  the  ordinance  for  ascertaining  the 
mode  of  disposing  of  lands  in  the  Western  Territory,  of  the  20th 
of  May,  1785,  the  following  section,  which,  so  far  as  respects  the 
subject  of  schools,  remains  unaltered: 

" '  There  shall  be  reserved  for  the  United  States  out  of  every  town- 
ship, the  four  lots,  being  numbered  8, 11,  26,  29,  and  out  of  eve7 
fractional  part  of  a  township  so  many  lots,  of  the  same  numbers, 
as  shall  be  found  thereon  for  future  sale.  There  shall  be  reserved 
the  lot  No.  16  of  every  township,  for  the  maintenance  of  public 
schools  within  the  said  township ;  also,  one-third  part  of  all  gold, 
silver,  lead  and  copper  mines,  to  be  sold  or  otherwise  disposed  of, 
as  Congress  shall  hereafter  direct.' 

"The  committee  also  observe,  in  the  third  and  fourth  articles  of 
the  ordinance  of  the  18th  July,  1787,  the  following  stipulations, 
to  wit : 

'*  *  Religion,  morality,  and  knowledge  being  necessary  to  good  gov- 
ernment and  the  happiness  of  mankind,  schools  and  the  means  oi 
education  shall  forever  be  encouraged,  &;c. 

"'The  legislatures  of  those  districts  or  new  States,  shall  never 
interfere  with  the  primary  disposal  of  the  soil  by  the  United  States 
in  Congress  assembled,  nor  with  any  regulations  Congress  may 
find  necessary  for  securing  the  title  in  such  soil  to  the  bona  fide  pur- 
chasers. No  tax  shall  be  imposed  on  lands  the  property  of  the 
United  States;  and  in  no  case  shall  non-resident  proprietors  be 
taxed  higher  than  residents.' 

"The  committee,  taking  into  consideration  those  stipulations, 
viewing  the  lands  of  the  United  States  within  the  said  Territory  as 
an  important  source  of  revenue;  deeming  it  also  of  the  highest 
importance  to  the  stability  and  permanence  of  the  union  of  the 
eastern  and  western  parts  of  the  United  States,  that  the  intercourse 


■hoQid,  «4  t 

aI'j  And  mi 

^visions  o; 

•drantage  c 

fbrmed,  and 

propel-,  in  li< 

sitions  to  the 

irhen  formec 

condition  or  ] 

tion,  shall  be 

"'That  the 

he  sold  by  the 

•tich  towDthit 

"•That  the 

*od1j  called  I 

of- ,  wh< 

lame  to  be  use 
the  Legislatun 
legislature  sbi 

than- years 

"'Thatone-i 
the  said  State, 
penses  incident 
ttiaking  turnpili 
<toptying  into 
through  the  Sf 
the  authority  o 
ihrough  which  t 
«f  the  State  of - 
ttact  of  land  m 
*«>y  tax  laid  by  ( 
Sttte,  county,  t 
**wn  often  yean 
*e  purchase  mo 
In  accordance 
Congress,  upon 
"{ght  modiflcati 
♦hions  of  this  la 
ftorlwd,  bat  m , 
wns  to  attend  tl 
to  the  embryo  g( 
•^joumment. 
49 


T 


IS02. 


oOMTiirTioir  oBTAnr  ruKTHm  ArpROpiiATton. 


TM 


•honld,  tdhru  pMstble,  b«  fftoilttiitefl,  und  their  intoreitfc  be  1ib«* 
mlljr  Md  mntaitlljr  oonsnlted  and  promoted,  aro  of  opinion  that  the 
provisions  of  the  aforesaid  articles  may  be  varied  for  the  reoiproeal 

advantage  of  the  United  Statee  and  the  State  of ^  when 

formed,  and  the  people  thereof.  Thej  have  therefore  deemed  il 
proper,  in  lien  of  the  said  provisions,  to  oflRir  the  following  propo^ 
sitions  to  the  convention  of  the  eastern  State  of  the  riaid  territory^ 
irhen  formed,  for  their  free  acceptance  or  rejection,  without  any 
condition  or  restraint  whatever,  which,  if  accepted  by  the  eonven* 
tion,  shall  be  obligatory  upon  the  United  States: 

"  'That  the  section  No.  16,  in  every  township  sold  or  directed  to 
be  sold  by  the  United  States^  shall  be  gnlntod  to  the  inhabitants  of 
•tich  townehip  for  the  nse  of  schools. 

**  *That  tbe  six  miles  reservation,  iuolnding  the  salt  springs  eom«> 
ittooly  called  the  Scioto  salt  springs,  shall  be  granted  to  the  Stat* 

of ,  when  formed,  for  the  nse  of  the  people  thereof;  th^ 

isme  to  be  nsed  under  such  terms,  conditions  and  regulations,  as 
the  Legislature  of  the  said  State  shall  direct:  Provided,  the  said 
Legislature  shall  never  sell  nor  lease  the  same  for  a  longer  term 

than years. 

« '  That  one-tenth  part  of  the  net  proceeds  of  the  lands  lying  in 
the  said  State,  hereafter  sold  by  Oongress,  after  deducting  all  ex- 
penses incident  to  the  same,  shall  be  applied  to  the  laying  out  and 
tbaking  turnpike  or  other  roads,  leading  from  the  navigable  wateni 
(itaptying  into  the  Atlantic  to  the  Ohio,  and  continued  afterward 

through  the  State  of  ;  such  road's  to  be  laid  out  under 

the  authority  of  Congress,  with  the  consent  of  the  several  Stated 
ihiough  which  the  roadH  shall  pass :  Provided,  that  the  convention 

<lf  the  State  of shall,  on  its  part,  assent  that  every  and  eack 

tMct  of  land  sold  by  Congress  shall  be  and  remain  exempt  from 
ftuy  tax  laid  by  order  and  under  authority  of  the  State,  whether  fo^ 
Slate,  county,  township,  or  any  other  purpose  whatever,  for  tfaa^ 
tliinn  of  ten  years,  from  and  after  the  completion  of  the  payment  df 
tlie  purchote  money  on  such  tract  to  the  United  States;'  " 

In  accordance  with  the  recommendation  of  their  ^ommittee^ 
Oongresii,  upon  the  80th  of  April,  paissed  a  law,  canyingj  with^ 
flight  modifications  the  view  above  given  into  effect  The  pvo- 
tifeions  of  this  law  Were  thought  by  many  in  the  territory  Unan- 
ftdriKed,  but  tio  opposition  was  o^rod  to  the  appointment  of  peri 
sons  to  attend  the  convention,  and  the  legislature  even  gave  way 
to  the  embryo  government,  and  failed  to  assemble  according  io 
sdjoumment.  Th«l  Convention  met  upon  the  let  of  November; 
49 


T«2 


jirriBsoH  mmoTKi  0t.  9z.air  iron  omoi. 


1802. 


its  memb^n  wete  getiiffiftUy  Jeffenonian  in  their  national  political 
and  had  been  opMMd  to  Uie  change  of  boondariea  proposed  the 
previous  year.  fiSbro  proceeding  to  business,  Qovemor  Bt  Clair 
proposed  to  address  them,  in  his  official  character,  as  the  chief  ex- 
•cutive  niagistrate  of  the  territory.  This  proposition  was  resisted 
by  sereral  of  the  members;  but,  after  discussion,  a  motion  wss 
piade,  and  adopted,  by  a  minority  of  five,  that,  "Arthur  St  Clsir, 
Ben.,  Esquire,  be  permitted  to  address  the  convention,  on  thoae 
points  which  be  deems  of  importance." 

He  advised  the  postponement  of  a  State  ori^mization  until  the 
people  of  the  original  eastern  division  were  plainly  entitled  to  de* 
mand  it,  and  were  not  subject  to  be  bound  by  conditions,*  Tbii 
advice,  given  as  it  was,  caused  JeflTerson  instantly  to  remov'  St, 
Olair,  and  when  Uie  vote  was  taken  upon  doing  that  which  be  ad> 
^aed  them  not  to  do,  but  Oue  of  thirty-three,  Ephnum  Cutler,  of 
Washington,  voted  with  the  governor.f 

On  one  point,  the  proposed  boundaries  of  the  new  State  wers 
altered.  ., 

"  To  eveiy  person  who  has  attended^  to  this  subject,  and  who  hai 
consulted  the  maps  of  the  western  country,  extant  at  the  time  the 
ordinance  of  1787  was  passed.  Lake  Michigan  was  believed  to  be, 
and  was  represented  by  all  the  maps  of  that  day,  as  being  very  in 
north  of  the  position  which  it  has  since  been  ascertained  to  occupy* 
I  have  seen  tiie  map  in  the  Department  of  State,  which  was  before 
the  committee  of  Congress  who  framed  and  reported  the  ordinance 
for  the  government  of  the  territory.  On  that  map,  the  southern 
boundaiy  of  Michigan  was  represented  as  being  above  the  forty- 
second  degree  of  north  latitude.  And  there  was  a  pencil  line,  said 
to  have  been  made  by  the  committee,  passing  through  the  southern 
bend  of  the  lake  to  the  Canada  line,  which  struck  the  strait  not 
fkr  below  the  town  of  Detroit  That  line  waf>  manifestly  intendwi 
by  the  committee,  and  by  Congress,  to  be  the  northern  boundaiy 
of  our  State ;  and  on  the  principles  by  which  courts  of  chancery 
construe  contracts,  accompanied  by  plats,  it  would  seem  that  the 
m^^,  and  the  line  referred  to^  should  be  conclusive  evidence  of  oar 
boundary,  without  reference  to  the  real  position  Of  the  lake. 

>*  When  the  convention  sat,  in  1802,  the  prevailing  understanding 
was,  that  the  old  maps  were  nearly  correct,  and  that  the  line,  ss 
definfld  in  the  ordinance,  would  terminate  at  some  point  on  the 


■..•;'^'ft-:n%-^:: 


•BuM'a  Ltttan,  106,  111. 


t  Ibid.  110. 


ieo2. 


OHIO  BMOMM  A  8TAT1. 


m 


gtrait  aboTQ  the  Maam«e  baj.  While  the  contention  was  in  set* 
lion,  a  man  who  had  hnnted  many  yean  on^LiJc^  Michigan,  and 
waswe?!  acquainted  with  its  position,  happewi  to  be  in  ChilH-^ 
eotbe;  and,  in  conversation  with  one  of  its  members,  told  him  that 
the  lake  extended  much  farther  south  than  was  generally  supposed, 
and  that  a  map  of  the  country,  which  he  had  seen,  placed  its 
southern  bend  many  miles  north  of  its  true  position.  This  infor- 
mation excited  some  uneasiness,  and  induced  the  convention  to 
modify  the  clause,  describing  the  north  boundary,  so  as  to  guard 
its  being  depressed  below  the  most  northern  cape  of  the  Manmee 
bay."* 

"With  this  change,  and  some  extension  of  the  school  and  road 
donations,  the  convention  agreed  to  the  proposal  of  Congress,  and 
upon  the  29th  of  November,  their  agreement  was  ratified  and 
signed,  as  was  also  the  constitution  of  the  State  of  Ohio.  Of  thii 
constitution  nothing  further  need  be  said,  than  that  it  bore  in  eveiy 
provision  the  marks  of  democratic  feeling;  of  fnll-fidth  in  the 
people.  By  the  people  themselvep,  however,  it  was  never  exam- 
ined;  but  no  opposition  was  offered  to  it,  and  a  General  Assembly 
was  required  to  meet  at  Chillicothe  on  the  first  Tuesday  of  March, 
1808. 

After  the  ratification  by  Oongress  of  the  Constitution  of  Ohio^ 
and  her  admission  into  the  Union,  the  Peninsula  of  Midiigan  was 
wholly  within  the  territory  of  Indiana. 

On  the  17th  of  September,  1802,  Governor  Harrison,  of  Indiana 
Territoiy,  at  Yincennes,  entered  into  an  agreement  with  various 
chiofe  of  the  Pottawattamie,  Eel  river,  Piankeshaw,  Wea,  Easka»- 
Ida  and  Kickapoo  tribes,  by  which  were  settled  the  bounds  of  a 
tract  of  land  near  that  place,  sud  to  have  been  given  by  the  Indians 
to  its  founder;  and  certain  chiefs  were  named  who  were  to  con- 
clude tiie  matter  at  Fort  Wayne.  This  was  the  first  step  taken  by 
Harrbon  in  those  negotiations  which  continued  through  so  many 
years,  and  added  so  much  to  the  dominions  of  the  confederation. 
He  found  the  natives  jealous  and  out  of  temper,  owing  partly  to 
American  iigustice,  but  also  in  a  great  degree,  it  was  thought,  to 
the  arts  of  the  British  traders  and  agents. 

In  January  of  this  year,  Governor  Harrison  also  communicated 
to  the  President  the  following  letter,  detailing  some  of  the  most 
carious  land  speculations  of  which  there  is  any  account : 


•  matorlatl  Truunetfoiu  of  OUih  p.  lift. 


764 


ooMPLAnra  AOAtirn  law  jobbkbs. 


1809L 


**  The  conrt  «atabll«h«cl  at  tbki  plaMy  onddf  the  Mthoifttir  of  fh# 
State  of  Yirginiai  in  the  year  178^,  (m  I  have  befort  done  thyself 
the  honor  to  \ntotm  yon,)  asstimed  to  themflelviM  the  right  of 
gittntiog  lands  to  erety  a{>|)4icaiit.  Having  exercised  this  poyret 
for  some  time  without  opposition,  tiliey  began  to  oonchide  that 
their  right  over  the  land  vras  sapreitte,  and  that  they  eoiitd  with 
ffhunich  propriety  grant  to  themselves  as  to  others. 

^<t  Accordingly)  an  ammgement  was  made,  by  which  the  wholii 
koxmtrf  to  which  the  Indian  title  was  supposed  to  be  extitigtiished; 
was  divided  between  the  members  of  the  court ;  and  orders  to  that 
effect  entered  on  their  journal,  each  member  absenting  himself 
lirom  tlM  court  on  the  day  that  the  order  was  to  be  mside  in  his 
Ihvor,  so  that  it  might  appear  to  be  the  Act  <rf  his  fellows  only. 
The  tract  thns  disposed  oi,  Oiittende  on  the  Wabash  twenty-foni* 
leagues  from  La  Points  Coupee  to  the  ibOnth  of  White  river,  and 
forty  leagues  into  the  country  west,  and  thirty  enst  from  thd 
Wnbash,  elduding  only  the  land  immediately  surrounding  this 
town,  which  had  before  been  tinted  to  the  amount  of  twenty  ot 
thirty  thousand  acres. 

**  The  authors  of  this  ridiculous  transaction  soon  found  that  M 
advantage  could  be  derived  from  it,  as  they  could  find  no  purcha^ 
■ere,  and  I  believe  that  the  idea  of  holding  any  part  of  the  land 
was,  by  the  greater  part  of  them,  abandoned  a  feW  yeikrs  ago;  how* 
ever,  the  claim  was  discovered,  and  a  part  of  it  purchased  by  soni^ 
df  those  speculators  who  infest  our  country,  and  through  these  pco* 
fAe,  a  number  of  others  in  different  parts  of  the  Uilited  States  biEive 
become  concerned,  some  of  whom  are  actually  preparing  to  makd 
•ettlements  on  the  land  the  ensuing  spring.  Ind^d,  I  shonid 
not  be  surprised  to  nee  five  hundred  families  settling  under  these 
titles  in  the  course  of  a  year. 

**The  price  at  which  the  land  is  sold  (Enables  any  body  to  beeom« 
t  purchaser;  one  fhousand  acres  being  freqtKntly  given  for  an  iti- 
different  horse  or  a  rifle  gun.  And  as  a  formal  deled  is  mad6 
reciting  the  grant  of  the  court,  (made  as  it  is  pretended.  Under  thh 
authority  of  the  Stttto  ot  Virginia,)  many  Ignorant  persons  bate 
been  induced  to  part  with  their  little  alt  Vb  obtain  this  ideal  pff- 
ptietjt  and  they  will  no  dot^t  todeavor  to  strengthen  their  claim, 
itf  sooB  as  they  have  discovered  the  doeeption,  by  m  abtdisl  settle- 
ment. Thd  extent  of  these  spdcuUtions  Wis  unknown  toi  hti^  tnittt 
lately. 

"I  am  now  informed  that  a  number  of  persons  are  in  the  habit 
of  repairing  to  this  plaee)  where  thci^  purbhase  two  or  three 


nUT  LmxsijiTVRi  ov  oma. 


m 


h«n4ced  tiioa8(ia4  mms  of  thii  oli^ia,  for  wbioh  tkey  get  a  deed 
properly  aathentioftted  and  raeorded,  and  theQ4ispenM  themselvet 
pyer  tbe  XTnited  States  ta  cheat  tbe  igoorant  ^4  crediiloue.  Jn^ 
f«ime  oiea8tii«,  to  oheelF  this  practiee,  I  have  forbidden  the  recorder 
and  prothooQtaiy  of  thif  oonnly  from  recording  or  anthen!ti<»ting 
uny  <if  tliese  papers;  being  detemiiaed  that  the  official  seals  of  tht 
territ(»7  should  not  be  prostituted  to  a  purpose  so  base  as  that  ^ 
fi^sisting  #11  tnikmons  frftud." 

Dnring  the  mondi  of  June,  1808,  <iertain  Indian  ohiefi,  sgrueabl* 
}B09.]  tp  their  prpq^iise  inMe  at  Vincenues  the  preceding  year, 
pet  at  Fort  Wayne)  and  transferred  to  Governor  ^arriBOtt  thu 
limds  eltuqaed  by  the  United  States  about  Post  Vinoennes,  and 
tjbteir  ^fit  wap  confirmed  at  Yincennes,  pn  the  7th  of  August,  by 
Ifiwnons  ehiefe  and  warriors.  On  the  l^tk  of  Augiist,  the  llUnojui 
^hes,  including  the  ^[askaskias,  Miehiganies,  GahokiiuB  and  T^ 
marois,  made  a  conveyance  to  the  United  States  of  their  right  to  (| 
lltrge  portion  of  the  Illinois  countiy  south  and  east  of  thelllinois  river. 

On  the  )st  of  March}  19Q8,  the  first  genera)  assembly  under  the  eonr 
Btitution  of  Ohio  was  held  at  ChilUcothei  for  the  purpose  of  organizing 
^  Sti^te  Goven^ment,  and  especially  for  the  purpose  of  appoint- 
ing the  judici^  and  executive  officers  provided  for  in  the  constiti^' 
tion— a  Secretary  and  Auditor,  and  #  Treasurer  of  State,  and  their 
IMpective  duties  ^gned  to  them.  Senators  were  elected,  and 
provisions  made  for  the  election  by  the  people,  of  a  representative 
to  Congress.  Judges  for  the  new  courts  were  appointed,  the  court 
of  common  pleas  wiw  organized,  apd  the  business  of  the  court  of 
fiisrter  session^  transferred  tp  it;  justices  pf  the  peape  were  provi- 
^d,  and  the  business  of  the  territorial  magistrates  was  asngned  tp 
^m*  -^(^d  many  other  provisions  for  the  complete  organization 
ff  the  new  government  and  for  the  administration  of  justice,  wera 
enaiBted. 

Upon  the  l5tii  of  April,  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
iffiw  State  of  Ohio,  signed  a  hill  respecting  a  college  township  in 
^  distii^t  of  CHnoinnati,  The  history  of  this  township  is  thu# 
ipyen  hy  Judge  Burnet: 

^^The  ordinance  adopted  by  Congress  fpr  the  disposal  of  the 
public  domain,  did  Dpt  authorize  a  grant  of  college  land,  to  the 
purchasers,  of  iess  than  two  millions  <^  acres.  The  original  proppr 
aition  of  Mr.  Symmes  being  for  that  quantity,  entitled  him  to  the 
l^nefit  pf  such  a  grant  ■  It  was  hie  intention,  no  doubt,  tp  close 
)yf  opa^ract)  in  conformity  with  hi«  pipppsal    He  therefore  stated, 


tw 


PI8T0RT  or  STimiS'  OOLLMl  TOWVSBIP. 


1808. 


!d  his  |>rinted  publiofttion,  before  referred  to,  Hut  a  college  town- 
■hip  had  been  giyen;  and  he  deeoribed  his  eitnation  to  be,  u 
nearly  oj^Ktsite  the  month  of  Licking  riyer,  as  an  entire  township 
eoald  be  found,  eligible  in  point  of  soil  and  situation.  He  also 
•elected  in  good  futh,  one  of  the  best  townships  in  the  purchase, 
answering  the  description,  and  marked  ha  on  his  map,  as  the 
eoll^e  township. 

"The  township  thus  selected,  was  the  tinrd  of  the  first  entire 
range  on  which  the  town  of  Springdale  now  stands.  The  tract 
was  reserved  from  sale,  and  retained  for  the  intended  purpose 
until  Mr.  Symmes  asoertuned,  that  his  agents  had  relinquished 
one-half  of  his  proposed  purchase,  by  closing  a  contract  for  one 
million  of  acres,  by  which  his  right  to  college  lands  was  abandoned, 
and  of  course  not  provided  for  in  the  contract  He  then,  very 
properly,  erased  the  endorsement  from  the  map,  and  offered  the 
township  for  sale,  and  as  it  was  one  of  the  best  and  most  desirable 
portions  of  his  purchase,  it  was  rapidly  located. 

"The  matter  remained  in  this  situation,  till  the  application  in 
1792,  to  change  the  boundaries  of  the  purchase,  and  to  grant  a 
patent  for  as  much  land  as  his  means  would  enable  him  to  pay  for. 
When  the  bill  for  that  purpose  was  under  consideration.  General 
Dayton,  the  agent,  and  one  of  the  associates  of  Mr.  Symmes,  being 
then  an  influential  member  of  the  House  of  Bepresentatives,  pro- 
posed  a  section,  authorising  the  President  to  convey  to  Mr.  Symmes 
and  his  associates,  one  entire  township  in  trust,  for  the  purpose  of 
establishing  an  academy,  and  other  schools  of  learning,  conform- 
ably to  an  order  of  Congress,  of  the  2d  of  October,  1787. 

"The  feet  was,  that  the  right,  under  the  order  referred  to,  had 
been  lost,  by  the  relinquishment  of  half  the  proposed  purchase,  m 
consequence  of  which  the  contract  contained  no  stipulation  for 
such  a  grant.  Notwithstanding,  from  some  cause,  either  want  of 
correct  information,  or  a  willingness  then  to  make  the  grataity,-— 
most  probably  the  latter — ^the  section  was  adopted  and  became  a 
part  of  the  law.  At  that  time,  there  was  not  an  entire  township  in 
the  purchase,  undisposed  of.  Large  quantities  of  all  of  them  had 
been  sold  by  Mr.  Symmes,  after  his  right  to  college  lands  had  been 
lost,  by  the  conduct  of  his  agents,  Dayton  and  Marsh.  It  was  not, 
therefore,  in  his  power  to  make  the  appropriation  required  by  the 
act  of  Congress,  though  in  arranging  his  payment  at  the  treasuiy, 
he  was  credited  with  the  price  of  the  township. 

"  The  matter  remained  in  that  situation,  till  about  the  time  the 
legislature  was  elected,  under  the  second  grade  of  the  territorial 


1808. 


BI0IOBT  OV  BTMMI8'  OOLLlOl  tOWlMHIP. 


TiT 


go  ernment,  in  1799.  Mr.  Symmes,.  then  feeling  the  emlMntm- 
meat  of  his  eitaalion,  and  aware  that  the  subject  wonld  be  taken 
ap  by  the  legiilatare,  made  a  written  proposition  to  the  governor, 
offbring  the  second  township  of  the  second  fractional  range,  for  the 
pafposes  of  a  college.  On  examination,  the  governor  found,  that 
he  had  sold  an  undivided  moiely  of  that  township,  for  a  vatnaUe 
consideration,  in  1788 ;  that  the  purchaser  had  obtained  a  decree 
Ui  the  circuit  court  of  Pennsylvania)  for  a  specific  execution  of  the 
contract;  and  that  he  had  also  sold  several  smaller  portions  of  the 
same  township  to  others,  who  then  held  contracts  for  same.  Am  a 
matter  of  course,  the  township  was  refused.  He  then  appealed  froui 
the  decision  of  the  governor,  to  the  territorial  legislature.  They 
also  refused  to  receive  it,  for  the  same  reasons  which  had  been 
assigned  by  the  governor. 

"A  similar  refusal  was  afterward  made,  for  the  same  reason,  by 
tiie  state  legislature,  to  whom  it  was  again  offered.  I  had  the 
charity  to  believe,  that  when  Mr.  Symmes  first  proposed  the  town- 
ship to  the  governor,  it  was  his  intention  to  buy  up  the  olaimi 
against  it,  which  he  probably  might  have  done  at  tiiat  time,  on  fhir 
and  moderate  terms ;  but  he  omitted  to  do  so,  till  that  arrange- 
ment became  impracticable,  and  until  his  embarrassments,  pro- 
duced by  the  refusal  of  Congress  to  confirm  his  contract  for  the 
land  he  had  sold  out  of  his  patent,  rendered  it  impossible  for  him 
to  make  any  remuneration  to  government,  or  the  intended  bene- 
ficiaries of  the  grant. 

"The  delegates  representing  the  territory  in  Congress,  were 
instructed,  from  time  to  time,  to  exert  their  influence  to  induce  the 
government  in  some  form,  to  secure  the  grant  to  the  people  of  the 
Miami  purchase.  But  nothing  effectual  was  accomplished,  till  the 
establishment  of  the  State  government  in  1803;  when  a  law  was' 
passed  by  Congress  vesting  in  the  legislature  of  Ohio,  a  quantity 
of  land  equal  to  one  entire  township,  to  be  located  under  their 
direction,  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  an  academy,  in  lieu  of  the 
township  already  granted,  for  the  same  purpose,  by  virtue  of  the 
act,  entitled  '  an  act  authorizing  the  grant  and  conveyance  of  cer* 
tun  lands  to  John  C.  Symmes  and  his  associates.'  Under  the 
authority  of  an  act  of  the  Ohio  legislature,  passed  in  April,  1808, 
by  which  commissioners  were  appointed  who  made  a  location  of 
these  lands,  amounting  to  thirty-six  sections,  as  they  are  now  held 
by  the  Miami  University.  In  consequence  of  the  early  sales,  by 
Judge  Symmes,  these  lands  were  necessarily  located  west  of  the 
Great  Miami  river;  and,  consequently,  without  the  limit  of 
fiymmes'  purchase." 


m 


miAORBtT  or  iPAiuH  wmiBAn. 


180a 


-.Under th«  adminiakatioo  of  QayoM,  after  the  tnMty  of  Madrid, 
•b4  the  innreiider  of  the  posts  to  the  AmericMi  govemnitnt,  noth* 
iftg  oooonred  to  distarh  the  friendly  feeling  then  exbting  hetweea 
tbo  ]»royince  of  LonuiMi*  and  the  United  State*.*  Xwmediatelj 
llfcer  his  deathi  howeyer,  the  Intendant  Moralea,  in  1799,  published 
«B  interdict,  refusing  any  longer  to  allow  the  po?t  of  Ifew  Oileani 
tp  he  used  as  a  place  of  deposit  for  the  fade  of  the  Ohio,  without, 
affooiding  to  the  stlpnUtions  of  tlie  treaty  of  Madrid,  providing  any 
9/Slm  soitahle  point  for  that  purpose. 

qiie  immediate  eflfoct  of  this  ill-timed  and  llMtblf  sf  order  was  to 
QRl  off  at  onoe  the  whole  commerce  of  the  Amerioan  settlements  is 
tdheiralley,  and  in  consequence  to  derange  and  emharrass  the  husi- 
mm  of  that  region.  The  right  of  the  fre^  navigation  of  the  Missis- 
sipi»,  Und  the  right  of  the  deposit  at  New  Orleans  were  speeificglly 
guaranteed  to  the  peop)e  of  the  West  by  the  treaty  of  Madrid,  after 
9  long  and  ve»ktions  negotiation,  and  this  infringenient  of  those 
lights,  now  without  notice  or  without  reason,  excited  much  indig- 
Mtion  among  the  Ainerican  people, 

OThe  federfS  government  shared  the  feeling  of  the  people,  an^ 
ppepared  at  once  to  compel  the  Spanish  authorities  to  open  a  deppf 
fiw  the  American  trade.  With  that  view,  President  Adams  ordered 
Ijiree  regiments  of  the  army  to  concentrate  on  the  lower  Ohio,  to 
ha  ready  for  any  emergency  that  might  arise.  Soon  after,  Congress, 
fi)ir  the  ostensiUe  purpose,  however,  of  avenging  the  spdiations  of 
the  French  upon  American  commerce,  authorized  the  enlistment 
<^  twelve  regiments  to  serve  during  the  continuance  of  the  diffical- 
tilaa  with  France.  Washington  was  vested  with  the  ehief  command 
of  the  army.  Wilkinsim  was  called  to  the  seat  of  government  tQ 
aisaqge  with  the  cabinet  the  plan  of  a  campaigu  against  Louisiana, 
aad  throughout  the  West  preparations  were  being  made  with 
saereey,*  bnt  with  great  vigor,  for  an  earljr  descent  vpon  Kew 
Orleans;  but  the  recurrence  of  the  Pre^dential  election,  and  the 
obosee  of  Mr.  Jefferson  as  the  Chief  Magistiate,  induced  Mr.  Adams 
to  suspend  the  enterprise,  and  to  leave  the  responsibility  of  the 
question  to  his  successor  in  o|Sce. 

Jn  the  meantime,  a  change  was  emoted  in  the  political  condition 
of  the  iM»vince.  On  the  1st  of  October,  1800,  a  seciet  treaty  wss 
held  at  St  Ildefonso,  between  the  king  of  Spun,  and  the  first  con* 
sul  0^  the  French  republic,  at  which  it  was  stipulated  that  the  Dake 
c^  Parma,  a  prince  of  the  Spanish  branch  of  the  House  of  Bouri)on, 


*  Cbyum't  Spniih  DomiutioB  in  Loabiwis. 


m^ 


0O90»W9  ^MOLTIjl  TO  &BBDX«  SP4|K. 


769 


firluMe  territoji«B  W0ra  ai^nex^d  U>  ^Q  republip,  iboifld  be  pat  ||| 
pofMHioQ  of  the  Grand  Duoby  of  Tttscany,  which  wan  to  be  ereote4 
into  the  Iringdom  of  ¥2tn^rU>  under  ^q  protection  and  guaranty 
^f  the  V'ranoh  govommefit. 

As  tin  equivalent  to  th^t  goar^tee,  the  third  ai  tide  of  the  trei^^ 
piwidedthat — 

'^His  Cafliolic  Majesty  promises  and  engages  to  retrocede  to  t^ 
French  republic,  six  months  after  the  full  and  entire  execntipi^  f^ 
^e  above  conditionis  an4  stipu^f^tions  relative  to  his  ^ojb^\  High- 
li^ss,  the  Duke  of  Parma,  fihe  colony  or  province  of  Louisiana,  wit||i 
^e  s^me  extent  that  it  now  has  in  the  hands  of  Spain,  and  tha|;  i| 
|m4  when  France  possessed  it,  and  such  as  it  ought  to  be  after  t|)f 
Katies  subsequently  entered  into  between  Spain  and  othfr 
states." 

Morales  was  superseded  by  Lope«  in  the  government  of  Loui«p|^ 
ina,  his  interdict  was  disavowed  by  the  )cing,  the  right  of  depftwil 
yru  promptly  restored,  f^nd  tht^B  tbo  difficulties  arising  from  hi^ 
\l»d  faith,  which  were  about  to  involve  Spftin  in  a  war  with  th^ 
IJnited  States,  were  adjusted. 

I^umors  of  the  transfer  of  the  province  to  France  |>eached  LpAi* 
iaiana,  and  excited  much  sensation  among  its  people.  Especii^ly, 
they  excited  much  distrust  i^mong  the  Spanish  inhabitants,  and 
[frticalarly  in  the  mind  of  Morales,  who  W9S  again  Intend^nti 
[(gainst  the  large  and  increasing  number  of  Americ^nfi  who  we^ 
•migrating  f^t  that  critical  time  to  Louisif^na.  To  arrest  the  ipfluf 
Qf  what  he  regarded  as  a  dangerous  population,  Morales  publi8he4 
I  decree  of  the  king,  of  the  18th  of  July,  1802,  fort)id4ing  t)i« 
grant  of  any  Ifind  in  Louisiana  to  any  citizen  of  t^e  United  Stat^jf^ 
To  farther  the  ^arne  policy,  Morales  issued  ^n  order,  on  the  IQti^ 
9(  October,  suspending  again  the  right  of  deposit  at  Hew  Orleans 
This  new  infraction  of  the  treaty  greatly  embarrassied,  ^nd,  in  cpi^- 
i^quepoe,  aroQsed  the  indignation  of  the  people  of  the.'Vrest.  Fet^ 
^Qns,  appeals,  and  even  threats,  were  addressed  to  the  g^ner^ 
government,  and  the  embarrassments  of  the  people  of  the  Wefl 
Wdire  urged  m  i|uch  a  manner  an  to  induce  the  governiiient  to  ti^§ 
immediate  measures  for  their  relief. 

On  the  7th  of  January,  1808,  the  ^ouse  of  Bepresentatiyp^ 
PMsed  resolutions,  declaring  "  the  firi^  determination  of  Oongrejn 
to  saatain  the  Executive  pf  the  Fnited  8t^t|9s  in  nifoh  ^leai^i^res  m 
hs  might  adopt  for  asaerting  the  rights,  an4  vindicating  the  ii]ju- 
4m  of  the  American  citizens ;  and  declftring  their  unaltei^blp  detail 
K^stiou  to  mf inti^n  tho  boundaries,  and  rights  of  n<^yig^tion  ^4 


fro 


PVE0HA8I  Of  LOinSXAVA  PROfOSlD. 


180S. 


oommeroe  through  the  river  MiMisnppi,  m  established  by  existing 
treaties."  And  on  the  11th  of  January,  the  President,  Mr.  Jeffe^ 
•on,  sent  a  message  to  the  Senate,  nominating  Robert  R.  Living, 
•ton  and  James  Monroe  ministers  to  the  French  government,  and 
Ofaarles  Pinckney  and  James  Monroe  to  that  of  Spain,  with  fall 
powers  to  form  treaties  "  for  enlai^ng  and  more  effectually  secaN 
iiig  our  rights  and  interests  in  the  river  Missisdppi,  and  in  the  ter. 
ritories  eastward  thereof." 

The  secret  treaty  of  St  Ildefonso,  as  has  been  seen,  had  been 
formed  on  the  1st  of  October,  1890 ;  on  the  29th  of  the  next  March, 
Bnlhs  King,  then  Minister  in  London,  wrote  home  in  relation  to  • 
reported  cession  of  Louisiana,  and  its  influence  on  the  United 
States:  on  the  9th  of  June,  1801,  Mr.  Pinckney,  at  Madrid,  was 
instructed  in  relation  to  the  alleged  transfer,  and  upon  the  28th  of 
September,  Mr.  Livingston,  at  Paris,  was  written  to  upon  the  earns 
t6pio.  On  thft  20th  of  November,  Mr.  King  sent  from  London  • 
copy  of  the  treaty  signed  at  Madrid,  March  21,  1801,  by  which  the 
Prince  of  Parma  (ton-in-law  of  the  King  of  Spain)  was  established 
in  Tuscany ;  this  had  been  the  consideration  for  the  grant  of  Lon- 
isiana  to  France  in  the  previous  autumn,  and  that  grant  was  now 
oonfirmed. 

From  that  time  till  July,  1802,  a  constant  correspondence  went 
on  between  the  American  Secretary  of  State  and  the  Ministers  at 
Paris,  London,  and  Madrid,  relative  to  the  important  qaestion, 
What  can  be  done  to  secure  the  interests  of  the  Union  in  relation 
to  the  Mississippi  ?  Mr.  Livingston,  in  France,  was  of  opinion  that 
s  cession  of  New  Orleans  might  possibly  be  obtained  from  that 
power;  and  to  obtain  it  he  advised  the  payment  of  "  a  large  price," 
if  required.  Mr.  Livingston  at  the  same  time  wrote  and  laid  he- 
fore  the  French  leaders  an  elaborate  memoir,  intended  to  show  that 
true  policy  required  France  not  to  retain  Louisiana,  but  when,  on 
the  last  of  August,  he  again  made  propositions,  Talleyrand  told 
him  that  the  First  Consul  was  not  ready  to  receive  them.  Still  the 
sagacious  ambassador  felt  "  persuaded  that  the  whole  would  end  in 
a  relinquishment  of  the  country,  and  transfer  of  the  capital  to  the 
United  States ;"  and  pursued  his  labors  in  hope,  asking  from  his 
government  only  explicit  instructions  as  to  how  mach  he  might 
offer  France  for  the  Floridas,  which  it  was  supposed  she  woald 
•oon  get  from  Spain,  and  also  for  New  Orieans. 

His  views  were  acquiesced  in  by  the  President,  and  Mr.  Monroe 
went  out  in  March,  1808,  bearing  instructions,  the  object  of  which 
was  "  to  procure  a  cession  of  New  Orleans  and  the  Floridas  to  the 


1808. 


mraoTUTXoira  vor  lovisiaka. 


7T1 


United  State*."  All  idea  of  purchasing  Lonisiana  weit  of  th« 
MiMitsippi,  was  thus  far  disolaimed  by  Mr.  Livingston,  in  October, 
1802,  and  by  Mr.  Jefferson  in  Jannary,  1808.  Upon  the  10th  of 
the  latter  month,  however,  Mr.  Livingston  proposed  to  the  Minis- 
ter of  Napoleon  to  cede  to  the  United  States  not  only  New  Orleans 
and  Florida,  but  also  all  of  Lonisiana  above  the  river  Arkansas. 
But  snoh  were  not  the  views  entertuned  in  the  Cabinet  of  the 
United  States,  and  upon  the  2d  of  March  the  instructions  sent  to 
Messrs.  Livingston  and  Monroe,  gave  a  plan  which  expressly  left 
to  France  "  all  her  territory  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi."* 

In  conformity  with  these  orders,  when  Talleyrand,  on  the  11th 
of  the  next  month,  asked  Livingston  if  he  wished  all  of  Louisiana) 
he  answered  that  his  government  desired  only  New  Orleans  and 
Florida,  though,  in  his  opinion,  good  policy  would  lead  France  to 
cede  all  west  of  the  Mississippi  above  the  Arkansas,  so  as  to  place 
a  barrier  between  her  own  colony  and  Canada.    Talleyrand  still 
Boggested  the  cession  of  the  whole  French  domain  in  North 
America,  and  asked  how  much  would  be  ^ven  for  it ;  Mr.  Livings 
iton  intimated  that  twenty  millions  of  francs  might  be  a  fair  price; 
this  the  Minister  of  Bonaparte  said  was  too  low,  but  asked  the 
American  to  think  of  the  matter.    He  did  think  of  it,  and  con- 
claded  that  the  purchase  of  I^ouisiana  entire  was  too  large  an  ob- 
ject for  the  United  States,  and  that,  if  acquired,  it  ought  to  be 
exchanged  with  Spain  for  the  Floridas,  reserving  only  New  Or- 
leans. 

On  the  12th  of  April,  Mr.  Monroe  reached  Paris,  and  upon  the 

18th  the  Minister  of  the  Treasury,  Marbois,  who  was  a  personal 

friend  of  Livingston,  had  a  long  conversation  with  him,  from  which 

it  appeared  that  Napoleon,  then  about  to  renew  his  wars  with 

England,  wished  to  sell  Louisiana  entire,  and  that  the  only  ques.^ 

ti(m  was  as  to  price.    Bonaparte  had  named  what  equaled  one 

handred  and  twenty-five  millions  of  francs,  but  to  this  the  Bepub- 

licans  turned  a  deaf  ear,  offering  only  forty  or  fifty  millions.    In  a 

short  time,  however,  a  compromise  took  place,  and  the  American 

negotiators,  going  entirely  beyond  the  letter  of  their  instructions, 

agreed  to  pay  eighty  millions  of  francs  for  the  vast  territory  upon 

and  beyond  the  river  first  navigated  by  Marquette ;  the  treaty  was 

arranged  upon  the  30th  of  the  month  in  which  the  purchase  had 

first  been  suggested. 


*  For  the  docomentB  on  this  subject,  see  American  State  Pftpen,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  &25  to  644. 


Iff 


HIOOnATIOMB  fOB  MUMUITA. 


1^ 


Thii  tct  of  the  minkten,  thoogli  anaathoriMd  and  anexpeoted, 
WM  Rt  once  agreed  to  by  the  Prtiaident  Congress  was  summoned 
fp  meet  upon  the  17th  of  October,  and  on  that  day  the  treaty  wai 
Iflid  before  the  Senate :  by  the  21st  the  transfer  was  ratified,  and 
9pon  the  20th  of  the  following  Peoember,  theProyinoe  of  Loairi- 
•n»  was  officially  delivered  over  \0  Governor  Olaibome,  of  Missis- 
fippi,  and  (}enenl  Wilkinson,  who  were  empowered  to  assume  th« 
goveromept. 

To  this  transfer  of  Louisiana,  Spain  at  tijn^  objected,  as  ihs 
alleged,  <*  pn  solid  groun^t,"  but  earl^jr  ip  1^04,  renounced  her 
9P£08itiop. 

From  this  statement  it  will  be  s^en  that  Hr.  Jefferson  had  no 
H^ncy  in  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  beyond  the  approval  of  the 
Ifnlooked  for  act  of  his  ministers.  If  any  one  deserves  to  be  re- 
pembored,  in  connection  with  the  great  bargain,  it  was  Mr.  Liv- 
Ipgston,  whose  efforts  to  secure  it  were  consistent  and  unremitting. 

It  was,  however,  more  owing  to  the  peculiar  circumstances  which 
surrounded  ISTapoleon,  as  the  First  Consul,  that  the  purchase  of 
iJoifisiana  was  effected  i^t  all,  and  especially  at  that  time,  and  st 
such  a  price.  The  motives  with  which  he  was  infl<|enced  in  its 
sf|lo,  are  exposed  in  detail  by  M.  de  Barbe  Marbois,  who  was  miq- 
istjer  of  the  public  Treasury  at  that  period,  and  who,  in  the  charao- 
\»r  of  confidential  secretary  of  Napoleon,  couduoted  the  negotiation, 
9P4  drew  up  the  treaty. 

The  crisis  was  an  alarming  one  to  France.  The  Court  of  St 
jT^mes  h^d  learned  the  purport  of  the  secret  treaty  of  St  Ildefonio, 
|)y' which  Louisiana  had  beep  re-ceded  to  Fnmce.  The  latter  gov* 
9|iiment  lu^l  its  fleet  fitted  out,  ostensibly  for  America.  The  king 
(fi  England  became  alarmed,  and  in  <}uick  succession  sent  mecf- 
89|^et|  to  Parliament,  and  prompt  action  was  taken  to  fit  out  the 
Hf^yy.  Napoleon  dreaded  the  mt^ritin^p  power  of  England.  To 
^ifarbois  he  sfud : 

"The  principles  of  a  maritime  supremacy  are  subversive  of  one 
0^  the  noblest  rights  of  nature,  science  and  genius  have  secured  to 
if^j^n;  I  mean  the  right  of  traversing  every  sea  with  asmuchlibertj 
^^  the  bird  flies  through  the  ur ;  of  making  use  of  the  waves,  winds, 
^limates,  and  productions  of  the  globe ;  of  bringing  near  to  one 
4l^other,  by  a  bold  navigation,  nations  that  have  been  separated, 
since  the  creation ;  of  carrying  civilization  inLo  regions  that  are  ft 
prey  to  ignorance  and  barbarism."* 


•Marboia'  LooisUBA,  p.  268. 


1808; 


HiaOtlAtlOirS  FOR  LOVniANA. 


m 


The  diflOQisions  in  ibe  Freneh  Otbinet  continued,  at  intetvali, 
fbr  lerenil  dayt.  Mr.  Lhringeton  wae  tbe  American  minister  to 
the  French  R^nblio,  and  for  two  years  bad  been  negotiating  foi^ 
indemnity  for  maritime  spoliations.  Mr.  Monroe  was  on  bis  way 
thither,  with  instmctions  to  seenre  the  navigation  of  tbe  Missis- 
Bippi,  and  even  to  purchase  New  Orleans,  and  some  stnall  part  of 
the  vast  territory  of  Louisiana.  Kapoleon  wanted  money,  and  hil 
foresaw  tbe  prolmbility  that  this  province  would  fall  Into  the  handil 
of  England,  and  that  a  sale  of*  tbe  wbolis  country  to  tbe  United 
Btates,  would  add  to  its  national  greatness,  and  make  this  gotrern- 
ment  a  formidable  riiral  of  Great  Britain.  After  the  close  of  tb^ 
conference  with  bis  counselors.  Napoleon  said  to  Marbois : 

"Irresolution  and  deliberation  are  no  longer  in  season;  I  t6^ 
nounce  Louisiana.  It  is  not  only  New  Orleans  that  I  will  cedd ;  il! 
is  the  whole  country,  without  any  reservation. 

"If  I  should  regelate  my  terms,  according  to  tbe  value  of  tbei^ 
TSst  regions  to  the  United  States,  tbe  indemnity  trould  have  rid 
limits.  1  will  be  moderate,  in  consideration  of  tbe  necessity  ift 
which  I  am  of  making  a  sale.  But  keep  this  to  yourself.  I  want 
ifty  millions  (of  fhiUcS,)  and  for  less  than  that  sum  I  Will  not  treat; 
I  would  rather  make  a  desperate  attempt  to  keep  these  fine  coun^ 
tries.    To-morrow  you  shall  have  foil  powers. 

"Perhaps  it  will  also  be  objected  to  me,  that  the  American b  ma^ 
be  found  too  powerful  for  Europe  in  two  or  three  centuries;  but 
my  foresight  does  not  embrace  such  remote  fears.  Besides,  w^ 
may  hereafter  etpect  rivalries  among  the  members  of  the  Unioil. 
The  confederations,  that  are  called  perpetual,  only  lasts  until  ot^i 
of  the  contraotinj^  parties  finds  it  to  its  interest  to  break  tb6m,  and 
it  is  to  prevent  tbe  danger  to  which  tbe  colossal  pdWtt  of  England 
exposes  us,  that  I  would  provide  a  remedy." 

Tbe  Minister  BarboiSj  who  details  this  conversation,  mittd^  fid 
nply.    Tbe  First  Gonsul  continued: 

"Mr.  Monroe  is  on  the  point  of  arriving.  To  fbiti  ihinist^r,  ^ 
ingtwo  thousand  leagues  from,  his  constituents^  tbe  president  mtktii 
have  given,  after  defining  tbe  objeeit  of  his  rtiissioh,  fod^i  2t[Strttt^ 
tions,  more  extensive  than  the  ostensible  axltborizati(>tt  df  Oofigr^^e^ 
for  the  stipulations  of  the  payments  to  bci  t(iJAd#. 

"Neitber  this  minister  nor  his  edileagut  iH  pi^iM  fb¥  H  i«- 
(Mon  which  go^s  infinitely  beyond  onytinbg  that  tfii^y  ai^  to  ask 
of  us.  Begin  by  making  them  the  overture,  without  any  subter- 
fuge. You  will  acquaint  me,  day  by  day,  hour  by  hour,  of  your 
progress.    The  CaMnet  of  London  ii  infi^ntned  of  tbe  measures 


T74 


PUIOHASI  or  LOUIIIAHA. 


1801 


adopted  «t  WMhington,  but  o«n  h«v«  no  raspiobn  of  thoM  I  tm 
now  taking.  Observe  the  greatest  seoreoy,  and  reoomroend  it  to 
the  American  ministers;  they  have  not  a  less  interest  than  yonnelf 
In  conforming  to  this  conncil."* 

The  conferences  began  the  same  day  between  Mr.  Livingston 
and  M.  Barbe  Marbois,  to  whom  the  First  Oonsnl  confided  the  ns> 
gotiation.  The  American  minister  had  not  the  necessary  powers, 
and  he  had  become  distrastftil  of  the  French  cabinet  Bach  an 
offer  as  the  sale  of  the  whole  of  Lovisiana,  came  so  unexpected,  and 
being  ignorant,  of  coarse,  as  he  was,  of  the  motives  and  views  of 
Napoleon,  he  suspected  artifice.  Mr.  Monroe  arrived  on  the  12tb 
of 'April,  with  more  extensive  powers,  but  heard  with  sarpriM 
and  distrust  the  offer  of  the  French  ambassador.  The  historian 
•ays: 

**As  soon  as  the  negotiation  was  entered  on,  the  American  min- 
isters declared  they  were  ready  to  treat  on  the  footing  of  the  ceimon 
of  the  entire  colony,  and  they  did  not  hesitate  to  take  on  them- 
selves the  responsibility  of  augmenting  the  sum  that  they  had  been 
authorized  to  offer.  The  draft  of  the  principal  treaty  was  com. 
munioated  to  them.  They  prepared  another  one,  but  consented  to 
adopt  provisionally,  as  the  basis  of  their  conferences,  that  of  the 
French  negotiator,  and  they  easily  agreed  to  the  declaration  con- 
tidned  in  the  first  article." 

The  negotiations  being  finished,  the  treaty  for  the  sale  and  pur- 
chase of  Louisiana  was  completed  on  the  SOtii  of  April,  and  signed 
on  the  8d  of  May.  The  intelligence  of  this  negotiation  was  not 
less  astounding  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  than  the  propo- 
sition to  sell  the  whole  country,  by  Marbois,  was  to  Messrs.  Living- 
aton  and  Monroe.  The  Federal  party  nJlied  to  defeat  it;  Mr. 
Jefferson  and  the  plenipotentiaries  were  assailed  in  their  public 
journals,  and,  as  is  common  under  high  party  excitement,  extravs- 
gant  tales  were  told  on  both  sides.  Yel^  as  the  prominent  aoton 
have  passed  away,  and  the  transaction  is  now  viewed  in  the  per- 
apective  of  history,  the  purchase  and  possession  has  long  been 
regarded  as  one  of  the  most  valuable  and  splendid  achievements 
ever  acquired  by  this  nation. 

The  following  observation  of  Napoleon  to  Marbois,  after  the 
oondusion  of  the  treaty,  furnishes  an  insight  to  hie  reflections: 

**  This  accession  of  territory  strengthens  forever  the  power  of  the 


•  MwboU'  History  of  LoniriaiM,  pp.  800,  280. 


1M8. 


nAMflB  Of  LOUnUlTA  TO  UVITID  IVATM. 


m 


United  BtetM ;  Mid  I  baye  jiwt  given  to  EngUnd  •  nuaitime  rital 
tiwt « iUf  looner  or  later,  humble  ber  pride."  * 

The  Enfliib  miniitiy,  when  they  were  informed  of  the  mkulon 
of  Mr.  Monroe  to  France,  and  its  ol^eot,  made  a  proportion  to 
Rafht  King,  the  American  envoy  at  London,  to  undertake  the  eon- 
qnest  of  Louisiana,  with  tiie  oonenrrenoe  of  the  United  Statee^  and 
retrooede  it  to  our  government  as  soon  as  peaoe  should  be  made 
with  France.  Bot  it  appears  the  British  ministry  had  no  lnioii4- 
edge  of  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  negotiaUons  at  Paris,  until 
they  were  concluded.  The  result  was  communicated  without 
delay,  and  Mr.  King  received  a  satbfaotoiy  answer  fW>m  Losd 
Hawkesbuiy  respecting  the  cession. 

The  treaty  was  forwarded  to  "Washington  with  as  much  diqwtoh 
is  possible,  where  it  arrived  on  the  t4th  of  July. 

And  now,  another  difficulty  arose  with  Spun.  The  Spanish 
minister,  having  received  orders  from  his  government,  made  t 
solemn  protest  against  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  aU<^ng  that 
France  had  contracted  with  Spain  not  to  retrocede  the  province  to 
sny  other  power. 

The  Federalists,  who  opposed  the  treaty,  imputed  to  France  a 
disgraoeAil  deception;  that  there  was  a  secret  concert,  and  that 
Spain  was  acting  under  the  influence  of  that  government.  Amidst 
•  series  of  complicated  embarrassments,  Mr.  Jefferson  convened 
Oongress,  which  met  on  the  17th  of  October,  and  laid  the  several 
treaties  before  the  Senate.  Both  the  nature  of  the  contract)  and 
the  magnitude  of  the  sum,  opened  a  wide  field  of  debate. 

The  opposers  of  the  treaty  contended  that  Oongress  had  no 
power  to  annex,  by  treaty,  new  territories  to  the  confederacy,  as 
that  right  could  only  belong  to  the  whole  people  of  the  Uidted 
States.  But  after  a  free  debate,  the  Senate  ratified  the  treaties  on 
the  20th  day  of  October,  by  a  majority  of  twenly-four  votes  against 
seven,  to  which  the  President  gave  his  sanction  the  next  day.  AU 
the  documents  were, communicated  to  the  House  of  Bepresenta* 
tires,  and,  after  a  short  debate,  the  necessary  law  to  create  the 
itock  and  carry  out  the  treaty,  was  passed  without  any  formidable 
opposition. 

The  next  step  was  to  make  the  regular  transfer  firom  Spain  tp 
Fnwce,  and  Arom  France  to  the  United  States,  for  the  secret  treaty 
of  St  Bdefonso  had  not  been  carried  into  effect  in  Louisiana. 


•MmTwIi,  812. 


776 


ADDllBSS  09  LAUSSAT.— EXO&AKOB  OF  BARNBllS. 


im. 


M.  Lanssat  had  been  appointed  the  plenipotentiary  of  tbe  Frehcli 
republic,  and  on  the  80th  of  November  he  met  the  Spanish  com* 
ihissioners  in  the  council  chamber  at  New  Orleans,  received  in  due 
form  the  keys  of  the  city,  and  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  Louisi- 
Snians,  informing  them  of  the  rettocessionof  the  country  to  franc^) 
ktd  by  that  government  to  the  United  States.  At  a  signal  given 
by  the  firing  of  cannon,  the  Spanish  flag  was  lowered,  and  thti 
j^rench  hoisted. 

The  French  sovereignty  lasted  <mly  twenty  days,  during  which 
tS..  Laussat,  as  Governor-General,  provided  for  the  administration 
bt  justice  only  in  Summary  and  urgent  matters. 

General  Wilkinson,  having  command  of  the  United  States  troopS) 
Mtablished  his  camp,  on  the  19th  of  December,  a  short  distance 
above  New  Orleans;  at  the  same  time  the  Spanish  troops  embarked 
liild  sailed  for  Havana.  The  next  day,  discharges  of  artillery  from 
{he  forts  and  vessels,  announced  the  farewell  of  the  French  officeiti. 
On  the  20th,  M.  Laussat,  with  a  numerous  retinue,  went  to  tht 
(Aty  Hall,  while,  by  previous  arrangement,  the  American  troopB 
entered  the  capital.  General  Wilkinson  and  Governor  ClaiborDe, 
American  commissioners,  were  received  in  due  form  in  the  Hall. 

The  treaty  of  cession,  the  riespective  powers  of  commissioner^ 
iiid  the  certificate  of  exchange  of  ratifications  were  read.  M. 
JEiiinssat  then  pronounced  these  words:  — 

"In  conformity  with  the  treaty^  I  put  the  United  States  in 
flbssession  of  Louisiana  and  its  dependencies.  The  citizens  tod 
inhabitants  who  wish  to  remain  here  and  obey  the  laws,  are  from 
€Kis  moment  exonerated  from  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  French 
Hjpublic." 

Mr.  Claiborne,  the  governor  of  the  territory  of  Mississippi,  exer- 
Aiing  th6  power  of  governor-general  and  intendant  of  the  province 
6f  Lotiisiani^  delivered  a  congratulatory  discourse  to  the  Lonisl- 
iMians. 

"  This  cession,"  said  h6,  "  secures  to  yon  and  your  descendantt 
the  inheiitance  6f  Kberty,  perpetual  laws,  and  magistrates^  whom 
Jfbn  Will  elect  yourselves." 

The  ceremonies  closed  with  the  exchange  of  flags,  Which  tfr*» 
tbfie  by  lowering  the  one  dhd  raising  the  other.  When  they  tiiet 
Midway,  they  wel^  kept  stationai'y  for  a  ihoment,  while  the  artil- 
lery and  trumpets  celebrated  the  Unidtt.  The  Atheri<iah  flag  then 
rose  to  its  full  height,  and  while  it  waived  itl  the  air,  the  Americans 
expressed  their  joy  in  a  tremendous  shout. 

The  American  government  weiit  into  operation  quietly,  and  the 


1804. 


TBANSrBB  OF  UPPXB  LOUISIANA. 


777 


French  and  Spanisb  population  soon  became  accustomed  to  the 
new  order  of  things,  and  after  a  lapse  of  fifty-three  years,  no  dis- 
tinction appears,  except  in  family  names. 

Thus,  in  a  persevering  effort  to  gain  the  free  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  the  port  of  New  Orleans,  by  an  unexpected  and 
fortuitous  train  of  circumstances,  the  United  States  ginned  the 
immense  territories  of  Louisiana,  and  extended  her  boundaries  to 
the  Pacific  Ocean. 


The  transfer  of  Upper  Louisiana  to  the  United  States,  was  effected 
1804.]    at  St.  Louis,  on  the  9th  and  10th  of  March,  1804. 

Amos  Stoddard,  a  captain  of  artillery  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  whom  the  public  is  indebted  for  an  admirable  hi»> 
torical  sketch  of  Louisiana,  was  constituted  the  agent  of  the  French 
republic  for  receiving  from  the  Spanish  authorities,  the  possession 
of  Upper  Louisiana. 

He  arrived  at  St.  Louis  early  in  March,  and  on  the  9th  day, 
received  in  due  tbrm,  possession  of  the  province,  in  the  name  of 
the  French  republic,  and  the  next  day  made  the  transfer  to  the 
United  States  government,  which  he  likewise  represented. 

When  the  transfer  was  completely  effected — when  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  assembled  population  the  flag  of  the  United  States  had 
replaced  that  of  Spain — the  tears  and  lamentations  of  the  ancient 
inhabitants  proved  how  much  they  were  attached  to  the  old  gov- 
ernment, and  how  much  they  dreaded  the  change  which  the  treaty 
of  cession  had  brought  about. 

Congress,  on  the  20th  of  March,  divided  Louisiana  into  two  ter- 
ritories.   The  southern  province  was  denominated  the  territory  of 
Orleans ;  the  northern  was  called  Upper  Louisiana.    Gapt:xin  Stod- 
dard was  appointed  temporarily  the  governor,  with  all  the  powers 
and  prerogatives  of  the  Spanish  lieutenant-governor  in  Upper 
Louisiana. 
In  his  dketches  of  Louisiana,  Stoddard  says : 
"St.  Louis  has  two  long  streets,  running  parallel  to  the  river^ 
with  a  variety  of  others  intersecting  them  at  right  angles.    It  con- 
taius  about  one  hundred  and  eighty  houses,  and  the  best  of  them 
uehuilt  of  stone.    Some  of  them  include  large  gardens,  and  even 
squares,  attached  to  them,  are  inclosed  with  high  stone  walls;  and 
these,  together  with  the  rock  scattered  along  the  shore  and  about 
the  streets,  render  the  air  uncomfortably  warm  in  summer.    A 
"Mil,  sloping  hill  extends  along  in  tho  rear  of  the  town,  on  the 
iHnuait  of  which  is  a  garrison,  and  behind  it  an  extensive  prabie, 
60 


7T8 


ADDRESS  OF  MAJOR  STODDARD. 


1804. 


which  affords  plenty  of  haj,  as  also  pasture  for  the  cattle  and  horses 
of  the  inhabitants." 

On  entering  upon  his  office,  Miyor  Stoddard  published  the  fol- 
lowing address  to  the  inhabitants  of  Upper  Louisiana : 

**  The  period  has  now  arrived,  when,  in  consequence  of  amicable 
negotiatipns,  Louisiana  is  in  possession  of  the  United  States.  The 
plan  of  a  permanent  territorial  government  for  you  is  already  un* 
der  the  consideration  of  Congress,  and  will  doubtless  be  completed 
as  soon  as  the  importance  of  the  measure  will  admit.  But  in  the 
meantime,  to  secure  your  rights,  and  prevent  a  delay  of  justice 
his  Excellency  William  C.  0.  Claiborne,  Governor  of  the  Missta- 
sij^i  Territory,  is  invested  with  those  authorities  and  powers  (de- 
rived from  an  act  of  Congress)  usually  exercised  by  the  governor 
and  intendnnt-general  under  his  Catholic  Majesty;  and  permit  me 
to  add,  that,  by  virtue  of  the  authority  and  power  vested  in  him  by 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  he  has  been  pleased  to  commis- 
sion me  as  first  civil  commander  of  Upper  Louisiana. 

"  Directed  to  cultivate  friendship  and  harmony  among  you,  and 
to  make  known  the  sentiments  of  the  United  States  relative  to  the 
security  and  preservation  of  all  your  rights,  both  civil  and  religioas, 
I  know  of  no  mode  better  calculated  to  begin  the  salutary  work 
than  a  circular  address. 

"  It  will  not  be  necessary  to  advert  to  the  various  preliminaiy 
arrangements  which  have  conspired  to  place  yon  in  your  present 
political  situation;  with  these  it  is  presumed  you  are  already 
acquainted.  Suffice  it  to  observe,  that  Spain,  in  1800  and  1801, 
retrocedcd  the  colony  and  province  of  Louisiana  to  France ;  and 
that  France,  in  1803,  conveyed  the  same  territory  to  the  United 
States,  who  arc  now  in  the  peaceable  and  legal  possession  of  it. 
These  transfers  were  made  with  honorable  views,  and  under 
such  forms  and  sanctions  as  are  usually  practiced  among  civilized 
nations. 

"  Thus  you  will  perceive  that  you  are  divested  of  the  character 
of  subjects,  and  clothed  with  that  of  citizens.  You  now  form  an 
integral  part  of  a  great  community,  the  powers  of  whose  govern- 
ment are  circumscribed  and  defined  by  charter,  and  the  liberty  of 
the  citizen  extended  and  secured.  Between  this  government  and 
its  citizens  many  reciprocal  dntics  exist,  and  the  prompt  and  regn- 
lar  performance  of  them  is  necessary  to  the  safety  and  welfare  of 
the  whole. 

"  No  one  can  plead  exemption  from  these  duties;  they  are  eqnallj 
obligatory  on  the  rich  and  the  poor ;  on  men  in  power,  as  well « 


1804. 

on  those  k 
«nd  capric 
actual  or  i 
are  foundec 
immutable 
bound  to  pr 
P®rtF>  and  r 
and  to  aid  tl 
"ion,  and  in 
time  and  exe 
"Ingoven 
"*  unknown 
of  high  birth, 
men  who  ma 
"on;  but  in 
to  elect,  and  t 
permanent  an 
hostile  to  Jibe; 
palladium  of  i 
every  soldier  is 
""W^ith  these 
Pected  that  yoi 
yon  have  been 
"Your  local 
tion  have  contri 
and  even  your 
neighbors,  but 
•^'fity.    These 
%  shall  be  ret 
'%  in  the  CO 
0^  the  Mississir 
•gainst  each  oth 
fy  longer  to  difi 
''"'r  *o  veil  o: 
anticipations  of  i 
"•me  mighty  fa, 
<l«nve  happiness 
.I-'ttle  will  th 
•^«J,  when  the  p 
J';ntB,orlangais 
!f''  not  the  p 
•^ome  extinct 


1804. 


ADDKESB  OV  MAJOR  STODDARD. 


779 


on  those  not  intrnsted  with  it.  They  are  not  prescribed  as  whim 
and  caprice  may  dictate;  on  the  contrary,  they  result  from  the 
Actual  or  implied  compact  between  society  and  its  members,  and 
are  founded  not  only  on  the  sober  lessons  of  experience,  but  in  the 
immutable  nature  of  things.  If,  therefore,  the  government  be 
bound  to  protect  its  citizens  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  liberty,  pro^ 
perty,  and  religion,  the  citizens  are  no  less  bound  to  obey  the  laws, 
and  to  aid  the  magistrate  in  the  execution  of  them ;  to  repel  inva> 
Bion,  and  in  periods  of  public  danger,  to  yield  a  portion  of  their 
time  and  exertions  in  defense  of  public  liberty. 

"  In  governments  differently  constituted,  where  popular  elections 
are  unknown,  and  where  the  exercise  of  power  is  confided  to  those 
of  high  birth,  and  great  wealth,  the  public  defense  is  committed  to 
men  who  make  the  science  of  war  an  exclusive  trade  and  profes- 
sion ;  but  in  all  free  republics,  where  the  citizens  are  capacitated 
to  elect,  and  to  be  elected,  into  offices  of  emolument  and  dignity, 
permanent  armies  of  any  considerable  extent  are  justly  deenfed 
hostile  to  liberty ;  and  therefore  the  militia  is  considered  as  the 
palladium  of  their  safety.  Hence  the  origin  of  this  maxim,  that 
every  soldier  is  a  citizen,  and  every  citizen  a  soldier. 

"With  these  general  principles  before  you,  it  is  confidently  ex- 
pected that  you  will  not  be  less  faithful  to  the  United  States  than 
yon  have  been  to  his  Catholic  Migesty. 

"Your  local  situation,  the  varieties  in  your  language  and  educa- 
tion have  contributed  to  render  your  manners,  laws,  and  customs, 
and  even  your  prejudices,  somewhat  different  from  those  of  your 
neighbors,  but  not  less  favorable  to  virtue,  and  to  good  order  in 
society.  These  deserve  something  more  than  mere  indulgence ; 
they  shall  be  respected. 

"K,  in  the  course  of  former  time,  the  people  on  different  sides 
of  the  Mississippi  fostered  national  prejudices  and  antipathies 
agsdnst  each  other,  suffer  not  these  cankers  of  human  happiness 
any  longer  to  disturb  your  repose,  or  to  awaken  your  resentment ; 
draw  the  veil  of  oblivion  over  the  past,  and  unite  in  pleasing 
anticipations  of  the  future ;  embrace  each  other  as  brethren  of  the 
Bame  mighty  family,  and  think  not,  that  any  member  of  it  can 
derive  happiness  from  the  misery  or  degradation  of  another. 

"Little  will  the  authority  and  example  of  the  best  magistrates 
avail,  when  the  public  mind  becomes  tainted  with  perverse  senti- 
ments, or  languishes  under  an  indifference  to  its  true  interests. 
Suffer  not  the  pride  of  virtue,  nor  the  holy  fire  of  religion,  t« 
become  extinct    If  these  be  different  in  their  nature,  they  ar« 


780 


ADMSS8  Of  MAJOR  STODDAmi). 


1804. 


necessaiy  sapports  to  each  other.  Cherish  the  senlimentB  of  order 
and  tranquillity,  and  frown  on  the  disturbers  of  the  public  peace. 
Avoid  as  much  as  possible  all  legal  contests ;  banish  village  vexa- 
tion, and  nnite  in  the  cultivation  of  the  social  and  moral  affections. 

"  Admitted  as  you  are  into  the  embraces  of  a  wise  and  magnaai- 
moas  nation,  patriotism  will  gradually  warm  your  breasts,  aud 
stamp  its  features  on  your  future  actions.  To  be  useful,  it  mast 
be  enlightened ;  not  the  effect  of  passion,  local  prejudiee,  or  blind 
impulse.  Happy  the  people  who  possess  invaluable  ri^ts,  and 
know  how  to  exercise  them  to  the  best  advantage ;  wretched  are 
those  who  do  not  think  and  act  freely. 

"It  is  a  sure  test  of  wisdom,  to  honor  and  suf^rt  the  govern- 
ment under  which  you  live,  and  to  acquiesce  in  the  decisions  of 
the  public  will,  when  they  are  constitutionally  expressed.  Confide, 
therefore,  in  the  justice  and  integrity  of  our  federal  president ;  he 
is  the  faithful  guardian  of  the  laws ;  he  entertains  the  most  benefi- 
cent views  relative  to  the  glory  and  happiness  of  this  territory; 
and  the  merit  derived  from  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana,  without 
any  other,  will  perpetuate  his  fame  to  posterity.  Place  equal  con- 
fidence in  all  the  other  constituted  authorities  of  the  Union.  They 
will  protect  your  rights,  and  indeed  your  feelings,  and  all  the  ten- 
der felicities  and  sympathies,  so  dear  to  rational  and  intelligent 
creatures. 

"  A  very  short  experience  of  their  equitable  and  pacific  policy 
will  enable  you  to  view  them  in  their  proper  light  I  flatter  myself 
that  you  will  give  their  measures  a  fiur  trial,  and  not  precipitate 
yourselves  into  conclusions,  which  you  may  afterward  see  cause  to 
retract.  The  first  official  acts  of  my  present  station,  authorized  by 
high  authority,  will  confirm  these  remarks. 

"  The  United  States,  in  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana,  were  actua- 
ted by  just  and  liberal  views.  Hence  the  admission  of  an  article 
in  the  treaty  of  cession,  the  substance  of  which  is,  that  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  coded  territory  shall  be  incorporated  into  the  Union, 
and  admitted  as  soon  as  possible  to  the  ei^oyment  of  all  the  rights, 
advantages  and  immunities  of  citizens  of  the  United  States;  and, 
in  the  meantime,  be  maintained  and  protected  in  the  free  enjoy- 
ment of  their  liberty,  property  and  religion. 

*'From  those  cursory  hints,  you  will  be  enabled  to  comprehend 
your  present  political  situation,  and  to  anticipate  the  future  desti- 
nies of  your  country.  You  L.^y  soon  expect  the  establishment  of 
a  territorial  government,  administered  by  men  of  wisdom  aad 
kutegrUyi  whose  salaries  will  be  paid  out  of  the  treasury  of  tb« 


1804. 


ADDBXB8  OF  MAJOB  STODDARD. 


781 


United  States.  From  your  present  population,  and  the  rapidity  of 
its  increase,  this  territorial  establishment  must  soon  be  sneceeded 
by  your  admission  as  a  State  into  the  Federal  Union.  At  that 
period,  you  will  be«t  liberty  to  try  an  experiment  in  legislation, 
and  to  frame  such  a  government  as  may  best  cotiaport  with  your 
local  interests,  manners  and  customs ;  popular  suffrage  will  be  its 
basis.  The  enaction  of  laws,  and  the  Bppointment  of  judges  to 
expound  them,  and  to  carry  them  into  effect,  are  among  liie  first 
privileges  of  organized  society. 

"Equal  to  these,  indeed,  and  connected  with  them,  is  the  inesti- 
mable right  of  trial  by  jury.  The  forms  of  judicial  processes,  and 
the  rules  for  the  admission  of  testimony  in  courts  of  justice,  when 
firmly  established,  are  of  great  and  obvious  advantage  to  the  people. 
It  is  also  of  importance,  that  a  distinction  be  made  between  trials  of 
a  capital  nature,  and  those  of  an  inferior  degree,  as  likewise  between 
all  criminal  and  civil  contestations.  In  fine,  Upper  Louisiana, 
from  its  climate,  population,  soil,  and  productions,  and  from  other 
natural  advantages  attached  to  it,  will,  in  all  human  probability, 
toon  become  a  star  of  no  inconsiderable  magnitude  in  the  American 
constellation. 

"Be  assured  that  the  Unified  States  feel  all  the  ardor  for  your 
interests,  which  a  warm  attachment  can  inspire.  I  have  reason  to 
believe  that  it  will  be  among  some  of  their  first  objects,  to  ascertain 
snd  confirm  your  land  titles.  They  well  know  the  deranged  state 
of  these  titles,  and  of  the  existence  of  a  multitude  of  equitable 
elsims  under  legal  surveys,  where  no  grants  or  concessions  have 
been  procured.  What  ultimate  measures  will  be  taken  on  this 
Bnbject,  does  not  become  me  to  conjecture;  but  this  much  I  will 
venture  to  affirm,  that  the  most  ample  justice  will  be  done ;  and 
tbat,  in  the  final  adjustment  of  claims,  no  settler  or  landholder  will 
have  any  just  cause  to  complain.  Claimants  of  this  description 
have  hitherto  invariably  experienced  the  liberality  of  government; 
and  sqrely  it  will  not  be  less  liberal  to  the  citizens  of  Upper  Louisi- 
ana, who  form  a  strong  cordon  across  an  exposed  frontier  of  a  vast 
empire,  and  are  entitled  by  solemn  stipulations  to  all  the  rights 
and  immunities  of  freemen. 

"My  duly,  not  more  indeed  than  my  inclination,  urges  me  to' 
caltivate  friendship  and  harmony  among  you,  and  between  you 
and  the  United  States.  I  suspect  my  talents  to  be  unequal  to  the 
duties  which  devolve  on  me  in  the  organization  and  temporary  ad- 
ministration of  the  government;  the  want  of  a  proper  knowledge  of 
yoor  laws  and  language,  is  among  the  difficulties  I  have  to  eaconn- 


782 


OBBBBVAsnoini  or  bbaokwbiooi. 


180i 


ter.  But  my  ambition  and  exertions  bear  some  proportion  to  the 
honor  conferred  oa,me;  and  the  heavy  reaponsibilitj  attached  to 
my  office,  admonishes  me  to  be  pmdent  and  oircumspeot 

"  Inflexible  justice  and  impartiality  shall  gnide  me  in  all  my  de> 
terminations.  If,  however,  in  the  disohai^  of  a  variety  of  compli* 
oated  duties,  almost  wholly  prescribed  by  the  civil  tow,  and  the 
oode  of  the  IncUes,  I  be  led  into  error,  consider  it  as  involuntaiy, 
and  not  as  the  effi»ct  of  inattention,  or  of  any  exclusive  fjivors  or 
affections.  Destined  to  be  the  temporary  guardian  of  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  at  least  ten  thousand  people,  I  may  not  be  able  to 
gratify  the  just  expectations  of  all ;  but  your  prosperity  i^nd  happi* 
ness  will  cUdm  all  my  time  and  talents ;  and  no  earthly  enjoyment 
could  be  more  complete,  than  that  derived  from  your  public  and 
Individual  security,  and  from  the  increase  of  your  opulence  and 
power." 

The  following  observations  of  Hon.  H.  M.  Brackenridge,  mades 
few  years  later,  during  his  residence  in  Upper  Louisiana,  will  illui* 
trate  the  great  change  that  the  transfer  of  that  country  to  the  United 
States  effected  in  the  character  of  its  government,  and  in  the 
habits  of  its  people : 

**  The  present  government  appears  to  be  operating  a  general 
change:  its  silent  but  subtile  spirit  is  felt  in  every  nerve  and  vein 
of  the  body  politic.  The  United  States,  acting  upon  broad  prin* 
oiples,  cannot  be  influenced  by  contemptible  partialities  between 
their  own  sons  and  their  adopted  children.  They  do  not  want  col* 
onies — they  will  disdain  to  hold  others  in  the  same  state,  which 
they  themselves  so  nobly  despised.  They  are,  in  fact,  both  ns* 
tives  of  the  same  land,  and  both  can  claim  Freedom  as  thoir  birth* 
right 

**  A  singular  change  has  taken  place,  which,  one  would  think, 
ought  not  to  be  the  result  of  a  transition  from  a  despotism  to  a  re* 
publican  government;  luxury  has  increased  in  a  wonderful  degree, 
and  there  exists  something  like  a  distinction  in  the  classes  of  soci- 
ety. On  the  other  hand,  more  pains  are  taken  with  the  eduoation 
of  youth ;  some  have  sent  their  sons  to  the  seminaries  of  the  United 
States,  and  rVi  see^  anxious  to  attain  this  desirable  end.  Severe! 
'  of  the  young  men  have  entered  the  army  of  the  United  States,  and 
have  discovered  talents.  The  females  are  also  instructed  with  more 
care,  and  the  sound  of  the  piano  is  now  heard  in  their  dweliingafcr 
the  first  time. 

"Personal  property,  a  few  articles  excepted,  has  fbllen  on  an 
average,  two  hundred  per  cent,  in  value,  and  real  property  riaenat 


1«M. 


OBSIBVATIOm  or  BmAOUMKIMl. 


788 


least  Ave  hundred.  But  the  prices  of  merehahdise  had  no  propor- 
tion to  the  price  of  produce.  Five  bushels  of  com  were  forraeriy 
neeessary  for  the  purchase  of  a  handkerchief,  which  can  now  be 
had  for  one.  The  cultivators  raised  little  produce  beyond  what  was 
necessaiy  for  their  own  subsistence;  it  was  therefore  held  at  high 
prices,  but  tell  far  short  of  the  present  proportion  to  the  price  of 
imported  articles;  the  petty  trade  was  the  principal  dependence  for 
these  supplies.  Their  agriculture  was  so  limited,  that  instances 
have  been  known,  of  their  having  been  supplied  by  the  king,  on 
the  failure  of  tiieir  crops  from  the  inundation  of  the  Mississippi. 
The  low  value  of  lands  naturally  arose  from  the  great  quantities 
lying  waste  and  unoccupied,  in  proportion  to  the  extent  of  th« 
population,  or  of  its  probable  increase,  and  the  consequent  fteility 
with  which  it  could  be  obtuned.    Kent  was  scarcely  known. 

'*It  may  be  questioned,  whether  the  poorest  class  has  been  bene* 
ftted  by  the  change.     Fearless  of  absolute  want,  they  always  lived 
in  a  careless  and  thoughtless  manner;  at  present  a  greater  part  of 
Ihem  obtain  a  precarious  subsistence.    They  generally  possess  a 
cart,  a  horse  or  two,  a  small  stock  of  cattle,  and  cultivate  small 
plats  oif  ground.    At  St  Louis  they  have  more  employment  than 
in  the  other  villages ;  they  make  hay  in  the  prairie,  haul  wood  for 
•ale,  and  are  employed  to  do  trifling  jobs  in  town ;  some  are  boat- 
men or  patrons.    At  Ste.  Genevieve,  they  depend  more  upon  their 
agriculture,  and  have  portions  in  the  great  field,  but  this  will  prob* 
ably  soon  be  taken  from  them  by  the  greaterindustry  of  the  Amer- 
ican cultivators,  who  are  continually  purchasing,  and  who  can  g^ve 
double  the  sum  for  rent;  they  are  sometimes  employed  in  hauling 
lead  from  the  mines,  but  it  will  not  be  sufficient  for  their  support 
A  number  have  removed  to  the  country,  and,  in  imitation  of  the 
Americans,  have  settled  down  on  public  lands,  but  here  they  can- 
not expect  to  remain  long.    Those  who  live  in  the  more  remote 
villages,  are  less  affected  by  the  change,  but  there  is  little  prospect 
of  their  being  better  situated.  Bat  few  of  them  have  obtained  per- 
mission from  the  commandant  to  settle  on  lands ;  in  fact,  there  was 
no  safety  from  the  depredations  of  the  Indians,  in  forming  esta- 
blishments beyond  the  villages.    Land  was  only  valued  for  what 
it  could  produce,  and  any  one  could  obtain  as  much  as  he  chose  to 
OQltivate. 

"  Until  possession  was  taken  of  the  country  by  us,  there  was  no 
nfety  from  the  robberies  of  the  Osage  Indians.  That  impolitic 
Ismty,  which  the  Spanish  and  even  the  French  government  have 
manifested  toward  them,  instead  of  a  firm,  though  just  course,  gave 


lit 


oBsmTAnom  or  vbaoihtbimi. 


tAiU 
loVf* 


lUe  to  the  most  ioMlent  depottment  on  ^eir  pari  I  hww  been 
inftHrmed  hj  Hm  people  oi  Ste.  QenevieTe,  who  siilli»red  ininitely 
ihe  moet,  that  they  were  on  one  ocoesion  left  without  a  hone  to 
torn  •  miU.  ^^e  Oeagee  were  noTer  followed  to  any  great  dis- 
tance, or  overtaken ;  thie  impiinity  neoeaMrily  encouraged  them. 
They  generally  entered  the  neighb<Mrhood  of  the  TiIIagM,  divided 
into  small  parties,  and  daring  the  night,  stole  in  and  carried  away 
•▼ery  thing  they  conid  find,  ft«qaently  breaking  open  staMee,  and 
taking  oat  the  hones.  After  uniting  at  a  eniatl  distance,  their 
plaoe  of  rendesTons,  they  marohed  leisurely  home,  driving  the 
stolen  horses  before  them,  and  without  the  least  dread  of  being 
panned.  They  have  not  dared  to  act  in  this  manner  under  the 
present  ogoTemment;  there  have  been  a  few  solitary  instances  cS 
robberies  by  them,  witlun  these  three  or  four  yean,  bat  they  are 
sufficiently  aoquunted  with  the  Americans  to  know,  that  they  will 
be  instantly  panned,  even  into  their  villages,  and  compelled  to  snr- 
render. 

**What  serves,  however,  to  lessen  the  atrocity  of  these  outrages, 
U  has  been  remarked,  that  they  are  never  known  to  take  away  the 
lives  of  those  who  fall  into  their  hands.  The  insolence  of  the 
other  nations  who  came  openly  to  their  villages,  the  Piorias,  Leaps, 
Kiofcapoos,  ChickasawB,  Oherokees,  Ac,  is  inconceivable.  They 
were  sometimes  perfectly  masten  of  the  villages,  and  excited  gene- 
ral eonstemation.  I  have  seen  the  houses  on  some  occasions  closed 
up,  and  tiie  doon  barred  by  the  terrified  inhabitants;  they  weie 
not  always  safe  even  there.  It  is  strange  how  these  people  have 
entirely  disappeared  within  a  few  years — ^there  are  at  present  soarceiy 
a  snfiicient  number  to  supply  the  villages  with  game. 

**If  I  am  asked,  whether  the  ancient  inhabitants  are  more  con- 
tented, or  happy,  under  the  new  order  of  things,  or  have  reason  to 
be  so,  I  should  (insider  the  question  a  diffionVt  one,  and  answer  it 
with  hesitation.  It  is  not  easy  to  know  the  secret  sentiments  of 
men,  and  happiness  is  a  relative  term.  It  is  true,  I  have  hesrd 
murmurings  against  the  present  government,  and  something  like 
sorrowing  after  that  oi  Spain,  whieh  I  rather  attributed  to  moment- 
ary chagrin,  than  to  real  and  nncere  sentiment ;  besides,  this  gea^ 
orally  proceeds  from  those  who  were  wont  to  bask  in  the  sunshiBt 
of  favor.  Yet  I  have  not  observed  those  signs  which  nnequivooallj 
mark  a  sufiering  and  unhappy  people.  The  principal  sonrce  of 
uneasiness  uises  from  the  difficulties  of  settling  the  land  claimed 
by  the  commissionen,  on  the  part  of  the  Fnited  States.  The  pria- 
eipal  inhabitants  have  lost  much  of  that  influence  wMch  they  i» 


1«04. 


OMMtTAnOM  or  BaAOKBMaMW. 


9M 


merly  poaaeMed,  and  we  Miperifedad  in  trade  and  in  Incmtive 
ooeupfttiona,  by  etrangen;  their  olunu,  therefore,  eonetitnte  their 
ehief  dependence.  The  raldect  ot  thoie  claima  embraoee  rach  • 
variety  of  topici,  that  it  ia  not  poaaible  to  gire  any  oorreot  idea  of 
them  in  thia  cnraory  view.  It  ia  a  aubjeot  on  which  the  claimaata 
are  feelingly  alive.  Thia  anodety  ia  a  tacit  compliment  to  onr  gov- 
ernment, for  nnder  the  former,  their  claima  would  be  aoaroelj 
worth  attention.  The  general  complaint  ia,  the  want  of  anffioient 
liberality  in  determining  on  the  claima. 

"  The  lower  olaaa  have  never  been  in  the  habit  of  thinking  be- 
yond what  immediately  concern  themaelvea ;  they  cannot,  therefore, 
be  expected  to  foreaee  political  conaequencea.    They  were  formerly 
under  a  kind  of  d^>endence,  or  rather  vaaaalage,  to  the  great  men 
of  villagea,  to  whom  they  looked  np  for  their  anpport  and  proteo- 
lion.    Ibd  they  been  more  accuatomed  to  think  it  poaaible,  that 
by  indaatry  it  was  in  their  power  to  become  rich,  and  independent 
•lao,  the  change  would  have  been  inatantly  felt  in  their  proaperily. 
But  they  poasoas  a  eertain  indifference  and  apathy,  which  cannot 
be  changed  till  the  preaent  generation  ahall  paaa  away.    They  are 
of  late  observed  to  become  Ibnd  of  intoxicating  liquora.    There  k 
a  middle  class,  whose  claima  or  possessions  were  not  extensive,  but 
Bare,  and  from  the  increased  value  of  their  property,  have  obtained, 
since  the  change  of  government,  a  handsome  competence.    They, 
opon  the  whole,  are  well  satisfied;  I  have  hoard  many  of  them  ex- 
press their  approbation  of  the  American  government,  in  the  warm* 
est  terms.    They  feel  and  speak  like  freemen,  and  are  not  slow  in 
declaring,  that  formerly  the  field  of  enterprise  was  occupied  by 
ibe  monopoUes  of  a  few,  and  it  is  now  open  to  every  industrioua 
(dtizen. 

"There  are  some  thinf^  in  the  administration  of  justice,  which 
tbey  do  not  yet  perfectly  comprehend ;  the  trial  by  jury,  and  the 
multifarious  forms  of  our  jurisprudence.  They  had  not  been  ac- 
puatomed  to  distinguish  between  the  slow  and  cautioxu  advances  of 
tven-handedjustiMj  and  the  dispatch  of  arbitrary  power.  In  their 
nmple  state  of  society,  when  l^e  subjects  of  litigation  were  not  of 
great  value,  the  administration  of  justice  might  be  speedy  andaimi> 
pie;  but  they  ought  to  be  aware,  that  when  a  society  becomes  ex* 
tsosive,  and  its  occupiations,  relations,  and  interests  more  numerous, 
psople  less  acquainted  with  each  other,  the  laws  must  be  more 
Qfomplex.  The  trial  by  jury  is  f<»eign  to  the  cnstoms  and  mannera 
of  their  ancest<n« ;  it  is  therefore  not  to  be  expected  that  they  sho^4 
at  once  comprehend  its  utility  and  importance. 


T86 


■TAVmXOS  Of  DFPBB  LOVISXAXA. 


1804. 


**The  chief  adyantagM  which  iocraed  from  the  change  of  goT> 
eminent  may  be  sammed  up  in  a  few  words.  The  inhabitants  de* 
rived  a  seoarity  from  the  Indians;  a  more  extensive  field,  and  a 
greater  reward  was  offered  to  industry  and  enterprise ;  specie  be* 
came  more  abundant,  and  merchandise  cheaper.  Landed  property 
was  greatly  enhanced  in  value.  In  opposition,  it  maybe  said,  that 
formerly  they  were  more  content,  had  less  anxiety;  there  was  more 
cordiality  and  friendship,  living  in  the  utmost  harmony,  with 
scarcely  any  clashing  interests.  This,  perhaps,  is  not  unlike  the 
notions  of  old  people,  who  believe  that  in  their  early  days  eveiy 
thing  was  more  happily  ordered." 

Upper  Louisiana  included  all  that  part  of  the  ancient  province 
which  lay  north  of  a  spot  on  the  Mississippi,  called  Hope  Encamp* 
ment,  nearly  opposite  the  Ohiokasaw  blufb;  including  the  territoiy 
now  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  States  of  Arkansas,  Missoari , 
Iowa,  a  large  part  of  the  territory  of  Minnesota,  and  all  the  vast 
regions  of  the  West,  ikr  as  the  Pacific  Ocean,  south  of  the  forty* 
ninth  degree  of  north  latitude,  not  claimed  by  Spain. 

The  dvilized  population  of  this  territoiy  is  given  by  Migor  Stod* 
dard,  with  as  much  accuracy  as  the  nature  of  the  case  admitted. 
The  Bottled  portions  had  been  divided  into  "Districts,"  for  purposes 
of  local  government.  The  population  in  1808,  in  the  settlements 
of  Arkansas,  Little  Prairie,  and  Ifew  Madrid,  was  estimated  on 
such  data  as  could  be  obtained,  at  one  thousand  three  hundred  and 
fifty;  of  which  two-thirds,  or  less,  were  Anglo-Americans,  and  the 
other  third  French. 

The  District  of  Cape  •Girardeau,  included  the  territory  between 
Tywappaty  Bottom  and  Apple  creek — ^population  in  1804,  one 
thousand  four  hundred  and  seventy  whites,  and  a  few  slaves.  Ex- 
cepting three  or  four  families,  all  were  emigrants  frvm  the  United 
States. 

The  District  of  Ste.  Genevieve  extended  from  Apple  creek  to  the 
Merrimao.  The  settlements,  (besides  the  village  of  Ste.  Genevieve) 
included  settlements  on  the  head  waters  of  the  St.  Francois  and 
tiae  lead  mines.  Population  in  1804,  two  thousand  three  hundred 
and  fifty  whites,  and  five  hundred  and  twenty  slaves.  More  than 
half  were  Anglo-Americans. 

The  District  of  St  Louis,  included  the  territory  lying  between 
the  Merrimac  and  Missouri  rivers.  It  contuned  the  villages  of  St. 
Louis,  Garondelet,  and  St.  Ferdinand,  with  several  good  settle* 
ments  extending  westward  into  what  is  now  Franklin  county. 

The  village  of  Carondelet  contained  between  forty  and  fifty 


1804. 


•f ATisnot  or  upni  t  juxara. 


787 


hoasei,  population  ohieflj  OtmadiMi-Freaoh.  Bt  Ferdinand  con- 
tained sixty  hoQiee.  The  population  of  the  district  was  about  two 
thousand  two  hundred  and  eighty  whites,  and  five  hundred  blacks^ 
St  Louis  contained  about  one  hundred  and  eighty  houses,  which, 
allowiDg  six  persons  to  each  house,  would  make  the  population  one 
thousand  and  eighty.  About  three-fifths  of  the  population  in  this 
district  were  Au^lo-Americans.  Each  of  the  dbtricts  extended  in- 
definitely west 

The  laigest  and  most  populous  settlement  in  St  Louis  District, 
was  called  St  Andrews.  It  was  situated  near  the  Missouri,  in  the 
north'Western  part  of  the  present  county  of  St  Louis. 

The  District  of  St  Charles,  included  all  the  inhabited  country 
between  the  Missouri  and  Miseisaippi  rivers.  It  had  two  compact 
villages,  St  Gharles,  and  Portage  des  Sioux,  the  inhabitants  of 
which  were  French  Oreoles  and  Oanadians.  Femme  Osage  was 
an  extensive  settlement  of  Anglo-American  families.  The  popu* 
lation  of  the  district  in  1804,  was  about  one  thousand  four  hundred 
whites,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  blacks.  The  American  and 
French  population  were  about  equally  divided.* 

The  aggregate  population  of  Upper  Louisiana  at  the  period  of 
the  cession,  was  about  ten  thousand  onei  hundred  and  twenty,  of 
which  three  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty  were  French,  in- 
cluding a  few  Spanish  fitmilies;  five  thousand  and  ninety  were 
Anglo-AqpiericanB,  who  had  immigrated  to  the  country  after  1790; 
and  one  thousand  two  hundred  and  seventy  black  people,  who  were 
slaves,  with  very  few  exceptions. 

Several  circumstances  had  given  impulse  to  migration  to  this 
province.  The  transfer  of  the  Illinois  country  to  the  British 
croWn,  in  1765,  caused  many  wealthy  and  respectable  fismilies  to 
retire  across  the  Mississippi. 

The  ordinance  of  1787,  which  prohibited  involuntary  servitude 
in  the  North-Western  Territory,  caused  slaveholders,  who  were 
disposed  to  preserve  this  species  of  property,  to  abandon  their 
ancient  possessions. 

"  The  distance  of  this  province  from  the  capital,  New  Orleans, 
added  to  a  wilderness  of  nearly  a  thousand  miles  in  extent  between 
them,  seemed  to  point  out  the  necessity  of  strengthening  it;  and 
she  conceived  it  good  policy  to  populate  it  by  the  citizens  of  Ae 
United  States,  especially  as  they  appeared  disposed  to  act  with 
rigor  agfunst  the  English.    Additional  prospects,  therefore,  were 


•  Sm  Stoddwd'a  Sketohw,  pp.  211,  224. 


T86 


OHABAOTMl  OF  POPULAVIOIT. 


1804. 


held  oat  to  Mttlen,  and  paint  were  taken  to  dinominate  them  io 
every  direoUon.  Large  quantitiea  of  land  were  graated  them, 
attended  with  no  other  ezpensee  than  thoae  of  office  feen  and  lur- 
vegrti  which  were  not  exorbitant,  and  they  were  totally  jzempted 
fifom  taxation.  Thit  eaffioiently  aoconnti  for  the  rapid  populatioD 
of  Upper  Loaiiiana,  which,  in  1804,  ooneiited  of  more  than  three* 
fifths  of  English  Amerieaos."* 

Why  did  so  many  American  citisens  expatriate  themselves,  place 
themselves  and  thoir  posterity  nnder  Spanish  despotism,  and  beyond 
the  protection  of  the  rights  of  conscience  ?  This  is  a  question  of 
grave  and  momentons  import,  and  if  it  remained  unanswered, 
might  leave  a  suspicion  on  the  character  and  motives  of  the  Ameri- 
can emigrants.  Happily,  we  have  the  of^rtnnity  for  explanation. 
We  have  been  intimately  acquainted  with  a  large  number  of  these 
I^oneers,  a  few  of  whom  still  linger  amongst  us,  and  more  than 
thirty  years  since  v^e  heard  their  own  e^qdanations.! 

Theif  acted  under  a  pretenHment  thatf  in  some  ^oay^  the  jurisdicHon  oj 
Ike  United  States  would  be  extended  over  this  country.  Thoy  projected 
no  violent  action — no  revolutionaiy  schemes.  The  impression 
doubtless  had  its  origin  in  the  efforts  in  the  western  country  to 
obtain  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  Of  the  character  of  the 
American  population,  we  ought  to  say  a  word,  to  correct  an  erro- 
neous notion  that  has  prevailed  in  the  Atlantic  States  concerning 
frontier  emigration. 

"A  number  had  lied  their  country  to  avoid  the  consequences  of 
crime  or  improvidence.  Bnt  probably  a  minority  were  peaceable, 
industrious,  moral  and  well  disposed  persons,  who,  from  various 
motives,  hod  crossed  the  "Great  Water."  Some  from  the  love  of 
adventure,  some  from  that  spirit  of  restlessness  which  belongs  to  a 
class;  but  a  much  larger  number  with  the  expectation  of  obtainiug 
l^rge  tracts  nf  land,  which  the  government  gave  to  each  settler  for 
the  trifling  c^xpense  of  surveying  and  recording. 

« Under  the  Spanish  government,  the  Roman  Catholic  faith  was 
the  established  religion  of  the  province,  and  no  other  Christian 
sect  was  tolerated  by  the  laws  of  Spain.  Each  emigrant  was 
required  to  be  un  &on  Catholique,  as  the  French  expressed  it;  yet,  by 
the  connivance  of  the  commandants  of  Upper  Louisiana,  and  by 
the  qse  of  a  legal  fiction  in  the  examination  of  Americans  who 
aipplied  for  lands,  toleration  in  fact  existed. 


*  Sketches  of  Loniaian*,  226. 

f  Avthw  of  Life  of  Dwiel  Booae. 


1804. 


LARQI  FtJKOHASIS  OF  LAITO  ftOM  IHDIAin. 


789 


**  Many  protettAut  fluniliet,  ooromnnicMit«  in  Baptbt,  Methodist 
•nd  Presbyterian,  and  other  churches,  settled  in  the  province,  and 
remained  nndisturbed  in  their  religious  j>rinoiples.  Protestant 
itinerant  olei^men  passed  orer  from  Illinois,  and  preached  in  the 
log  cabins  of  the  settlers,  unmolested,  thongh  they  were  occasion- 
ally threatened  with  imprisonment  in  the  Oa^abozo  at  St.  Louit. 
Tet  these  threats  were  never  executed. 

**'So  protestant  religious  society  was  organised  amongst  these 
emigrants  until  after  the  treaty  of  cession."  * 

During  the  month  of  August  in  this  year,  a  series  of  treaties 
was  made  by  Governor  Harrison,  at  Vincennes,  by  which  the  claims 
of  several  Indian  nations  to  large  tracts  of  land  in  Indiana  and 
Illinois  were  relioquished  to  the  United  States,  for  due  considera- 
tion. The  Delawares  sold  their  claim  to  a  large  tract  between  tb« 
Wabash  and  Ohio  rivers ;  and  the  Piankesbaws  gave  up  their  title 
to  lands  granted  by  the  Easkaskia  Indians  the  preceding  year. 

It  should  bo  understood  by  all  that,  in  most  instances,  Indian 
claims  are  vague  and  undefined;  that  several  tribes  set  np  a  claim 
to  the  same  tract,  and  that  the  policy  of  the  United  States  has  been 
to  negotiate  with  each  claimant,  without  regard  to  priority  of 
right 

In  November,  Harrison  negotiated  with  the  ohiefii  of  the  united 
nations  of  Sacs  and  Foxes,  for  their  claim  to  the  immense  tract  of 
coaDtry  lying  between  the  Mississippi,  Illinois,  Fox  ri^r  of  Illinois, 
and  Wisconsin  rivers,  comprehending  about  fifty  millions  of  acres. 
The  consideration  given  was  the  protection  of  the  United  States, 
and  goods  delivered  at  the  value  of  two  thousand  two  hundred  and 
thirty-four  dollars  and  fifty  cents,  and  an  annuity  of  one  thousand 
dollars,  (six  hundred  to  the  Sacs,  and  four  hundred  to  the  Foxes,) 
forevdr.  An  article  in  this  treaty  provided  that  as  long  as  the 
United  States  remained  the  owner  of  the  land,  "the  Indians  belong- 
ing to  the  said  tribes  shall  ei^oy  the  privilege  of  living  {and  hunt> 
ing"  on  the  land. 

The  remark  just  made  applies  to  this  case.  When  the  Frendi 
discovered  and  took  possession  of  Illinois^  neither  the  Saoa  nor 
Foxes  had  any  claim  or  existence  on  this  tract  of  country. 

During  this  year,  measures  were  adopted  to  learn  the  facts  as  to 
the  settlements  about  Detroit,  and  an  elaborate  report  npon  them 
was  made  by  C.  Jonett,  the  Indian  agent  in  Michigan.    From  that 


»Lir«  of  Bmm^  itt  Sparlni'  Vimgnfty,  toL  xxtH.  109. 


790 


DBSOBIPTION  OF  OLD  DETROIT. 


1804. 


report  is  taken  some  sentences  illustratiye  of  t^e  state  of  the 
ci^ital: 

"The  town  of  Detroit. — The  charter,  which  is  for  fifteen  acres 
square,  was  granted  in  the  time  of  Loais  XIY.  of  France,  and  is 
now,  from  the  best  information  I  have  been  able  to  collect,  at 
Qaebec.  Of  those  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  acres,  only  four 
are  occupied  by  the  town  and  Fort  Lenault.  The  remainder  is  a 
common,  except  twenty-four  acres,  which  were  added,  twenty  years 
ago,  to  a  farm  belonging  to  William  Macomb. 

<*  As  to  the  titles  to  the  lots  in  town,  I  should  conceive  that  the 
citizens  might  legally  claim,  from  a  length  of  undisturbed  and 
peaceable  possession,  even  in  the  absence  of  a  more  valid  and  sub- 
stantial tenure.  Several  of  those  lots  are  held  by  the  commanding 
officer,  as  appendages  of  the  garrison.  A  stockade  encloses  the 
town,  fort  and  citadel.  The  pickets,  as  well  as  the  public  houses, 
are  in  a  state  of  gradual  decay,  and  in  a  few  years,  without  repairs, 
they  must  fall  to  the  ground. 

'*The  streets  are  narrow,  straight,  regular,  and  intersect  each 
other  at  right  angles.  The  houses  are,  for  the  most  part,  low  and 
inelegant ;  and  although  many  of  them  are  convenient  and  suited 
to  the  occupations  of  the  people,  there  are,  perhaps,  a  majority  of 
them  which  require  very  considerable  reparation." 

Congress,  during  1804,  granted  a  township  of  land  in  Michigan 
for  the  support  of  a  college. 


unaccuston 


Among  other  events  of  interest  that  marked  this  year,  was  the 
emigration  into  this  country  of  the  persons  composing  the  society 
of  Harmonie. 

This  society  had  its  origin  in  Wirtemberg,  in  Germany,  from  a 
schism  in  the  Lutheran  church,  about  the  year  1785.  On  account 
of  the  persecution  that  they  had  met  with,  for  their  religions 
opinions,  in  their  native  country,  a  considerable  body  of  them  con- 
cluded to  migrate,  and  in  1803,  their  p&qtor,  Mr.  Qeorge  Rapp, 
came  to  this  country  in  their  behalf,  to  look  out  a  site  on  which 
they  might  locate.  He  accordingly  purchased  a  tract  of  land  on 
the  left  bank  of  Gonoquenessing  creek,  in  Butler  county,  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  fourteen  miles  south-west  of  Butler  borough,  for  the 
new  society,  and  in  the  autumn  of  the  following  year,  some  one 
hundred  and  fifty  families  came  over,  and  took  possession  of  this 
purchase,  to  which  was  j^ven  the  name  of  Harmonie,  (now  often, 
though  incorrectly,  spelled  Harmony.)  Here,  in  a  new  country, 
surrounded  by  strangers,  of  whose  language  they  were  ignorant, 


1804. 


ADVENT  OF  RAPP'B  OOMMCNITT. 


791 


unaccustomed  to  our  mode  of  clearing  the  forest,  and  possessed  of 
no  more  wealth  than  just  sufficient  to  purchase  the  soil,  and  to  re- 
move  to  their  new  possessions,  they  had  many  difficulties  to  con- 
tend with,  and  many  privations  to  endure;  yet,  though  some 
hecame  discouraged,  and  left  the  society,  the  main  hody  showed 
that  same  indomitable  courage,  industry,  and  perseverance  that 
characterized  the  early  settlers  of  our  country  generally,  and  that 
gained  for  them,  in  a  few  years,  the  admiration  of  the  neighboring 
country.  Perhaps,  too,  there  was  something  in  the  religious  char- 
acter of  their  confederation,  that  lent  them  additional  courage. 
They  did  not  seem  to  be  banded  together  upon  mere  principles  of 
communism,  but  relied  upon  some  religious  sanction  derived  from 
Acts  iv,  verse  82. 

Their  principal  occupation  was  the  culture  of  the  grape,  and  the 
raising  of  sheep.    But  the  soil  and  climat'^  in  the  region  where  they 
had  located,  not  proving  particularly  favorable  to  these  objects,  they 
concluded  to  migrate,  and  accordingly,  in  the  year  1818,  they  de- 
puted Frederick  Bapp,  an  adopted  son  of  their  pastor  and  leader, 
to  seek  for  a  new  location,  and  he,  after  a  diligent  search  through 
the  six  Western  States,  finally  fixed  on  a  tract  of  land  on  the  Wa- 
bash, fifty  miles  from  its  mouth,  and  fifteen  miles  north  of  Mt 
Vernon,  in  Posey  county.  State  of  Indiana,  as  likely  to  be  favorable 
to  their  purposes.    To  this  place  the  society  migrated,  in  the  year 
1814,  and  immediately  built  up  a  town,  consisting  of  some  two 
hundred  houses,  including  two  churches,  several  mills,  a  cotton  and 
woolen  fiictory,  a  brew  house,  and  a  distillery,  to  which  they  g^ve 
the  name  of  New  Harmonic.    Their  purchase  consisted  of  about 
seventeen  thousand  acres,  most  of  it  of  excellent  quality,  on  which 
they  proceeded  to  clear,  as  speedily  as  possible,  an  immense  farm ; 
they  planted  orchards  and  vineyards,  and  raised  the  sheep  to  sup- 
ply the  woolen  manufactories  which  they  had  erected.  In  this  loca- 
tion, too,  they  contended  with  many  difficulties,  as  the  land  which 
they  occupied  was  entirely  unreclaimed,  and  they  were  obliged  to 
provide  for  themselves  any  comforts  that  they  afterward  enjoyed. 

As  perseverance,  however,  always  begets  prosperity,  so  they  too 
thrived  admirably,  and  in  1824,  ten  years  from  the  date  of  their 
migration,  their  property  consisted  of  thirty  thousand  acres  of  land, 
together  with  improvements,  stock,  and  personal  efTecte,  amotmting 
to  the  estimated  value  of  nearly  a  million  of  dollars. 

About  this  time,  however,  that  is,  in  1824  or  1825,  finding  their 
location  in  Indiana  very  unhealthy,  they  again  determined  to 
change  their  place  of  residence,  to  return  to  Pennsylvania,  where 


T92 


PBOaBISS  OV  KIPPB  OOMMVirRT. 


1804. 


they  |ral«%ased  « tract  of  land  on  th«  Ohio  river,  in  Beaver  coanty, 
about  eighteen  miles  below  Pittsburgh.  Here  they  again  erected 
a^  town,  which  they  called  Economy.  It  consisted  of  some  one 
hundred  and  thirty  houses,  an  elegant  chnrch,  a  lai^ge  woolen  and 
cotton  factory,  astere^  a  tavern,  a  large  steam  mill,  a  brewery,  a  diH> 
tillery,  a  tan  yard,  and  various  other  workshops.  Besides  these, 
fhey  alterwaM  also  built  a  large  and  commodious  house  for  a  oon* 
eert  hall,  in  which  they  have  a  museum  of  natural  curiosities,  a 
collection  of  minerals,  a  mathematical  school,  a  library,  and  a 
'^.4wing  school.  • 

Ab<mt  the  time  of  their  migration,  Mr.  Frederick  Bapp,  acting 
again  under  power  of  attorney  from  the  members  of  the  society, 
sold  land  of  their  possessions  in  Indiana,  to  the  amount  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  dollars,  to  Robert  Owen,  who 
tliero  founded  a  colony,  the  history  of  which  will  be  noticed  here* 
after. 

In  1881,  the  Econonutes  met  with  a  serious  reverse,  by  the  admission 
amongthem  of  a  German  adventurer,  calling  himself  OountDe  Leon, 
who  succeeded  in  breeding  a  lamentable  schism  amongthe  members, 
80  that  alaige  number  of  them  left  the  parent  society,  under  the  gaid- 
ance  of  the  Count,  taking  with  them,  by  agreement,  some  one  hundred 
and  five  thousand  dollars.  These  established  themselves  in  Philips^ 
burg,  a  village  situated  some  twelve  miles  below  Economy,  on  the 
Ohio  river,  opposite  Rochester,  giving  to  their  new  colony  the  name  of 
Kew  Philadelphia,  a  name  which  has  not,  however,  survived  their  ad' 
wnt;  for  the  experiment  proved  entirely  unsuccessful.  The  Count 
was  discovered  to  be  a  selfish,  deceitful  impostor,  and  the  society, 
which  at  the  commencement  numbered  some  three  or  four  hun- 
dred members,  broke  up  after  a  short  time,  and  the  Count  hav- 
iflig  fled,  most  of  them  returned  to  the  parent  society,  richer  in 
experience,  though  perhaps  poorer  in  worldly  goods,  than  they  had 
toft. 

The  Duke  of  Saxe  Weimar,  who  vinted  the  colony  about  the 
year  1826,  in  speaking  of  it,  says : 

"At the  inn,  a  fine  large  frame  house,  we  were  received  by  Mr. 
Bapp,  the  principal,  at  the  head  of  the  commuqity.  He  is  a  grejr- 
bsaided  and  venen^le  old  man;  most  of  the  members  emigrated 
twenty-one  yaan  ago  ftom  'Wirtemberg,  along  with  him. 

**  The  warehouse  was  shown  to  us,  where  the  articles  made  here 
€»r  sale  or  use  are  preserved,  and  I  admired  the  exeellence  of  all. 
The  articles  liar  the  use  of  the  society  are  kept  by  themselves,  m 
the  nembers  httve  no  private  possesaionf^  and  eveiy  thi^g  is  in  com- 


1804. 


LIFB  AND  HABITS  OF  THE  COMMUNITY. 


798 


mon ;  bo  must  they,  in  relation  to  all  their  wants,  bo  suppUod  from 
the  common  stock.  The  clothing  and  food  they  make  use  of  is  of 
the  best  quality.  Of  the  latter,  flour,  salt  meat,  and  all  long  keep- 
ing articles,  are  served  out  monthly ;  fresh  meat,  on  the  contrary^ 
and  whatever  spoils  readily,  is  distributed  whenever  it  is  killed,  ac- 
cording  to  the  size  of  the  family,  &c.  As  every  house  has  a  garden, 
each  family  raises  its  own  vegetables  and  some  poultry,  and  each 
family  has  its  own  bake-oveu.  For  such  things  as  are  not  raised 
in  Economy,  there  is  a  store  provided,  from  which  the  members, 
with  the  knowledge  of  the  directors,  may  purchase  what  is  neces- 
Bar}',  and  the  people  of  the  vicinity  may  also  do  the  same. 

*'  Mr.  Rapp  finally  conducted  us  into  the  factory  again,  and  said 
that  the  girls  had  especially  requested  this  visit,  that  I  might  hear 
them  sing.    When  their  work  is  done,  they  collect  in  one  of  the 
factory  rooms,  to  the  number  of  sixty  or  seventy,  to  sing  spiritual 
and  other  songs.    They  have  a  peculiar  hymn  book,  containing 
hymns  from  the  Wirtemberg  psalm  book,  and  others  written  by  the 
elder  Bapp.    A  chair  was  placed  for  the  old  patriarch,  who  sat 
amidst  the  girls,  and  they  commenced  a  hymn  in  a  very  delight- 
ful manner.    It  was  naturally  symphonious,  and  exceedingly  well 
arranged.    The  girls  sang  four  pieces,  at  first  sacred,  but  afterward, 
by  Mr.  Rapp's  desire,  of  a  gay  character.    With  real  emotion  did  I 
witness  chis  interesting  scene.    The  factories  and  workshops  are 
warmed  during  the  winter  by  means  of  pipes  connected  with  the 
ateam  engine.    All  the  workmen,  and  especially  the  females,  had 
very  healthy  complexions,  and  moved  me  deeply  by  the  warm- 
hearted friendliness  with  which  they  saluted  the  elder  Rapp.    I 
was  also  much  gratified  to  see  vessels  containing  fresh  sweet-scented 
flowers,  standing  on  all  the  machines.  The  neatness  which  univer- 
sally reigns,  is  in  every  respect  worthy  of  praise." 

It  has  often  been  a  subject  of  remark  and  wonder,  that  Mr.  Bapp 
had  succeeded  in  so  closely  uniting  a  body  of  men  and  women, 
numbering  at  one  time  over  eight  hundred,  and  exeiling  so  great 
a  power  over  them,  as  even  to  control  their  strongest  passions ; 
keeping  the  sexes  apart  from  each  other,  and  even  separating  those 
who  had  been  before  married;  for  the  observance  of  a  strict 
celibacy  is  one  of  the  distinguishing  traits  of  the  Economites.  It 
is  mi.  that  the  puvver  of  religious  belief  has  done  this  wonder. 
Mr.  Rapp  taught,  that  the  second  advent  of  Christ,  which  would  be 
the  end  of  all  things,  was  near  at  hand,  and  that  men  must  keep 
themselves  perfectly  pure  and  free  from  all  passions.  It  is  in 
accordance  with  this  belief,  it  is  said,  that  they  bo  rigidly  adhere  to 
51 


794 


OB0BRVATIONB  ON  TBIIR  DBBTIlfT. 


1804. 


the  peculiar  and  strange  doctrine  of  their  teacher,  even  bo  Iot>^ 
after  that  teacher  himself  hae  gone  to  his  long  home. 

George  Bapp  died  in  the  fall  of  1847,  over  ninety  years  of  ^e, 
heloved  and  esteemed  hy  all  who  knew  him,  but  especially  by  his 
devoted  flock,  to  whom  he  preached  for  the  last  time  only  a  few 
days  before  his  death.  The  desolating  efibcts  of  his  teachings  in 
relation  to  the  rite  of  matrimony,  is  now  plainly  visible  in  the  onoe 
thriving  colony,  which  now  consists  almost  entirely  of  old  men  and 
women,  their  average  age  being  over  sixty,  some  as  old  as  nearly 
ninety,  and  some  few  in  the  prime  of  life.  Their  number,  which, 
in  1824,  was  about  eight  hundred,  is  now  something  less  than  three 
hundred ;  and  from  the  age  of  the  members,  ther-d  being  no  proba- 
bility of  any  new  accessions,  the  decrease  for  the  next  ten  or  twenty 
years  will  no  doubt  be  in  a  greater  ratio.  In  1828,  they  commenced 
the  culture  of  the  mulberry,  and  raising  of  silk  worms,  and  in  1840 
their  silk  manufactures  were  the  best  in  the  country ;  but  from  the 
reduction  of  tb^ir  number,  they  have  been  forced  to  abandon  the 
enterprise;  their  cotton  and  woolen  manu&ctures,  too,  from  the 
same  causes,  have  dwindled  down  to  insignificance,  so  that  now  they 
do  little  more  than  make  the  clothing  they  wear ;  they  even  have 
to  hire  hands  to  assist  in  their  field  labors ;  very  many  of  their 
houses  are  tenantless  and  desolate,  as  none  but  members  are 
allowed  to  occupy  them,  and  the  whole  town  of  Economy  now 
wears  a  melancholy  air  of  quiet  and  repose,  but  also  of  decline  and 
desolation,  that  is  significantly  emblematical  of  the  increasing  age 
and  childless  loneliness  of  its  worthy  inhabitants. 

According  to  a  report  filed  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  United 
Stales  for  the  Western  Districtof  Pennsylvania,  in  a  chancery  pro- 
ceeding in  that  court,  in  the  year  1846,  where  an  expelled  member 
of  the  society  sues  for  a  distributive  share  of  the  society  fund,  itia 
estimated  that  the  whole  value  of  the  property  then  belonging  to 
the  society,  was  nine  hundred  and  one  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  twenty-three  dollars  and  forty-two  cents;  and  there  were  then 
three  hundred  and  twenty-one  members  entitled  to  community; 
the  number  of  actual  members  of  the  society  would,,  however,^ 
exceed  that  number.  The  above  estimate  of  property  is,  no  doabt, 
low.  At  present,  their  property  is  estimated  at  about  two  millions 
of  dollars. 

Honest  and  upright  in  all  their  dealinge,  peaceable  and  traly 
virtgiojiB,  these  people  have  gained  for  themselves  the  esteem  and 
regard  of  all  who  have  in  any  way  come  in  contact  with  them; 
and  the  success,  o£  their  undertaking,  as  regards  their  increased 


1805. 

weolth,  wl 
Owens  an 
power  of  r 
infidelity; 
religious;  1 
laws  of  na 
decline  oft 
would  have 

On  the  1] 
rate  territor 
government 
accordingly ) 
the  Ist  day 
the  presidio 
June  29th. 

A  short  til 
been  a  confla 
in  the  place,  j 
property  of  th 
government  a 
and  near  the 
through  the  , 
report  to  Ooni 
"The  place 
'^as  a  spot  of  i 
buildings  and 
teen  or  fifteen 
whole  was  envi 
a»id  solid  picke 
"Thecircnn 
^M  a  wide  con 
t^Je  existence,  a 
Eng  of  France 
Jlie  town,  it  wa 

least  suc'u  as  in< 
of  attempting  t< 
onsto  every  mi 

«j?ntiy,orinth 
*^m  ground 
mdh  uigently 


1805. 


MIOHIOAN  TERRITORY  FORMBO. 


795 


wealth,  when  compared  to  other  commttnistic  attempts,  such  as 
Owens  and  others,  which  have  failed,  shows  eminently  the  great 
power  of  religion  as  an  element  of  success,  when  compared  with 
infidelity;  for  these  people  are  truly,  and  no  doubt  sincerely 
religious;  but  yet  they  have  erred  in  disregarding  one  of  the  great 
laws  of  nature — that  of  procreation — and  to  this  they  owe  the 
decline  of  their  society.  Are  they  any  happier  than  otherwise  they 
would  have  been  ? 


On  the  11th  of  January,  1805,  Congress  made  Michigan  a  sepa- 
rate territory,  with  William  Hull  for  ita  Governor ;  the  change  of 
government  was  to  take  place  on  June  80th.  The  new  governor 
accordingly  arrived  at  Detroit,  the  seat  of  government,  on  Monday, 
the  1st  day  of  July,  having  been  preceded  by  A.  B.  Woodward, 
the  presiding  judge  of  the  territory,  who  arrived  *here  on 
June  29th. 

A  short  time  previous  to  this,  on  the  lltli  of  Jupe,  there  had 
been  a  conflagration  "t  Detroit,  which  destroyed  all  the  buildings 
in  the  place,  public  and  private,  together  with  much  of  the  personal 
property  of  the  inhabitants,  and  when  the  new  functionaries  of  the 
government  arrived,  they  found  the  people,  in  part,  encamped  on 
and  near  the  site  of  the  destroyed  town,  and  in  part  scattered 
through  the  country.  The  following  is  a  passage  from  their 
report  to  Congress,  made  in  October: 

"  The  place  which  bore  the  appellation  of  the  town  of  Detroit, 
was  a  spot  of  about  two  acres  of  ground,  completely  covered  with 
buildings  and  combustible  materials,  the  narrow  intervals  of  four- 
teen or  fifteen  feet,  used  as  streets  or  lanes,  only  excepted,  and  the 
whole  was  environed  with  a  vr  ,  "^rong  and  secure  defense  of  tall 
tAd.  solid  pickets. 

"  The  circui^jacent  ground,  the  bank  of  the  river  alone  excepted, 
was  a  wide  commons ;  and  though  assertions  are  made  respecting 
the  existence,  among  the  records  of  Quebec,  of  a  charter  from  the 
King  of  France,  confirming  this  commons  as  an  appurtenance  to 
the  town,  it  was  either  the  property  of  the  United  States,  or  at 
least  Buca  as  individual  claims  did  not  pretend  to  cover.  The  folly 
of  attempting  to  rebuild  the  town,  in  tiie  original  mode,  was  obvi- 
OQB  to  every  mind ;  yet  there  existed  no  authority,  either  in  the 
country,  or  in  the  officers  of  the  new  government,  to  drspose  of  the 
MlJBcent  ground.  HenOe  had  already  arisen  a  state  <j£  dissension 
Which  urgently  required  the  interposition  of  some  authority  to 
qoiei 


7d6 


DBTBOII  BURNED  AND  RBFOVNDBD. 


1806. 


''  Some  of  the  inhabitants,  destitute  of  shelter,  and  hopeless  of 
any  prompt  arrangements  of  government,  had  re-occupied  their 
former  ground,  and  a  few  buildings  had  already  been  erected  in 
the  midst  of  the  old  ruins.  Another  portion  of  the  inhabitants  had 
determined  to  take  possession  of  the  adjacent  public  ground,  and 
to  throw  themselves  on  the  liberality  of  the  government  of  the 
United  States,  either  to  make  them  a  donation  of  the  ground,  as  a 
compensation  for  their  sufferings,  or  to  accept  of  a  very  moderate 
price  for  it.  If  they  could  have  made  any  arrangement  of  the 
various  pretensions  of  individuals,  or  could  have  agreed  on  any 
plan  of  a  town,  they  would  soon  have  begun  to  build. 

*^But  the  want  of  a  civil  authority  to  decide  interfering  claims, 
or  to  compel  the  refractory  to  submit  to  the  wishes  of  a  majority, 
had  yet  prevented  them  from  carrying  any  particular  measure  into 
execution.  On  the  morning  of  Monday,  the  1st  day  of  July,  the 
inhabitants  had  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  resolving  on  some 
definitive  mode  of  procedure.  The  judges  prevailed  on  them  io 
defer  their  intentions  for  a  short  time,  giving  them  assurances 
that  the  governor  of  the  territory  would  shortly  arrive,  and  that 
every  arrangement  in  the  power  of  their  domestic  government 
would  be  made  for  their  relief.  On  these  representations  they  con- 
sented to  defer  their  measures  for  one  fortnight.  In  the  evening 
of  the  same  day,  the  governor  arrived;  it  was  his  first  measure  to 
prevent  any  encroachments  from  being  made  on  the  public  land. 

**  The  situation  of  the  distressed  inhabitants  then  occupied  the 
attention  of  the  members  of  the  government  for  two  or  three  days. 
The  result  of  these  discussions  was,  to  proceed  to  lay  out  a  new 
town,  embracing  the  whole  of  old  town  and  the  public  lands 
adjacent ;  to  state  to  the  people  that  nothing  in  the  nature  of  a  title 
could  be  given  under  any  authorities  then  possessed  by  the  govern- 
ment; and  that  they  could  not  be  justified  in  holding  out  any 
charitable  donations  whatever,  as  a  compensation  for  their  suCr* 
ings,  but  that  every  personal  exertion  would  be  made  to  obtain  a 
confirniation  of  the  arrangements  about  to  be  made,  and  to  obtain 
the  liberal  attention  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  to  their 
distresses. 

'^  A  town  was  accordingly  surveyed  and  laid  out,  and  the  want 
of  authority  to  impart  any  regular  title,  without  the  subsequent 
sanction  of  Congress,  being  first  impressed  and  clearly  understood, 
the  lots  were  exposed  to  sale  under  that  reservation.  Where  the 
purchaser  of  a  lot  was  a  proprietor  in  the  old  town,  he  was  at 
liberty  to  extinguish  his  former  property  in  his  new  acqnisitioD) 


1806. 


IflOHiaAN  LAND  CLAIMS  INVBSTIGATBD. 


797 


foot  for  foot,  and  was  expected  to  pay  only  for  the  surplus,  at  the 
rate  expressed  in  his  bid.  A  considerable  part  of  the  inhabitants 
were  only  tenants  in  the  old  town,  there  being  no  means  of  acqui- 
ring any  new  titles.  The  sale  of  course  could  not  be  confined 
merely  to  former  proprietors,  but,  as  far  as  possible,  was  confined 
to  former  inhabitants.  After  the  sale  of  a  considerable  part,  by 
auction,  the  remainder  was  disposed  of  by  private  contract,  deduct- 
ing from  the  previous  sales  the  basis  of  the  terms. 

'<  As  soon  as  the  necessities  of  the  immediate  inhabitants  were 
accommodated,  the  sales  were  entirely  stopped,  until  the  pleasure 
of  government  could  be  consulted.  As  no  title  could  be  made,  or 
was  pretended  to  be  made,  no  payments  were  required,  or  any 
moneys  permitted  to  be  received,  until  the  expiration  of  one  year, 
to  afford  time  for  Congress  to  interpose.  The  remaining  part  was 
stipulated  to  be  paid  in  four  successive  annual  installments.  The 
highest  sum  resulting  from  the  bids,  was  seven  cents  for  a  square 
foot,  and  the  whole  averaged  at  least  four  cents.  In  this  way,  the 
inhabitants  were  fully  satisfied  to  commence  their  buildings,  and 
the  interfering  pretensions  of  all  individuals  were  eventually 
reconciled. 

"The  valtdity  of  any  of  the  titles  was  not  taken  into  view.  The 
pssessian  under  the  titles,  such  as  they  were,  was  alone  regarded, 
and  the  validity  of  title  left  to  wait  the  issue  of  such  measures  as 
Congress  might  adopt,  relative  to  landed  titles  in  the  territory  of 
Michigan,  generally.  It  therefore  now  remains  for  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States  either  to  refuse  a  sanction  of  the  arrangement 
made,  or  by  imparting  a  regular  authority  to  make  it,  or  in  some 
other  mode,  in  their  wisdom  deemed  proper,  to  relieve  the  inhabi- 
tants from  one  of  the  most  immediate  distresses,  occasioned  by  the 
calamitous  conflagration." 

From  the  same  report,  it  appears  that  nearly  the  only  titles  to 
land  then  existing  in  Michigan  were  some  old  grants,  made  by  the 
Trench  government  long  ago,  which  were  subject  to  all  the  feudal 
and  seigniorial  conditions  which  u^ally  accompanied  titles  in 
Prance,  among  which  was  one,  that  the  respective  grantees  were 
required  within  a  limited  period,  to  obtain  a  confirmation  from  the 
king  which  had,  however,  mostly  been  neglected.  On  the  con- 
qnests  of  the  French  possessions  by  Great  Britain,  in  the  war  which 
terminated  by  the  treaty  of  Paris,  in  the  year  1768,  as  well  in  the 
original  articles  of  capitulation  in  1759  and  1760,  as  in  the  subse- 
quent treaty  itself,  the  property  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  country 
was  confirmed  to  them ;  and  when,  afterward,  by  the  definitive 


T98 


muR  nirTAirA  lxgxblatuev. 


1806. 


treaty  of  peace,  at  Paris,  in  178C,  the  portion  of  Canada  which 
incladed  Michigan  was  ceded  to  the  United  States,  a  clause  in  the 
treaty  secures  the  inhabitants  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  property  of 
every  kind — ^land,  houses^or  effects;  a  point  that  was  further  con- 
firmed and  strengthened  in  the  treaty  of  London,  negotiated 
between  Mr.  Jay  and  Lord  Oranville,  in  1794.  There  seemed  then 
to  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  r^htt  of  the  inhabitants  to  the  lands  which 
they  held  under  thb  old  title,  yet  there  was  a  decided  defect  as  to 
the  evidences  of  title  according  to  A.merican  forms.  Under  the 
American  government,  no  titles  had  as  yet  been  granted. 

While  in  Michigan  the  territorial  government  was  taking  shape, 
Indiana  passed  to  the  second  grade  of  the  same,  as  provided  by  the 
ordinance,  and  obtained  her  Qeneral  Assembly;  while  various  trea- 
ties with  the  northern  tribes  were  transferring  to  the  United  States, 
the  Indian  title  to  large  and  valuable  tracts  of  country. 

On  the  4th  of  July,  the  Wyandots  and  others,  at  Fort  Indostiy, 
on  the  Maumee,  ceded  all  their  lands  as  far  west  as  the  western 
boundary  of  tho  Oonnecticut  Reserve ;  upon  the  21st  of  August, 
Governor  Harrison,  at  Yincennes,  received  from  the  Miamies  a  re- 
gion containing  two  millions  of  acres,  within  what  is  now  Indiana, 
and  upon  the  80th  of  December,  at  the  same  place,  purchased  of 
the  Piankeshaws,  a  tract  eighty  or  ninety  miles  wide,  extending 
from  the  Wabash  west,  to  the  cession  by  the  Kaskaskias,  in  1803. 

At  this  time,  although  some  murders  by  the  red  men  had  taken 
place  in  the  Far  West,  the  body  of  natives  seemed  bent  on  peace. 
But  mischief  was  gathering.  Tecnmthe,  his  brother,  the  Prophet, 
and  other  leading  men,  had  formed  at  Greenville,  the  germ  of  that 
union  of  tribes,  by  which  the  whites  were  to  be  restrained  in  their 
invasions.  There  is  no  evidence  that  the  Great  Indian  of  that  day 
used  any  concealment,  or  meditated  any  treachery  toward  the  Uni- 
ted States,  for  many  years  after  this  time. 

The  efforts  of  himself  and  his  brother  were  directed  to  two 
points;  first,  the  reformation  of  the  savages,  whose  habits  unfitted 
them  for  continuous  and  hereic  effort;  and  second,  such  a  union  as 
would  make  the  purchase  of  land  by  the  United  States  impossible, 
and  give  to  the  aborigines  a  strength  that  might  be  dreaded.  Both 
these  objects  were  avowed,  and  both  were  pursued  with  wonderfal 
energy,  perseverance  and  success;  in  the  whole  country  bordering 
upon  the  lakes,  the  power  of  the  Prophet  was  felt,  and  the  work  of 
reformation  went  on  rapidly. 

It  was  during  this  year  that  Burr  paid  his  first  visit  to  the  West 
On  the  11th  of  July,  1804,  he  had  shot  General  Hamilton,  an  event 


1806. 


Buaa's  met  vim  to  tbi  wist. 


799 


which  he  felt  would  "oetracize"  him;  would  force  him  to  seek 
elsewhere  for  power,  money,  and  fame.  On  the  2d  of  March,  1806, 
the  Vice  President  took  his  celebrated  leave  of  the  Senate,  and  upon 
the  29th  of  April  was  at  Pittsburgh.  His  purpose  of  going  west* 
ward  was  not  the  gratification  of  curiosity  merely ;  and  from  Wil- 
kinson's letter,  it  is  implied  that  he  was  concerned  with  Dayton 
and  others,  in  the  projected  canal  round  the  Falls  at  Louisville;  a 
proposal  which  had  been  before  the  United  States  Senate  in 
January. 

From  Pittsburgh  he  proceeded  down  the  Ohio  to  Louisville, 
thence  went  to  Lexington  and  Nashville  by  land,  and  from  the 
latter  place  passed  down  the  Cumberland,  and  upon  the  6th  of  June 
reached  Fort  Massac.  During  his  visit  to  Tennessee  he  was 
treated  with  great  attention,  and  both  then  and  previously  had 
some  conversation  relative  to  a  residence  in  that  State,  with  a  view 
to  political  advancement.  His  intentions,  however,  seem  to  have 
been  entirely  vague:  among  other  plans,  he  had  some  thought  of 
trying  to  displace  Governor  Claiborne,  of  the  Orleans  Territory,  and 
took  from  Wilkinson,  whom  he  met  at  Fort  Massac,  a  letter  to 
Daniel  Clark,  the  governor's  most  violent  foe. 

On  the  26th  of  June,  Burr  reached  the  capitol  of  the  South- 
West,  where  he  remained  until  the  10th  of  July,  when  he  crossed 
by  land  to  Nashville,  and  spent  a  week  with  General  Jackson,  and 
upon  the  20th  of  August,  was  at  Lexington  again ;  from  Lexing- 
ton, he  went  by  the  Falls,  Yincennes,  and  Elaskaskia,  to  St.  Louis, 
where  he  met  General  Wilkinson,  about  the  middle  of  September. 
By  this  time,  all  his  plans  appear  to  have  undergone  another 
obange.  At  New  Orleans  he  had  been  made  aware  of  the  edstence 
of  an  association  to  invade  Mexico,  and  wrest  it  from  Spiin;  he 
was  asked  to  join  it,  but  refused. 

He  saw,  however,  at  that  time,  if  not  before,  that,  should  the 
dispute  relative  to  boundaries  then  existing  between  the  United 
Stateli  result  in  war,  an  opportunity  would  be  given  to  men  of 
spirit  to  conquer  and  rule  Mexico,  and  this  idea  thenceforth  became 
bis  leading  one.  But  in  connection  with  this  plan  of  invasion,  in 
case  of  war,  there  arose  whispers  in  relation  to  eftecting  a  separa- 
tion of  the  Western  from  the  Atlantic  States ;  of  this  we  have 
knowledge  by  a  letter  from  Daniel  Clark  to  General  Wilkinson, 
written  September  7th. 

What  Burr's  conversations  with  the  commander  of  St.  Louis 
were,  are  not  particularly  told,  but  it  is  understood  that  he  sug- 


800 


pike's  MISSISSIPPI  IXPBDITIOir. 


1805. 


gested  the  Mexican  plan,  and  also  intimated  tfaat  the  Union  vras 
rotten,  and  the  western  people  dissatisfied.  Bach  was  the  effect  of 
bis  talk,  that  Boon  after  he  left,  Wilkinson  wrote  to  the  Secretnrj 
of  the  Navy,  advising  the  government  to  have  an  eye  on  Barr,  as 
he  was  **  about  something,  but  whether  internal  or  external,"  he 
could  not  learn.  -^^  . 

Thns,  during  1805,  the  idea  of  a  separation  of  the  Western  States 
from  the  Union,  by  Burr  and  Wilkinson,  had  become  familiar  to 
many  minds,  even  though  the  principals  themselves  may  have  had 
no  more  thought  of  such  a  thing  than  of  taking  possession  of  the 
moon,  and  dividing  her  among  their  friends.* 

Amongst  the  occurrences  of  1805  and  ISOti,  are  the  expeditions 
of  Captain  Z.  M.  Pike ;  the  first  to  the  sources  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  the  second  to  the  sources  of  the  Arkansas,  Kansas,  Platte,  and 
Pierre  Jaune  rivers,  and  into  the  provinces  of  New  Spain.  These 
expeditions  were  conducted  under  the  order  of  government,  through 
General  James  Wilkinson.  The  journals  kept  by  Captain  Pike 
were  by  him  prepared  for  the  press,  and  issued  in  an  octavo 
volume,  with  an  atlas  of  maps  and  charts,  in  Philadelphia,  1810. 
From  this  volume  is  given  the  following  brief  trbstract : 

The  party,  consisting  of  Captain  Pike,  "  with  one  servant,  two 
corporals,  and  seventeen  privates,  in  a  keel  boat,  seventy  feet  long, 
provisioned  for  four  months,"  left  the  encampment,  near  St.  Lonis, 
on  the  9th  of  August,  1805.  On  the  1st  of  September  they  reached 
Dubuque,  where  the  French  trader,  M.  Dubuque,  then  resided. 
The  party  reached  Prairie  dn  Chein  on  the  4th.  From  the  appen- 
dix to  part  first,  is  made  the  following  extract : 

"The  present  village  of  Prairie  du  Chein  was  first  settled  in  the 
year  1788,  and  the  first  settlers  were  Girard,Antaya,and  Dubuque. 
The  old  village  is  about  a  mile  below  the  present  one,  and  had 
existed  during  the  time  the  French  were  possessed  of  the  country. 
It  derives  its  name  from  a  family  of  Reynards,  (Fox  Indians,)  who 
formeriy  lived  there,  distinguished  by  the  appellation  of  Dogs.  The 
present  village  was  settled  under  the  English  government,  and  the 
ground  was  purchased  from  the  Reynard  Indians. 

"  There  are  eight  houses  scattered  Lound  the  country,  at  the  dis- 
tance of  one,  two,  three,  and  five  miles. 

"On  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi  are  three  houses,  situated 
on  a  small  stream  called  the  Girard's  river,  making,  in  the  village 


*  For  aQ  these  fkcta  see  DaTis'  Memoirs  of  Burr  ii.  327, 867,  8G8  to  870, 878, 879, 


1805. 


PIKI'S  MISSISSIPPI  IXPBDITIOV. 


801 


and  vicinitj,  thirty-seven  houses,  which  it  will  not  be  too  much  to 
calculate  ten  persons  each ;  making  the  population  three  hundred 
and  seventy  souls.  But  this  estimate  will  not  answer  for  the  spring 
and  autumn,  as  there  are  then  at  least  five  or  six  hundred  white 
persons. 

''This  is  owing  to  the  concourse  of  traders  and  their  engagees, 
from  Michilimackinack  and  other  parts,  who  make  this  their  last 
stage,  previous  to  their  launching  into  the  savage  wilderness.  They 
again  meet  here  in  the  spring,  on  their  return  from  their  wintering 
grounds,  accompanied  by  three  or  four  hundred  Indians,  when  they 
hold  a.  fair;  the  one  party  disposes  of  remnants  of  goods,  and  the 
other  reserved  peltries. 

"  It  is  astonishing  that  there  are  not  more  murders  and  affrays  at 
this  place  as  there  meet  such  a  heterogeneous  mass  to  trade — the 
use  of  spirituous  liquors  being  in  no  manner  restricted.  But  since 
the  American  government  has  become  known,  such  accidents  are 
much  less  frequent  than  formerly. 

''  There  are  a  few  gentlemen  residing  at  the  Prairie  du  Cheins, 
and  many  others  claiming  that  appellation ;  but  the  rivalship  of 
the  Indian  trade,  occasions  them  to  be  guilty  of  acts  at  their 
wintering  grounds,  which  they  would  blush  to  be  guilty  of  in  the 
dvilized  world.  They  possess  the  spirit  of  generosity  and  hospi- 
tality in  an  eminent  degree ;  but  this  is  the  leading  feature  in  the 
character  of  frontier  inhabitants.  Their  mode  of  living  had  obliged 
them  to  have  transient  connection  with  the  Indian  women ;  and 
what  was  at  first  policy^  is  now  so  confirmed  by  habit  and  inclina* 
tion,  that  it  has  become,  (with  a  few  exceptions,)  the  ruling  prac- 
tice of  all  the  traders;  and,  in  fact,  almost  half  of  the  in- 
habitants under  twenty  years,  have  the  blood  of  the  aborigines  in 
their  veins." 

For  a  description  of  the  old  village  and  vicinity,  Carver  is  quoted 
by  Mcyor  Long,  who  visited  Fort  Crawford,  1823 : 

"At  Prairie  du  Chein,  the  breadth  of  the  river  is  estimated  at 
one-half  of  a  mile,  including  a  long  and  narrow  island.  Its  cur- 
rent, though  rapid  compared  with  that  of  many  other  streams,  is 
gentle  when  contrasted  with  that  of  the  same  river  lower  down ;  it 
is  only  wli3n  it  has  been  swollen  by  the  Missouri  and  the  Ohio, 
that  it  acquires  the  extreme  rapidity  which  characterizes  it.  The 
village  of  Prairie  du  Chein  is  situated  three  or  four  miles  above  the 
mouth  of  the  Wisconsin,  on  a  beautiful  prairie,  which  extends 
along  the  eastern  bank  of  the  river  for  about  ten  miles  in  length, 
and  which  is  limited  to  the  east  by  a  range  of  steep  hills  rising  to  a 


802 


DiacRxmoK  OF  PRAimn  :tv  OHmr. 


180& 


height  of  about  four  hundred  and  thirty-five  feet,  and  ranning  paN 
allel  with  the  coane  of  the  river,  at  a  distance  of  about  a  mile  and 
a  half;  on  the  western  bank,  the  bluffs  which  rise  to  the  same  ele- 
vation, are  washed  at  their  base  by  the  river. 

"  Pike's  mountain,  which  is  on  the  west  bank,  immediately  op- 
posite to  the  mouth  of  the  Wisconsin,  is  about  five  hundred  and 
fifty  feet  high.  'It  has  received  its  name  Arom  having  been  re- 
oommuiided  by  the  late  Qeneral  Pike,  in  his  journal,  as  a  position 
well  calculated  for  the  oonstmction  of  a  military  post,  to  command 
the  Mississippi  and  Wisconsin.  The  hill  has  no  particular  liraita 
in  regard  to  its  extent,  being  merely  a  part  of  the  river  bluffs,  which 
stretch  along  the  margin  of  the  river  on  the  west,  for  several  miles, 
and  retain  pretty  nearly  the  same  elevation  above  the  water.  The 
aide  fronting  on  the  river  is  so  abrupt  as  to  render  the  summit  com- 
pletely inaccessible,  even  to  a  footman,  except  in  a  very  few  places, 
where  he  may  ascend  by  taking  hold  of  the  bushes  and  rocks  that 
cover  the  slope.  In  general,  the  acclivity  is  made  up  of  precipices, 
arranged  one  above  another,  some  of  which  are  one  hundred  and 
one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  high.  From  the  top  we  had  a  fine  view 
of  the  two  rivers,  which  mingled  their  waters  at  the  foot  of  this 
majestic  hill.' 

"The  prairie  has  retained  its  old  French  appellation,  derived 
ftym  an  Indian  who  formerly  resided  there,  and  was  called  the 
Dog.  The  village  consists,  exclusive  of  stores,  of  about  twenty 
dwelling  houses,  chiefly  old,  and  many  of  them  in  a  state  of  decay, 
its  population  may  amount  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  souls.  It  is 
not  in  as  thriving  a  situation  as  it  formerly  was.  Carver  tells  us, 
thut  when  he  visited  it,  in  1766,  it  was  *  a  large  town,  containing 
about  three  hundred  families;  the  houses,'  he  adds,  '  are  well  bailt 
after  the  Indian  manner,  and  pleasantly  situated  on  a  very  rich 
soil,  from  which  they  raise  every  necessary  of  life  in  great  abun- 
dance. This  town  is  the  great  mart  where  all  the  adjacent  tribes, 
end  even  those  who  inhabit  the  most  remote  branches  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, annually  assemble  about  the  latter  end  of  May,  bringing 
with  them  their  furs  to  dispose  of  to  the  traders.'  *I  should  have 
remarked,"  says  the  same  author,  *  that  whatever  Indians  happen 
to  meet  at  La  Prairie  le  Chien,  the  great  mart  to  which  all  who  in- 
habit the  adjacent  country  resort,  though  the  nations  to  which  they 
belong  are  at  war  with  each  other,  yet  they  are  obliged  to  restrain 
their  enmity,  and  to  forbear  all  hostile  acta  during  their  stay  there. 
This  regulation  has  long  been  established  among  them  for  thdr 
mutual  convenier.cj,  as  without  it  no  trade  could  be  carried  on.' 


1805. 


PIKI  OBOSSM  WAJLLB  Of  fT.  AITTBOirr. 


808 


*'  The  fort,  which  is  one  of  the  rudett  and  least  oomfortahle  th«l 
we  have  Been,  is  situated  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  from 
the  river.    Its  site  is  low  and  unpleasant,  as  a  slough  extends  to  the 
south  of  it    The  river  bank  is  here  so  low  and  flat,  that  by  a  swell 
which  took  place  in  the  Mississippi  the  summer  before  we  visited 
it,  the  water  rose  upon  the  prairie,  and  entered  the  parade,  which 
it  covered  to  the  depth  of  three  or  four  feet;  it  penetrated  into  all 
the  officers'  and  soldi'^rs'  quarters,  so  as  to  render  it  necessary  for 
the  garrison  to  remove  Arom  the  fort,  and  encamp  upon  the  neigh- 
boring heights,  where  they  spent  about  a  month.    The  waters  hav- 
ing subsided,  at  the  end  of  that  time,  they  returned  to  their 
quarters;  the  old  men  of  the  village  say  that  such  an  inundation 
may  be  expected  every  seven  years.    The  village  also  sufiered 
much  from  the  inundation,  though  the  ground  being  somewhat 
higher,  the  injury  done  to  it  was  not  so  great.    The  fort  was  ori- 
ginally erected  for  the  protection  of  the  white  population  at  the 
village;  as  a  military  post,  its  situation  is  by  no  means  a  judicious 
one,  for  it  comrarnds  neither  the  Mississippi  nor  Wisconsin ;  but  as 
the  necessity  which  lead  to  its  construction  is  daily  becoming  less 
argent,  this  position  will  doubtless  soon  be  abandoned;  one  of  the 
block-houses  of  the  fort  is  situated  upon  a  large  mound,  which  ap- 
pears to  be  artificial.    This  mound  is  so  large,  that  it  supported  the 
whole  of  the  work  at  this  place,  previous  to  the  capture  of  the  fork 
by  the  British  and  Indians  during  the  late  war.    It  has  been  exo»- 
vated,  but  we  have  not  heard  that  any  bones  or  other  remains  were 
found  in  it.    This  spot,  like  many  of  those  early  settled,  has  been 
graced  with  traditions,  which,  if  they  contribute  but  little  to  the 
history  of  our  North-West  Indians,  adorn,  at  least,  with  a  charm  of 
romance  and  fable,  some  of  its  most  beautiful  scenery."* 

Captain  Pike  with  his  party  reached  St.  Peter's  on  the  22d  of 
September,  ^ere  a  council  was  held  with  the  Bioux  Indians,  and 
a  tract  of  land  purchased,  of  about  one  hundred  thousand  acres,  foir 
a  military  post.  This  eventually  provided  for  the  military  post  of 
St.  Peter's.  Peace  was  also  negotiated  between  the  Sioux  and 
Chippewas,  who  had  been  at  war  for  many  years.  At  the  foot  of 
the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony,  the  boats  were  unloaded,  and  with  grea| 
difficulty  and  labor,  raised  above  the  falls  and  again  launched  and 
reloaded. 
On  the  16th  of  October,  they  met  a  snow  storm,  and  soon  after, 


^Long's  Expedition  to  the  sooroe  of  St.  Fetor's  liTor. 


.804 


PIKB  AND  HIS  PARTY  RSTURR  TO  ST.  LOUIS. 


1806. 


found  they  could  not  get  their  boats  up  the  rapids  before  them. 
They  were  now  two  hundred  and  thirty-three  miles  above  the  falls 
of  St.  Anthony.  Several  of  the  men  were  sick,  and  one  broke  a 
blood-vessel,  and  was  in  a  dangerous  state.  The  snow  continuing 
to  fall,  they  constructed  log  houses,  excavated  canoes,  and  provi- 
ded a  supply  of  provisions  by  hunting.  Here  the  sick  and  a  few 
other  men  of  the  party  were  left,  while  Pike  and  the  rest  of  the 
party  attempted  to  proceed  up  the  river  in  canoes.  The  attempt 
having  failed,  and  the  river  being  frozen,  sleds  were  constructed, 
on  which  the  baggage  was  transported,  partly  on  the  ice,  and  partly 
on  the  land.  After  sustaining  various  privations,  and  experiencing 
no  small  degree  of  difficulty  in  this  inhospitable  wintry  region, 
Pike  and  his  little  party,  with  one  or  two  British  traders,  reached 
Red  Lake,  then  supposed  to  be  the  head  of  the  Mississippi,  about 
the  middle  of  February,  1806.  At  Lake  Winipec,  fifteen  miles 
below,  was  a  British  trading  post,  and  the  flag  of  that  nation  flying 
from  the  fort.  The  North- Western  company  then  had  their  posts 
in  all  this  wild  region. 

On  the  28th  of  February,  the  party  set  out  on  their  homeward 
march,  but  were  detained  on  the  route  by  ice,  and  holding  "talks" 
with  bands  of  Indians,  so  that  they  did  not  reach  the  falls  of  St 
Anthony  until  the  10th  of  April.  At  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Peter's, 
another  council  was  held  with  the  Sioux  and  Sauteurs,  a  branch  of 
the  Chippewas. 

After  holding  conferences  with  several  bands  of  Indians  at 
Ptairie  du  Ghein,  and  other  places.  Pike  and  his  party  reached  St. 
Louis  on  the  30th  of  April,  after  an  absence  of  eight  months  and 
twenty-two  days.  This  was  the  first  exploration  ever  made  of  the 
Upper  Mississippi,  by  authority  of  the  United  States.  The  objects 
of  the  expedition  were  accomplished,  in  the  selection  of  positions 
for  military  posts,  in  making  peace  among  hostile  Indian  nations, 
and  in  tracing  the  Mississippi  to  its  source. 

The  second  expedition  had  for  its  primary  object,  the  protection 
and  "  safe  delivery  "  of  a  deputation  of  Osages  and  some  captives, 
to  the  town  of  the  Grand  Osage  nation.  The  next  was,  to  promote 
peace  and  a  good  understanding  between  the  Kauzos  *  and  Osage 
nations,  and  the  Yanctons,  Tetons  and  Camanohes.  The  explora- 
tion of  the  country  on  the  head  waters  of  the  Arkansas  and  Red 
rivers,  would  follow  the  eflfort  to  negotiate  with  the  Camanches. 


*  This  is  pronounced  Kameau,  and,  by  abbreviation,  Kate  nation. 


1806. 


PIKE  S  WESTERN  BXPEDlTIOir. 


805 


For  this  expedition,  Gapt.  Pike's  party  consisted  of  two  lieuten- 
ants, one  surgeon,  one  sergeant,  two  corporals,  sixteen  privates,  and 
one  interpreter.  Under  their  charge,  were  several  chiefs  of  the 
Osages  and  Pawnees,  who,  with  a  number  of  women  and  children, 
had  been  to  Washington  city.  These  Indians  had  been  redeemed 
from  captivity  from  among  the  Pottawattamies.  The  whole  num- 
ber of  Indians  amounted  to  fifty-one. 

The  party  left  Belle  Fontfune,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Missouri, 
on  the  15th  of  July,  1806.  In  the  company  was  Dr.  John  H.  Robin- 
son, a  volunteer,  and  a  gentleman  of  scientific  attainments ;  a  Mr. 
Henry,  from  New  Jersey,  also  a  volunteer,  who  spoke  French  and  a 
little  Spanish,  and  Lieutenant  James  Wilkinson,  son  of  General 
Wilkinson.  The  Indians  generally  walked  on  the  land.  On  the 
28th  of  July,  theyarrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  Osage  river,  and  pro- 
ceeded up  that  stream  to  the  village  of  the  Grand  Osages,  which 
they  reached  on  the  19th  of  August.  Having  provided  horses,  the 
party  set  oS  by  land  on  the  1st  of  September  for  the  heads  of  the 
Arkansas,  holding  councils  with  the  various  tribes  of  Indians 
through  which  they  passed.  They  learned  that  troops  from  Mexico 
had  visited  the  Pawnee  village. 

At  that  period  there  was  an  old  trace,  known  as  the  "  Spanish 
trace,"  made  in  1720,  by  a  party  who  left  Santa  Fe,  to  exterminate 
the  Missouries. 

Pike  and  his  party,  after  much  search,  could  not  find  this  trace, 
bat  reached  the  Arkansas  on  the  18th  of  October.  They  found  the 
water  only  twenty  feet  wide  and  six  inches  deep,  though  from  bank 
to  bank  was  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards.  Here  Lieutenant  Wil- 
kinson constructed  canoes  with  pieces  of  wood  and  buffalo  hides, 
and  with  three  soldiers  and  an  Osage,  descended  the  river  to  the 
Mississippi,  and  from  thence  to  New  Orleans. 

Pike  and  his  party  proceeded  onward  up  the  Arkansas  until  they 
got  entangled  in  the  range  of  mountains  and  in  the  depth  of  a 
severe  winter.  Here  they  wandered,  half  frozen  and  half  starved, 
until  the  first  week  in  February,  when,  getting  into  a  grove  of  tim- 
ber in  a  sheltered  spot,  they  proceeded  to  erect  a  stockade  as  a 
protection  from  the  Indians.  ' 

Dr.  Robinson  having  received  claims  against  a  certain  person  in 
Mexico,  parted  from  the  expedition  and  attempted  to  find  his  way 
alone  to  Santa  Fe.  This  claim  of  the  Doctor  was  merely  a  ruse  to 
gain  information  of  the  country  and  the  intentions  of  the  Mexican 
Spaniards.  The  claim  was  this.  In  the  year  1804,  William  Mor- 
rison, Esq.,  an  enterprising  merchant  of  Kaskaskia,  sent  Baptiste 


806 


CLABK  AND  LBWI8  BBTUBN  FBOM  OBEGON. 


1806. 


La  Lande,  a  Greole^  up  the  Missoari  and  Platte  rivera,  and  directed 
him,  if  possible,  to  posh  Into  Santa  Fe.  He  sent  in  some  Indians, 
and  the  Spaniards  came  out  with  horses  and  carried  him  and  his 
goods  into  the  province.  Finding  he  could  sell  his  goods  at  a  high 
price,  and  having  land  and  a  wife  offered  him,  he  concluded  to 
expatriate  himself  and  convert  the  property  of  Mr.  Morrison  to  his 
own  benefit  Mr.  M.,  supposing  Pike  might  meet  with  some  Span- 
ish factor  on  his  ronte^  entrusted  him  with  his  claim,  with  orders 
to  collect  it.  Pike  made  this  claim  a  pretext  for  this  visit  of  Dr. 
Robinson  to  Santa  Fe,  while  the  real  object  was  to  gain  knowledge 
of  the  country  and  people. 

On  the  16th  of  February,  Pike,  while  out  on  a  hunting  excar- 
sion  with  one  man,  was  discovered  by  a  Spanish  dragoon  and  a 
Mexican  Indian,  who  were  sent  out  as  spies.  After  a  friendly 
interview  they  left,  and  by  the  26th  instant  returned  with  one  hun- 
dred officers  and  soldiers,  who  took  the  puiiy  prisoners.  Unfortn- 
nately,  being  ignorant  of  the  geography  o."  he  country,  and  having 
no  guide.  Pike  was  on  the  Rio  del  Nort  ■.  ^.rt  1  of  the  Bed  river, 
as  he  supposed.    He  was  in  Mexico  insce   i  •/'^   le  United  States. 

After  undergoing  an  examination  before  the  governor  of  Santa 
Fe,  whose  name  was  Allencaster,  Pike  with  his  comrades  were 
allowed  to  retain  their  arms,  but  were  marclied  through  Albu- 
querque, St.  Fernandez,  £1  Paso,  to  Chihuahua,  where  he  under- 
went another  examination  before  Governor  Salcedo.  After  various 
eiiifoarrassments,  accompanied  by  Dr.  Bobinson,  he  had  leave  to 
depart,  by  Monolova  to  San  Antonio,  in  Texas. 

The  party  commenced  the  march  on  the  last  of  April,  and 
reached  San  Antonio,  in  Texas,  where  they  arrived  on  the  7th  of 
June.  Here  they  tarried  one  week,  and  proceeding  through  Texa^ 
reached  Natchitoches  on  the  1st  day  of  July,  1807. 

This  expedition,  unfortunate  as  it  was  to  the  commander,  brought 
to  the  knowledge  of  the  United  Statea,  the  plains  of  the  Arkansas, 
ated  the  Mexican  region,  a' large  part  of  which  now  belongs  to  the 
TJnitisd  Statesi 

In  September,  1806,  MesiAv.  Lewis  afid  Olarke  returned  froin 
their  exploration  of  the  Missouri  and  Oregon  rivers.  This  expedi- 
tion had  been  suggested  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  January,  1808.  His 
views  bdng  saActioned  by  Ciongrese,  Captain  Lewis,  and  Clarke, 
equal  in  command,  entered  the  Missouri,  May  14,  1804.  The 
ensuing"  wintdr  they  spent  anmoUg  the  Mandattil,  and  in  April,  1806, 
again  set  forward.  With  great  difficulty,  the  mountains  were 
passed  in  the  September  following,  and  the  Pacific  reached  on  the 


1806. 


BURB  AOAIK  AOTIYB  IX  TBK  WMBT. 


SOT 


17th  of  November.  Here  the  winter  of  1805-6  was  passed.  On 
the  27th  of  March,  1806,  the  return  journey  was  begun,  and  the 
mountains  ^ere  crossed  late  in  June. 

Daring  this  year,  the  conviction  became  more  and  more  strong 
1806.]  that  the  North-Western  tribes  were  meditating  hostilities 
against  the  United  States,  but  nothing  of  consequence  took  place ; 
iJthough  Tecumthe  and  the  Prophet  constantly  extended  and  con- 
firmed  their  influence. 

Renewed  difficulties  with  Spain,  began  early  in  the  year  to 
assume  a  serious  appearance;  in  February,  acts  of  a  semi-hostile 
character  took  place,  and  in  August,  Spanish  troops  crossed  the 
Sabine  and  took  possession  of  the  territory  east  of  that  river.  This 
led  first  to  a  correspondence  between  Governor  Claiborne  and  the 
Spaniard  in  command:  and  next  to  a  movement  by  General  Wil- 
kinson and  his  army  to  the  contested  border.*  While  his  troops 
were  at  Natchitoches,  in  immediate  expectation  of  an  engagement, 
Samuel  Swartwout  reached  Wilkinson's  camp,  with  letters  from 
Burr  and  Dayton,  of  such  a  character  as  almost  instantly  to  bring 
matters  in  relation  to  the  conquest  of  Mexico  to  a  crisis. 

Burr,  from  January  to  August,  Mr.  Davis  declares,  was  most  of 
the  time  in  Washington  and  Philadelphia,  but  not  idle ;  fcr,^  in  a 
letter  to  Wilkinson,  dated  April  16th,  the  conspirator  says :  **Burr 
will  be  throughout  the  United  States  this  summer;  "  and  refers  to 
"the  association,"  as  enlM'ged,  and  to  the  "project"  as  poeMiponed 
till  December. 

In  July,  Commodore  Truxton  learned  from  Burr,  that  he  was 
interested  largely  in  lands  upon  the  Washita,  which  he  proposed  to 
settle  if  his  Mexican^  project  failed ;  and  in  August  it  seems  that  he 
left  for  the  West.  On  the  21st  of  that  month,  he  was  in  Pittsburgh, 
and  there  suggested  to  Colonel  George  Morgan  and  his  son,  tiie 
probable  disunion  of  the  States,  growing  out  of  the  extreme  weafe* 
uesa  of  the  federal  government,  a  suggestion  similar  to  that  said  to 
have  been  made,  though  in  a  much  more  distinct  and  strong  f<Mmy 
to  General  Eaton,  in  the  March  preceding. 

His  plans,  indeed,  whatever  their  extent,  were  before  this  timie. 
fixed  and  perfected ;  for  it  was  upon  the  29th  of  July  that  he  wrc>t» 
from  Philadelphia  to  General  Wilkinson  the  letter  confided  to 
Swartwout,  which  led  to  the  development  of  the  whdle  business'; 


*  Ameriiwa  Steto  Piqptn.    S«e  for  dooumrats,  WilUnwm'B  Mbnofot. ' 


808 


burr's  LRTTBR  to  WILKINSON. 


1806. 


this  letter  is  extracted,  together  with  Wilkinson's  deposition  of 
December  26th,  explanatory  of  Burr's  plans: 

"Yoars,  post-marked  18th  of  May,  is  received.  I,  Aaron  Burr, 
have  obtained  funds,  and  have  actually  commenced  the  enterprise. 
Detachments  from  different  points,  and  under  different  pretepses, 
will  rendezvous  on  Ohio,  1st  November— everything  internal  and 

external  favors  views ;  protection  of  England  is  secured.    T 

is  going  to  Jamaica,  to  arrange  with  the  Admiral  on  that  station ; 
it  will  meet  on  the  Mississippi. — -Jlnglaud. — ^N  ^ry  of  the  United 
States  are  ready  to  join,  and  final  orders  are  given  to  my  friends 
and  followers;  it  will  be  a  host  of  choice  spirits. 

''Wilkinson  shall  be  second  to  Burr  only;  Wilkinson  shall  die- 
tate  the  rank  and  promotion  of  his  officers.  Burr  will  proceed 
westward  Ist  of  August,  never  to  return ;  with  him  go  his  daughter; 
the  husband  will  follow  in  October,  with  a  corps  of  worthies. 

"  Send  forth  an  intelligent  and  confidential  friend  with  whom 
Burr  may  confer ;  he  shall  return  immediately  with  further  inter- 
esting details ;  this  is  essential  to  concert  and  harmony  of  move- 
ment ;  send  a  list  of  all  persons  known  to  Wilkinson,  west  of  the 
mountains,  who  may  be  useful,  with  a  note  delineating  their  char- 
acters. By  your  messenger,  send  me  four  or  five  commissions  of 
your  officers,  which  you  can  borrow  under  any  pretense  you  please; 
they  shall  be  returned  faithfully. 

"Already  are  orders  to  the  contractor  given,  to  forward  six 
months  provisions  to  points  Wilkinson  may  name ;  this  shall  not 
be  used  until  the  last  moment,  and  then  under  proper  injunctions; 
the  project  is  brought  to  the  point  so  long  desired.  Burr  guaran- 
tees the  result  with  his  life  and  honor,  with  the  lives^  the  honor  and 
fortune  of  hundreds,  the  best  blood  of  our  country. 

"  Burr's  plan  of  operations  is,  to  move  down  rapidly  from  the 
falls  on  the  15th  November,  with  the  first  five  hundred  or  one 
thousand  men,  in  light  boats  now  constructing  for  that  purpose,  to 
be  at  Natchez  between  the  5th  and  15th  of  December,  there  to 
meet  Wilkinson ;  there  to  determine  whether  it  will  be  expedient 
in  the  first  instance  to  seize  on  or  pass  by  Baton  Rouge ;  on  receipt 
of  this  send  an  answer ;  draw  on  Burr  for  all  expenses,  &c.  The 
people  of  the  country  to  which  we  are  going,  are  prepared  to 
receive  us ;  their  agents  now  with  Burr  say,  that  if  we  will  protect 
their  religion  and  will  not  subject  them  to  a  foreign  power,  that  in 
three  weeks  all  will  be  settled. 

"  The  gods  invite  to  glory  and  fortune ;  it  remains  to  be  seen 
whether  we  deserve  the  boon ;  tho  bearer  of  this  goes  express  to 


1806. 


VXLKIN8()N*8  AfMOAVIT  AOAIITST  BDBB. 


809 


you;  he  will  hand  a  formal  letter  of  introdaction  to  yon  from  Bnrr; 
he  is  a  man  of  inviolable  honor  and  perfect  discretion,  formed  to 
execute  rather  than  to  project;  capable  of  relating  facts  with 
fidelity,  and  incapable  of  relating  them  otherwise ;  he  is  thoroughly 
informed  of  the  plans  and  intentions  of  Burr,  and  will  disclose  to 
you  as  far  as  you  inquire,  and  no  further;  he  has  imbibed  a  rever* 
ence  for  your  character,  and  may  be  embarrassed  in  your  presence; 
put  him  at  ease  and  he  will  satisfy  you.* 

"I  instantly  resolved,"  says  Wilkinson,  in  his  affidavit,  "to  avail 
myself  of  the  reference  made  to  the  bearer,  and,  in  the  course 
of  sdme  days,  drew  from  him  (the  said  Swartwout,)  the  following 
disclosure:  'That  he  had  been  dispatched  by  Oolonel  Burr,  from 
Philadelphia ;  had  parsed  through  the  States  of  Ohio  and  Kentnc^, 
and  proceeded  frcim  Lonisville  to  Bt.  Louis,  where  he  expected  to 
find  me;  but  discovering  at  Kaskaskias  that  I  had  descended  the 
river,  he  procured  a  skiftj  hired  hands,  and  followed  me  down  the 
Missisdppi  to  Fort  Adams ;  and  from  thence  set  out  for  Natchi- 
toches, in  company  with  Captain  Sparks  and  Hooke,  under  the 
pretense  of  a  disposition  to  take  part  in  the  campaign  against  the 
Spaniards,  then  depending. 

<' '  That  Colonel  Burr,  with  the  support  of  a  powerful  association, 
extending  from  New  York  to  New  Orleans,  was  levying  an  armed 
body  of  seven  thousand  men  from  the  State  of  New  York,  and  the 
Western  States  and  territories,  with  a  view  to  carry  an  expedition 
against  the  Mexican  provinces ;  and  that  five  hundred  men,  under 
Colonel  Swartwout,  and  a  Colonel  or  Miyor  Tyler,  were  to  descend 
the  Allegheny,  for  whose  accommodation  light  boats  had  been  built 
and  were  ready.' 

"I  inquired  what  would  be  their  course;  he  said,  'this  territory 
would  be  revolutionized,  where  the  people  were  ready  to  join  them; 
and  that  there  would  be  some  seizing,  he  supposed,  at  New  Orleans ; 
that  they  expected  to  be  ready  to  embark  about  the  1st  of  Febru»- 
ry,  and  intended  to  land  at  Vera  Cruz,  and  to  march  from  thence 
to  Mexico.' 

"I  observed  that  there  were  several  millions  of  dollars  in  the  bank 
of  this  place,  to  which  he  replied,  *  we  know  it  full  well ; '  and,  on 
my  remarking  that  they  certainly  did  not  mean  to  violate  private 
property,  he  said,  'they  meant  to  borrow,  and  would  return  it;  that 
they  must  equip  themselves  in  New  Orleans ;  that  they  expected 


•  WUkbuwo'a  McBKtin,  IL  8. 


62 


810 


WILKIHSOM'8  AVVUUVIT  A0AIN8V  BVBl. 


1806. 


naval  prcteotion  from  Great  Britaiu ;  that  the  captains  and  the  offl- 
oen  of  our  navy  were  bo  disgasted  with  the  government,  that  thej 
were  ready  to  join ;  that  similar  disgaats  prevailed  throughout  the 
western  country,  where  the.people  were  aealons  in  fltvor  of  the  en> 
terprise ;  and  that  pilot-hoat  huilt  schooners  were  contracted  for 
along  our  southern  coast  for  their  service ;  that  he  had  been  aooom< 
panied  from  the  falls  of  Ohio  to  Kaskaskias,  and  from  thence  to 
Fort  Adams,  by  a  Mr.  Ogden,  who  had  proceeded  on  to  New  0^ 
leans,  with  letters  from  Colonel  Burr,  to  his  friends  there.' 

'^Swartwout  asked  me  whether  I  had  heard  firom  Dr.  Dollman; 
and,  on  my  answering  in  the  negative,  he  expressed  great  snrpriso, 
and  observed, '  that  the  doctor  and  a  Mr.  Alexander  had  left  Phila* 
delphia  before  him,  with  dispatches  for  me ;  and  that  they  were  to 
proceed  by  sea  to  New  Orleans,  where  he  saii  they  must  have 
arrived.' 

"Though  determined  to  deceive  him,  if  possible,  I  could  not  re- 
frain telling  Mr.  Swartwout,  it  was  impossible  that  I  could  ever 
dishonor  my  commission ;  and  I  believe  I  duped  him  by  my  admi* 
ration  of  the  plan,  and  by  observing,  that  although  I  could  not  join 
in  the  expedition,  the  engagements  which  the  Spaniards  had  pro* 
pared  for  me  in  my  front,  might  prevent  my  opposing  it.  Yet  I 
did,  the  moment  I  had  deciphered  the  letter,  put  it  into  the  hands 
of  Colonel  Cushing,  my  adjutant  and  inspector,  making  the  de* 
claration  that  I  should  oppose  the  lawless  enterprise  with  my  utmost 
force. 

"Mr.  Swartwout  infbrmed  me  that  he  was  under  engagements  to 
meet  Colonel  Burr  at  Nashville,  on  the  2(H;h  of  November,  and  re- 
quested of  mo  to  write  to  him,  which  I  declined ;  and  on  his  leaving 
Natohitoches,  about  the  18th  of  October,  I  immediately  employed 
lieutenant  T.  A.  Smith  to  convey  the  information  in  substaiico  to 
the  president,  without  the  commitment  of  names;  for  from  the 
extraordinary  nature  of  the  project,  and  the  more  extraordinary  ap- 
peal to  me,  I  could  but  doubt  its  reality,  notwithstanding  the  testi- 
mony before  me ;  and  I  did  not  attach  solid  belief  to  Mr.  Swartwont's 
reports  respecting  their  intentions  on  this  territory  and  city,  until  I 
received  confirmatory  advice  from  St.  Louis."* 

After  leaving  Pittsburgh,  Burr  went  probably  direct  to  Dlannet- 
hassett's  Island,  where  ho  had  stepped  tiie  previous  summer,  while 
passing  down  the  Ohio,  and  which  ho  thenceforth  tnacie  his  head- 


*WUkiMM»'«  MwmIw. 


1806. 


DAVIEBB  IMPLIOATBB  BUBR. 


811 


qaarten.  This  he  was  probably  led  to  do  by  the  fact  that  Blaii> 
nerhaBset,  in  December,  1805,  had  written  him,  that  ho  shonld  like 
to  take  part  in  any  western  specalations,  or  in  attacking  Mexico, 
should  a  Spanish  war  actually  occur. 

This  offer,  together  with  the  supposed  wealth  of  Blannerhassett, 
and  the  admirable  position  of  his  island  for  Burr's  purposes, 
made  that  place  the  very  one  most  desirable  for  him  to  select  as  his 
centre  of  operations.  From  this  point  the  chief  made  excursions 
into  Ohio  and  Kentucky,  obtaining  money,  men,  boats  and  provi- 
sions. 

Among  those  from  whom  he  received  the  most  aid  was  Davis 
Floyd,  of  Jeffersonville,  a  member  of  the  Indiana  Territorial  As- 
sembly.  This  gentleman,  Blannerhassett,  Comfort  Tyler,  and  Israel 
Smith,  were  Burr's  chiefs  of  division,  and  led  the  few  followers 
that  at  last  went  down  the  river  in  his  company. 

Meantime,  the  rumor  was  prevalent  "  in  every  man's  mouth," 
that  the  settlement  of  the  Washita  lands,*  for  which  the  men  were 
nominally  enlisted,  was  a  mere  pretense,  and  that  an  attack  on 
Mexico,  if  not  something  worse,  was  in  contemplation.  That 
something  was  looked  for  beyond  a  conquest  of  the  Spanish  pro- 
vinces, seemed  probable  from  the  views  expressed  in  a  series  of 
essays  called  the  "Querist;"  these  were  published  in  September, 
in  the  Ohio  Gazette,  (Marietta,)  were  written  by  Blannerhassett, 
immediately  after  Burr's  visit  to  his  island,  and  strongly  intimated 
that  wisdom  called  on  the  western  people  to  leave  the  Union. 

At  this  time  Colonel  Joseph  Daviess  was  attorney  for  the  United 
States  in  Kentucky,  and  he,  together  with  others,  felt  that  the 
general  government  ought  to  be  informed  of  what  was  doin^,  and 
of  what  was  rumored.  Mr.  Jefferson,  accordingly,  in  the  latter  part 
of  September,  received  intimations  of  what  was  going  forward,  but 
as  nothing  definite  could  be  charged,  there  was  no  point  of  attac^.k, 
and  the  Executive  and  his  friends  could  do  nothing  further  t.ian 
watch  and  wait  At  length,  late  in  October,  notice  of  the  building 
of  boats  and  collection  of  provisions  having  reached  him,  the  presi- 
dent sent  a  confidential  agent  into  the  West,  and  also  gave  orders 
to  the  governors  and  commanders  to  be  upon  their  guard. 

Daviess,  meantime,  had  gathoredamassof  testimony  implicating 
Burr,  which  led  him  to  taka  the  step  of  bringing  the  subject,  in 
November,  before  the  United  States  District  Conrt,  making  oath, 


*See  Colonel  Lyon,  in  WUktuon,  iL  Appendix,  Izviii. — ^Davis,  it  892. 


812 


SATIHS  MAXM  OATH  AOAIITBT  BUBB. 


1806. 


"that  he  was  informed,  and  did  verily  believe,  that  Aaron  Bnrr  for 
several  months  past  had  been,  and  now  is  engaged,  in  preparing 
and  setting  on  foot,  and  in  providing  and  preparing  the  means  for 
a  military  expedition  and  enterprise  within  this  district,  for  the  pur* 
pose  of  descending  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  therewith,  and  making 
war  upon  the  subjects  of  the  king  of  Spain." 

After  having  read  this  affidavit,  the  attorney  added,  "  I  have  in- 
formation on  which  I  can  rely,  that  all  the  western  territories  are 
the  next  object  of  the  scheme,  and  finally,  all  the  region  of  the 
Ohio  is  calculated  as  falling  into  the  vortex  of  the  newly  proposed 
revolution." 

Upon  this  affidavit,  Daviess  asked  for  Burr's  arrest,  but  the  mo- 
tion was  overruled.  The  accused,  however,  who  saw  at  once  the 
most  politic  course,  came  into  court,  and  demanded  an  investiga- 
tion, which  could  not  be  had,  however,  in  consequence  of  the  im- 
possibility of  obtaining  Davis  Floyd  as  a  witness. 

Thus  far  the  public  generally  sympathized  with  Burr,  whose 
manners  secured  all  sufirages,  and  who,  on  the  1st  of  December, 
was  able  to  write  to  Henry  Clay,  his  attorney,  in  these  terms:  "I 
have  no  design,  nor  have  I  taken  any  measure  to  promote  a  disso- 
lution of  the  Union,  or  a  separation  of  any  one  or  more  btatesfrom 
the  residue.  I  have  neither  published  a  line  on  this  subject,  nor 
has  any  one,  through  my  agency,  or  with  my  knowledge. 

''I  have  no  design  to  intermeddle  with  the  government,  ortodis- 
"turb  the  tranquillity  of  the  United  States,  nor  of  its  territories,  or  of 
any  part  of  them.  I  have  neither  issued,  nor  signed,  nor  promised,  a 
commission  to  any  person,  for  any  purpose.  I  do  not  own  a  musket 
nor  bayonet,  nor  any  single  article  of  military  stores,  nor  does  any 
person  for  me,  by  my  authority,  or  my  knowledge. 

"  My  views  have  been  explained  to,  and  approved  by,  several 
of  the  principal  officers  of  government,  and,  I  believe,  are  well 
understood  by  the  administration,  and  seen  by  it  with  compla> 
cency;  they  are  such  as  every  man  of  honor  and  every  good  citizen 
roust  approve. 

"Considering  the  high  station  you  now  fill  in  our  national  conn- 
cils,  I  have  thought  these  explanations  proper,  as  well  to  counteract 
the  chimerical  tales,  which  malevolent  persons  have  industriouslj 
circulated,  as  to  satisfy  you  that  yon  have  not  espoused  the  cauie 
of  a  man  in  any  way  unfriendly  to  the  laws,  the  government,  or  the 
interests  of  the  country."* 


•  Untler's  Kmtvel^. 


1806.     WABBINOTON  OOLLBOI,  PBNNHTLYANIA,  IKOORPOBATED.         818 

The  agent  from  government,  who  was  all  along  actively  engaged 
in  procnring  evidence  relative  to  Barr's  plans,  finding  abundant 
proof  of  his  Mexican  project,  and  learning  also  that  he  thought  the 
West  ought  to  separate  from  the  East,  determined,  in  Decem- 
ber, to  take  measures  to  arrest  his  boats  and  provisions.  This  he 
effected  by  an  application  to  the  Legislature  of  Ohio,  through  Qov- 
emor  Tiffin. 

The  legislature  authorized  the  governor  to  take  the  nocesBary 
steps,  and  before  the  14th  of  December,  ten  boats,  with  stores,  were 
arrested  on  the  Muskingum,  and  soon  after,  four  more  were  seized 
by  the  troops  at  Marietta.  Blannorhassett,  Tyler,  and  thirty  or 
forty  men,  on  the  night  of  December  10th,  left  the  island,  and  pro- 
ceeded down  the  river,  barely  escaping  an  arrest  by  General  Tup- 
per,  on  behalf  of  the  State  of  Ohio.  On  the  16th,  this  party  united 
with  that  of  Floyd,  at  the  Falls,  and  on  the  26th,  the  whole,  to- 
gether, met  Burr  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cumberland.  On  the  29th, 
the  company  passed  Fort  Massac. 

But  while  Daviess  and  Graham  were  laboring  to  put  a  stop  to 
Burr's  progress,  the  general  government  had  received  information 
which  enabled  the  president  to  act  with  decision ;  this  was  the  mes- 
sage of  Wilkinson,  bearing  an  account  of  Burr's  letter,  already 
quoted.  This  message  was  sent  from  Natchitoches  upon  the  22d 
of  October,  and  reached  the  seat  of  government,  November  25th ; 
on  the  27tL,  a  proclamation  was  issued,  and  word  sent  westward  to 
arrest  all  concerned. 

About  the  same  time,  (November  24th  or  25th,)  Wilkinson,  who 
had  done,  unauthorized,  upon  the  Ist  of  November,  the  very  thing 
he  had  been  ordered  on  the  8th  to  do— namely,  to  make  an  accom- 
modation with  the  Spanish  commander  on  the  Sabine,  and  fall 
back  to  the  Mississippi — reached  New  Orleans,  and  prepared  to  re- 
eiat  any  attack  thereon.  At  this  city  he  arrested  Swartwout  and  Pe- 
ter Y.  Ogden,  who  were  discharged,  however,  on  habeas  corpus,  and 
Dr.  Erick  Bollman,  who  had  also  borne  messages  from  Burr  and 
Dayton. 


"Washington  College,  Pennsylvania,  was  incorporated  in  the  year 
1806.  It  was  engrafted  upon  the  Washington  Academy,  which 
had  been  incorporated  as  early  as  1787,  and  endowed  with  five 
thoasand  acres  of  land  by  the  commonwealth.  This  appropriation, 
like  many  others  of  a  similar  nature,  remained  for  years  unproduc- 
tive. In  1797,  the  legislature  granted  three  thousand  dollars  to 
the  academy,  "to  complete  the  buildings  for  the  institution,"  and 


814 


BUi^B  SCBBBIIPBBB  TO  flOVBBBOB  MBAO. 


1806. 


also  provided  for  tbe  admiMion  of  not  more  than  ten  indigent  Bta- 
dents,  gratis,  none  of  thorn  tu  remain  longer  than  two  yean. 

After  the  institntion  became  a  college,  the  legislature  granted  to 
it  five  thousand  dollars,  payable  in  annual  installments,  commenc- 
ing with  1820.  The  number  of  students  in  1822  was  sixty-nine, 
and  the  institution  was  then  considered  as  in  a  flourish*,  g  state  by 
its  friends ;  but  it  afterword  languished,  and  for  a  time  its  opera- 
tions were  suspended.  In  the  autumn  of  1880  it  was  resuscitated 
upon  a  permanent  basis. 

The  first  class  graduated  in  1808.  Whole  number  of  graduates, 
upward  of  seven  hundred.  First  President,  Rev.  Matthew 
Brown,  D.  D. 

The  Washington  Female  Seminary  was  establbhed  about  the 
year  1886,  commencing  with  forty  pupils.  In  1842,  its  catalogue 
numbered  one  hundred  and  forty-seven.  This  institution  is  sup- 
posed to  be  one  of  the  most  flourishing  and  permanent  female 
schools  west  of  the  Alleghenies. 

What  Burr  may  have  felt  or  intended  after  he  met  his  fugitive 
followers  at  the  month  of  Cumberland  river,  late  in  December, 
1806,  it  is  imposBible  to  say,  but  it  is  certain  that  he  went  on  openly 
and  boldly,  protesting  against  the  acts  of  Ohio,  and  avowing  hie 
innocence.  If  he  had  relied  on  Wilkinson,  he  was  as  yet  unde- 
ceived with  regard  to  him. 

On  the  4th  of  January,  1807,  he  was  at  Fort  Pickering,  Chicka- 
eaw  Bluffs,  and  soon  after  at  Bayou  Pierre.  From  this  point,  he 
wrote  to  tbe  authorities  below,  referring  to  the  rumors  respecting 
him,  alleging  his  innocence,  and  begging  them  to  avoid  the  ho^ 
rors  of  civil  war.  Word  had  just  been  received  from  Jefierson, 
however,  of  the  supposed  conspiracy ;  the  militia  were  under  arm^^ 
and  the  acting  governor  of  the  Mississippi  territory,  Cowles  Mead, 
on  the  16th  of  January,  sent  two  aids  to  meet  Colonel  Burr;  one 
of  these  was  George  Poindexter.  At  this  meeting  an  interview 
between  the  acting  governor  was  arranged,  which  took  place 
on  the  17th,  at  which  time  Burr  yielded  himself  to  the  civil 
(authority. 

He  was  then  taken  to  Washington,  the  capital  of  the  territoiy, 
and  legal  proceedings  commenced.  Mr.  Poindexter  was  himself 
attorney- general,  and  as  such,  advised  that  Burr  had  been  guilty  of 
no  crime  within  Mississippi,  and  wished  to  bave  him  sent  to  the 
seat  of  government  of  +he  United  States ;  the  presiding  judge,  how- 
ever, surao^oned  a  grand  jury,  which,  upon  the  evidence  before 


1607. 


BUEm'8  TRIAL  AMD  PUKPOSIt, 


815 


them,  presented — not  Burr,  for  treMon, — ^bnt  the  acting  governor, 
for  calling  out  the  niilitia !  Tliat  evening,  Colonel  Burr,  fearing 
an  arrest  hy  officers  sent  by  Wilkinson,  forfeited  his  bonds  and 
disappeared. 

A  proclamation  being  issued  by  the  governor  for  his  apprehen- 
sion, he  was  seized  on  the  Tornbigbeo  river  on  his  way  to  Florida, 
and  was  sent  at  once  to  Richmond,  where  he  arrived  March  26th. 
On  the  22d  of  May,  Burr's  examination  began  in  the  Circuit  Court 
of  the  United  States,  at  Richmond,  before  Judge  Marshall ;  two 
bills  were  found  against  him ;  one  for  treason  against  the  United 
States,  the  other  for  a  misdemeanor  in  organizing  an  enterprise 
against  Mexico,  while  at  peace  with  the  United  States;  but  on 
both  these  charges  the  jury  found  him  "  not  guilty,"  '*  upon  the 
principle  that  the  offense,  if  committed  anywhere,  was  committed 
out  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court." 

The  Chief  Justice,  however,  upon  the  latter  charge,  subsequently 
ordered  his  commitment  for  trial  within  the  proper  jurisdiction. 
This  commitment,  however,  being  impliedly  upon  the  supposition 
that  the  United  States  wished,  under  the  circumstances,  to  prose-  • 
cute  the  accused,  and  the  attorney  for  the  government  declining  to 
do  so,  no  further  steps  were  taken  to  bring  the  supposed  culprit  to 
justice,  and  the  details  of  his  doings  and  plans  have  never  yet  been 
made  known. 

Although  ft  mystery  still  hangs  about  Burr's  plans,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  discontinuance  of  the  suit  by  the  United  States,  it 
has  been  clearly  proved  by  the  trial  at  Richmond,  and  other  evi- 
dence, that  Burr  went  into  the  West  in  1805,  with  the  feeling  that 
his  day  at  the  East  was  over ;  in  New  York  he  feared  even  a  prose- 
cution if  he  remained  there. 

That  his  plans,  until  late  in  that  year,  were  undefined ;  specula- 
tions of  various  kinds,  a  residence  in  Tennessee,  an  appointment  in 
the  South-West,  were  under  consideration,  but  nothing  was  deter- 
mined : 

That  he  at  length  settled  upon  three  objects,  to  one  or  the  other 
of  which,  as  circumstances  might  dictate,  he  meant  to  devote  his 
energies.    These  were — 

A  separation  of  the  Weet  from  the  East,  under  himself  and 
Wilkinson : 

Should  this  be,  upon  further  examination,  deemed  impossible, 
then  an  invasion  of  Mexico,  by  himself  and  Wilkinson,  with  or  with- 
out the  sanction  of  the  federal  government : 
In  case  of  disappointment  in  reference  *o  Mexico,  then  the  foan- 


816 


BUBH'B  PDKP08M  VXflTBOMABLI. 


1807. 


dation  of  a  new  State  upon  the  Washita,  oyer  which  he  might  pre- 
side ae  founder  and  patriarch. 

That  the  Washita  scheme  was  not  a  mere  pretense,  is  evident 
fh>m  tlie  fact  that  Burr  actually  paid  toward  the  purchase,  four  or 
live  thousand  dollars;  that  it  was  not  the  only  object,  and  that  tbo 
conquest  of  Mexico,  if  it  could  be  effected,  was  among  his  settled 
determinations,  his  friends  all  acknowledged,  but  said  this  con- 
quest was  to  take  place  upon  the  supposition  of  a  war  with  Spain, 
and  in  no  other  case ;  that  Burr  may  have  thought  the  government 
would  wink  at  his  proceedings,  is  very  possible ;  and  that  Wilkin- 
son either  meant  to  aid  him,  or  pretended  he  would,  in  order  to 
learn  his  plans,  is  certain ;  but  the  secrecy  of  his  move  Mits,  the 
language  of  his  letter  to  Wilkinson  in  July,  1806,  and  his  whole 
character  implies  that  he  would,  if  he  could,  have  invaded  Mexico, 
whether  the  United  States  were  at  war  or  peace  with  Spain. 

But  it  cannot  be  doubted  that,  going  beyond  a  violation  of  the 
laws  of  tbe  Union,  he  was  disposed  to  seek  a  separation  of  that 
Union  itself. 

During  his  visit  of  1805,  he  was  undoubtedly  made  fully 
acquainted  with  the  old  schemes  for  independence  entertained  in 
Kentucky,  and  was  led  to  question  the  real  attachment  of  the  west- 
ern people  to  the  federal  government.  So  long  as  he  thought 
there  was  a  probability  of  disunion,  it  would  naturally  be  his  first 
object  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  republic  beyond  the 
mountains,  and  should  he  find  himself  deceived  aS'  to  the  extent 
of  disaffection  in  the  Great  Valley,  all  his  means  could  be  brought 
to  bear  upon  Mexico.  His  conversations  with  the  Morgans  at 
Pittsburgh,  the  views  of  the  "  Querist"  prepared  by  Blannerhassett 
under  Burr's  eye,  and  the  declarations  of  Blannerhassett  to  Hen- 
derson and  Qraham,  seem  to  leave  no  room  for  doabting  the  fact 
that  a  dissolution  of  the  United  States  had  been  contemplated  bj 
the  ex-Vice-President,  although  we  think  there  is  as  little  reason 
to  doubt  that  it  had  been  abandoned  as  hopeless,  long  before  his 
arrest. 

With  regard  to  Wilkinson,  it  is  not  easy  to  form  a  decided 
opinion ;  the  strongest  fact  in  his  favor  is  that  he  informed  the  gov- 
ernment of  Burr's  projects,  in  the  fall  of  1805 ;  the  strongest  foct 
against  him  is,  that  if  innocent,  he  was  able  to  outwit  and  entrap 
so  subtile  a  man  as  the  conspirator.  It  has  been  charged  against 
Wilkinson,  that  he  altered  the  letter  sent  him  by  Burr,  and  then 
swore  that  the  copy  was  a  true  copy :  this,  however,  is  fully  ex- 
plained by  the  deposition  of  Mr.  Duncan,  Wilkinson's  legal  adviser 


1807. 


aOVimifOK  HVLL  BDT8  BAST  mOHIOAH. 


817 


At  New  Orleans,  by  whom  indeod  tho  omiMion  wm  suffered  design- 
edly to  remain,  in  opposition  to  the  general's  repeated  and  strong 
expression  of  his  wish  that  it  should  be  supplied. 

Another  charge  has  been  brought  against  Wilkinson  since  his 
death,  that  he  claimed  of  Mexico  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  for 
stopping  Burr.  This  charge  seems  improbable,  and  it  seems 
equally  improbable  that  during  the  persecution  of  the  general  in 
1810,  no  knowledge  of  so  strange  an  act,  and  one  of  so  public  a 
nature,  should  have  been  reached  by  his  enemies.  As  it  was  not 
brought  forward  till  1886,  t  leven  years  after  his  death,  no  opportu- 
nity has  be  urred  for  explai*  ing  or  disproving  it,  but  it  ought  not 
to  weigh  a^  dnst  his  memory  until  fUrther  evidence  is  oftered  in  its 
support. 

On  the  27th  of  January,  1807,  Governor  Hull,  of  Michigan  Ter^ 
ritory,  had  bton  auth.iized  by  .ue  federal  government  to  enter  into 
a  treaty  with  the  North-Westr'.  .  Indians,  for  the  lands  upon  the 
eastern  side  of  the  Peninsu.  v,  and  for  those  west  of  the  Connecti- 
cut Reserve,  as  far  r  ^'  t>ie  Au  Glaize.  The  directions  then  given 
having  been  repeat*  d  in  September,  a  council  was  held  at  Detroit, 
and  a  treaty  made  xlovember  17th,  with  the  ;f'  v/as,  Chippewas, 
Wyandots,  and  Pottawattamies,  by  which  the  country  from  the 
Maumee  to  Saginaw  Boy,  on  the  eastern  side  of  Michigan,  was 
transferred,  with  certain  reservations,  to  the  United  States. 

Congress  confirme  i  the  old  French  claims  to  land  in  the  West, 
daring  this  year. 
A  stockade  was  built  round  the  new  town  of  Detroit. 
The  region  of  country  comprised  in  the  Territories  of  Indiana 
and  Upper  Louisiana,  for  a  number  of  years  after  their  organization, 
was  too  remote,  too  much  exposed  to  Indian  depredations,  and 
too  destit':!/  of  the  comforts  of  civilized  life,  to  attract  many  emi- 
grants. 

*'  Lands  equally  good,  and  much  more  secure  from  danger,  were 
more  i  onvenient.  Hence  the  settlements  on  be  Wabash,  on  the 
Pl^.ois,  on  the  Upper  Mississippi,  and  near  tue  Detroit  river,  in- 
creased in  numbers  slowly.  The  Indians  still  lingered  around 
their  houses  and  familiar  hunting  grounds,  as  if  reluctant  to  aban- 
don the  scenes  of  their  youth,  and  the  graves  of  their  ancestors, 
although  they  had  received  the  stipulated  payment,  and  hud  con- 
sented to  retire  from  them."* 


•  VaUey  of  the  MiMdaiippi,  ii.  628. 


818 


SLAVBRT  117  INDIANA  PBOHIBITED. 


1807. 


*' Enterprise  had  not  then  pushed  its  energies  so  far  into  the  wil- 
derness as  in  modern  times,  and  capital  floated  along  the  shores  of 
the  Eastern  States.  In  fact,  a  great  portion  of  that  nncnltivated 
tract  of  country,  which  constitutes  tho  splendid  scenery  of  western 
Kew  Tork,  adorned,  as  it  now  is,  with  large  cities  and  villages,  and 
intersected  hy  rail  roads  and  canals,  was  a  dense  forest.  The  prin- 
cipal husiness  of  the  settlements  in  Michigan  was  the  fur  trade; 
and  the  wilderness  around,  instead  of  revealing  its  treasures  to  the 
Buhstantial  labor  of  agriculture,  was  preserved  a  waste,  for  the  prop- 
agation of  wild  game,  and  the  fur-bearing  animals. 

"No  permanent  settlements  of  any  considerable  importance  had 
been  made  throughout  this  section  of  the  country,  besides  those  at 
Detroit,  Michilimackinack,  a  small  establishment  at  St  Mary's 
river.  Fox  river  of  Green  Bay,  Prairie  dn  Chein,  and  certain  trading 
posts  of  eastern  companies,  some  of  which  are  now  in  ruins. 
*Grim-visaged  war  had  smoothed  hef  wrinkled  front,'  and  the 
country  which  had  been  for  so  long  a  period  drenched  in  bloo(^ 
now  shone  out  in  the  mild,  but  glorious  light  of  peace."'" 

Daring  this  year  was  brought  to  a  close  the  movement  in  favor 
of  introducing  slavery  into  Indiana  Territory.  It  began  with  the 
petition  of  four  men  in  the  Kaskaskia  region,  in  1796. 

In  1803,  it  was  again  brought  before  Congress,  and  reported 
against  by  Mr.  Randolph.  In  1804,  it  was  a  third  time  brought 
up,  and  the  following  resolution  offered  in  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives: 

"Resolved,  That  the  sixth  article  of  the  ordinance  of  1787,  which 
prohibited  slavery  within  the  said  territory,  be  suspended,  in  a 
qualified  manner,  for  ten  years,  so  as  to  permit  the  introduction  of 
slaves,  born  within  the  United  Staten,  from  any  of  the  individual 
States :  Provided,  That  such  individui;!  State  does  not  permit  tiie 
importation  of  slaves  from  tbreign  countries.  And  provided,  fur- 
ther. That  the  descendants  of  all  such  slaves  shall,  if  males,  be  free 
at  the  age  of  twenty-five  years,  and  if  females,  at  the  age  of  twenty- 
one  years." 

In  1806,  the  report  of  the  committee  offering  this  resolution  was 
referred,  and  the  same  resolve  again  offered. 

In  1807,  the  subject  once  more  came  up,  upon  a  representation 
by  the  House  of  Representatives  and  Legislative  Council  of  the 
territory.     The  National  Representatives  were  again  asked  by 


•  History  of  MichigMi,  188. 


1808. 


IfOVBlllNTS  OF  TIOVMTfll. 


819 


their  committee  to  approve  the  step ;  but  in  the  Senate  a  different 
view  was  taken,  and  it  was  declared  inexpedient  to  suspend  the 
ordinance. 

Paring  the  year  1808,  Tecumthe  and  the  Prophet  continued  qui- 
etly to  extend  their  influence,  professing  no  other  end  than  a  re- 
formation of  the  Indians.  Before  the  month  of  June,  they  had 
removed  from  Greenville  to  the  hanks  c£  the  Tippecanoe,  a  tribu- 
tary of  the  Upper  Wabash,  where  a  trp.ct  of  land  had  been  granted 
tbem  by  the  Fottawattamies  and  Kickapoos.  In  July,  the  Prophet 
tout  to  General  Harrison  a  messenger,  begging  him  not  to  believe 
the  tales  told  by  his  enemies,  and  promising  a  visit  In  Augast, 
accordingly,  he  spent  two  weeks  at  Yincennes,  and  by  his  words 
^nd  promises,  led  the  governor  to  change  very  much  his  previous 
opinion,  and  to  think  his  influence  might  be  beneficial  rather  than 
mischievous. 

Tecumthe  entered  upon  the  great  work  he  had  long  contempla- 
ted, in  the  year  1805  or  1806.  He  was  then  about  thirty-eight  years 
of  age.  To  unite  the  several  Indian  tribes,  many  of  which  were 
hostile  to,  and  had  often  been  at  war  with  each  other,  in  this  great 
and  important  undertaking,  prejudices  were  to  be  overcome,  their 
origtaal  manners  and  customs  to  be  re-established,  the  use  of  ar- 
dent spirits  to  be  abandoned,  and  all  intercourse  with  the  whites  to 
he  suspended. 

;  "  The  task  was  herculean  in  its  character,  and  beset  with  diffi- 
calties  on  eveiy  side.  Here  was  a  field  for  the  display  of  the  high- 
est moral  and  intellectual  powers.  He  had  already  gained  the 
reputation  of  a  brave  and  sagacious  warrior,  and  a  cool-headed, 
apright,  wise,  and  efficient  counselor.  He  was  neither  a  war 
Qoi:  a  peace  chief,  and  yet  he  wielded  the  power  and  influence  of 
hoth. 

"  The  time  having  now  arrived  for  action,  and  knowing  full  well, 
that  to  win  savage  attention,  some  bold  and  striking  movement 
was  necessary,  he  imparted  his  plan  to  his  brother,  the  Prophet, 
who  adroitly,  and  without  a  moment's  delay,  prepared  himself  for 
the  part  he  was  appointed  to  play  in  this  great  drama  of  savage  life. 
Tecumthe  well  knew  that  excessive  superstition  was  everywhere  a 
prominent  trait  in  the  Indian  character ;  and  there^re,  with  the 
dcill  of  another  Cromwell,  brought  superstition  to  his  aid. 

"Suddenly,  his  brother  began  to  dream  dreams,  and  see  visions; 
be  became  afterward  an  inspired  prophet,  favored  with  a  divine 
commission  from  the  Great  Spirit — ^the  power  of  life  and  death  was 
placed  in  his  hands.    He  was  appointed  agent  for  preserving  the 


820 


MOVKMBNTS  OF  TEOUMTHB. 


1808. 


property  and  lands  of  the  Indians,  and  for  restoring  theiui  to  their 
original  happy  condition.  He  thereupon  commenced  his  sacred 
work.  The  pablic  mind  was  aroused,  unbelief  gradually  gave  way, 
credulity  and  wild  fanaticism  began  to  spread  its  circles,  widening 
and  deepening,  until  the  fame  of  the  prophet  and  the  divine  cha^ 
acter  of  his  mission  had  reached  the  frozen  shores  of  the  lakes,  and 
overran  the  broad  plains  which  stretched  far  beyond  *  the  great 
Father  of  Waters.' 

**  Pilgrims  from  remote  tribes,  sought  with  fear  and  trembling 
the  head-quarters  of  the  prophet  and  the  sage.  Proselytes  were 
multiplied,  and  his  followers  increased  beyond  all  former  example. 
Even  Tecumthe  became  a  believer,  and  seizing  upon  the  golden 
opportunity,  he  mingled  with  the  pilgrims,  won  them  by  his  ad* 
dress,  and  on  their  return  sent  a  knowledge  of  his  plan  of  concert 
and  union  to  the  most  distant  tribes. 

"  The  bodily  and  mental  labors  of  Tecumthe  next  commenced. 
His  life  became  one  of  ceaseless  activity.  He  traveled,  he  argued, 
he  commanded.  His  persuasive  voice  was  one  day  listened  to  bj 
the  Wyandots,  on  the  plains  of  Sandusky ;  on  the  next,  his  com- 
mands were  issued  on  the  banks  of  the  Wabash. 

'*He  was  anon  seen  paddling  his  canoe  across  the  Mississippi, 
then  boldly  confronting  the  governor  of  Indiana,  in  the  council- 
house  at  Vincennes.  !N'ow  carrying  his  banner  of  union  among  the 
Creeks  and  Gherokees  of  the  south,  and  from  thence  to  the  cold  and 
inhospitable  regions  of  the  north,  neither  intoxicated  by  success, 
nor  discouraged  by  failure." 

The  year  1808,  made  a  change  in  the  Presidency  of  the  United 
States,  though  not  in  political  measures.  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  had 
administered  the  affairs  of  the  country  with  pre-eminent  succesa 
through  two  terms,  and  who  was  generally  popular  throughout  the 
West,  retired  to  private  life,  and  Mr.  Madison  became  his  successor, 
in  March,  1809. 

England  and  France,  and  indeed  most  of  the  European  govern- 
ments, had  been  in  a  state  of  hostility  for  some  years.  Napoleon 
had  introduced  and  carried  into  effect  what  has  been  called  the 
"  Continental  System."  This  was  designed  to  exclude  England  from 
all  intercourse  with  the  continent  of  Europe.  All  importation  of 
English  manufactures  and  produce  was  prohibited.  This  system 
involved  the  rights  of  neutral  powers,  and  both  England  and  France 
commenced  depredations  on  the  commerce  of  the  United  States. 

In  November,  1806,  Napoleon  issued  the  famous  decree  of  Berlin, 
by  which  the  British  Islands  were  declared  to  be  in  a  state  of 


1808. 


BRITISH  ADVISH  INDIAN  HOSTILITIBS. 


821 


blockade.  Immediately,  England  directed  reprisals  against  the 
Berlin  decree,  and  issued  her  '*  Orders  in  Council "  in  1807.  Every 
neutral  vessel  with  its  cargo  was  confiscated  which  violated  these 
orders.  England  also  claimed  the  right  to  search  all  neutral  ves- 
sels, in  order  to  execute  the  ordors  in  council.  With  this  odious 
practice  was  connected  the  "right  of  search"  on  neutral  vessels, 
for  British  seamen,  and  all  were  claimed  as  such,  who  could  not 
show  official  papers  of  their  birth,  and  regular  shipment  under  a 
neutral  government.  Hundreds  of  naturalized  citizens,  and  even 
native  born  Americans,  were  thus  taken  under  our  flag  and 
impressed  on  board  of  British  ships  of  war.  These  "  orders  "  were 
followed  on  the  part  of  France,  by  tho  decree  of  Milan,  December, 
1807,  and  a  more  aggravated  one  of  the  Tuilleries,  in  January, 
1808. 

These  decrees  denationalized  and  confiscated  every  neutral  ves- 
sel which  had  been  searched  by  an  English  ship.  These  difficul- 
ties with  England  were  greatly  increased  by  the  wanton  attack  on 
the  frigate  Chesapeake,  in  the  waters  of  the  United  States.  This 
produced  a  call  upon  the  militia  of  the  United  States. 

The  Imperial  decrees  of  France,  and  the  aggressions  of  Great 
Britain,  induced  Congress,  by  recommendation  of  the  President, 
to  lay  an  embargo  prohibiting  the  exportation  of  all  articles  from 
the  United  States,  in  December,  1807.  This  measure  met  with  so 
much  opposition  that  it  was  repealed  in  1809,  and  at  the  same  time 
all  trade  and  intercourse  with  France  and  England  was  pvohibited 
by  an  act  of  Congress.* 

During  the  some  period,  British  officers  and  traders  were  enconr* 
aging  the  Indians  to  contend  for  their  rights,  by  instilling  into 
their  minds  the  notion  that  they  had  sovereignty  over  all  the  coun- 
try not  ceded  by  the  treaty  of  Greenville.  These  lessons  were 
relished  by  Tecumthe  and  his  brother,  the  Prophet  In  reference 
to  the  hostilities  of  1811,  but  which  hod  existed  in  feelings  and 
plans  at  an  early  period,  Mr.  Lanman  says  :— 

"  The  basis  of  these  hostilities  was  the  fact  that  Elshwatawa,  the 
Prophet,  who  (iiretended  to  certain  supernatural  powers,  had  formed 
a  league  with  Tecumthe,  to  stir  up  the  jealonsy  of  the  Indiana 
against  the  United  States.  It  seems  that  this  was  an  act  of  pre- 
concert on  the  part  of  these  brothers,  in  order  to  produce  a  general 
confederacy  of  Indians  against  the  United  States. 


*  Sm  Bn«y«lqMMlk  Am«rio4ii»,  krtiol*,  "CoatiBMital  SyttMi.'' 


822 


OONTROVBRSY  BBTWBSN  fiARRISOK  AND  TBOUMTHE.        1808. 


**  Mutaal  complaints  were  urged  on  both  aides.  It  was  main- 
tained by  Governor  Harrison  that  the  Indians  had  endeavored  to 
ox.;ito  insarrection  against  the  Americans,  had  depredated  upon 
their  property,  and  murdered  their  citizens ;  and  that  they  were, 
moreover,  iu  league  with  the  British.  He  ordered  them,  therefore, 
to  return  to  their  respective  tribes,  and  to  yield  up  the  property 
which  they  had  stolen,  and  aho  the  murderers. 

'*  Tecumthe,  in  answer,  denied  the  league.  He  alleged  that  hit 
only  design,  and  that  of  his  brother,  was  to  strengthen  the  aniitj 
between  the  different  tribes  of  Indians,  and  to  improve  their  moral 
condition.  In  answer  to  Governor  Harrison's  demand  for  the  mu^ 
derers  of  the  whites  who  had  taken  refuge  among  their  tribes,  he 
denied  that  they  were  there ;  and  secondly,  that  if  they  were  there, 
it  was  not  right  to  punish  them,  and  that  they  ought  to  be  forgiven, 
as  he  had  forgiven  those  who  had  murdered  his  people  in  IlliDois. 

**  The  Indians,  comprised  of  scoeders  from  the  various  tribes, 
were  incited  by  the  conviction  that  their  domain  was  encroached 
upon  by  the  Americans ;  that  they  were  themselves  superior  to  the 
white  men ;  and  that  the  Great  Spirit  had  directed  them  to  make 
one  mighty  struggle  in  throwing  off  the  dominion  of  the  United 
States.  British  influence,  which  had  before  exerted  its  agency  in 
the  previous  Indian  war,  was  active  on  the  American  side  of  the 
Detroit  river,  and  it  must  be  admitted  that  it  had  strong  ground  of 
action. 

**  An  ardent  correspondence  bad  for  some  time  existed  regarding 
the  conduct  of  the  savages,  and  powerful  efforts  were  made  to  dis- 
suade them  from  advancing  in  their  projects.  In  a  speech  which 
was  sent  to  Tecumthe  and  his  brother,  complaining  of  injuries 
which  had  been  committed  by  the  Indians,  and  demanding  redress, 
Gov.  Harrison,  who  then  resided  at  Yincennes,  remarks :  '  Broth- 
era^  I  am  myself  of  the  Long  Knife  fire ;  as  soon  as  they  bear  my 
voice,  yon  ^'Al  see  them  pouring  forth  their  swarms  of  *  hunting- 
sbirv  men,'  as  numerous  as  the  rousquitoes  on  the  shores  of  the 
IJi'vbitBh.    Brothers,  take  care  of  their  stings.' " 

v>n  the  25th  of  November,  Governor  HtiU  met  at  Brownstown, 
the  Ghippewas,  Ottawa*,  Pottawattnmies,  Wyandots,  and  Shawa- 
n«w,  akd  obtained  from  them  »  grant  of  a  strip  of  land  connecting 
the  Mavntev  ^th  the  Western  Reserve,  and  another  strip  connec^ 
ing  Lower  Sandusky  with  the  conntty  soatfa  of  the  line  agreed 
upon  in  1795.    These  strips  were  to  be  used  for  roads. 

The  white  setflemeuts  in  Upper  Louisiana,  in  the  beginning  of 
1808,  had  not  exteaded  much  beyond  the  boundaries  claimed  by 


1809. 


HOSTILB  MOVEMENTS  OT  THE  SAVAGES. 


828 


the  Spanish  authoritius  in  virtue  of  former  treaties  with  native 
tribes. 

On  the  10th  of  November  of  that  year,  a  grand  council  of  the 
nation  of  Osages  was  held  at  Fort  Clark,  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Missouri  river,  where  a  treaty  was  made  in  which  the  Osages  relin- 
quish their  claims  to  all  their  lands  between  the  Missouri  and 
Arkansas  rivers,  as  far  west  as  a  line  drawn  from  Fort  Clark  due 
south  to  Arkansas.  This  treaty  threw  open,  the  territory  to  settle- 
ments to  this  boundary. 

Throughout  the  year  1809,  Tecumthe  and  his  brother  were 
strengthening  themselves,  both  openly  and  secretly.  Governor 
Harrison,  however,  had  been  once  more  led  to  suspect  their  ulti- 
mate designs,  and  was  preparing  to  meet  an  emergency,  whenever 
it  might  arise.  The  probability  of  its  being  at  hand  was  very 
greatly  increased  by  the  news  received  from  the  Upper  Mississippi, 
of  hostile  movements  there  among  the  savages.  In  reference  to 
these  movements,  and  the  position  of  the  Shawanese  brothers.  Gov- 
ernor Harrison  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  on  the  6th  of  July, 
as  follows : 

'♦  The  Shawanese  prophet  and  about  forty  followers  arrived  here 
about  a  week  ago.  He  denies  most  strenuously  any  participation 
in  the  late  combination  to  attack  our  settlements,  which  he  says 
was  entirely  confined  to  the  tribes  of  the  Mississippi  and  Illinois 
rivers ;  and  he  claims  the  merits  of  having  prevailed  upon  them  to 
relinquish  their  intentions. 

'*I  must  confess  that  my  suspicions  of  his  guilt  have  been  rather 
strengthened  than  diminished  at  every  interview  I  have  had  with 
him  since  his  arrival.  He  acknowledged  that  he  received  an  invi- 
tation  to  war  against  us,  from  the  British,  last  fbll,  and  that  he  was 
apprised  of  the  intention  of  the  Sacs,  Foxes,  &c.,  early  in  the  spring, 
and  warmly  solicited  to  join  in  their  league.  But  he  could  give  no 
Batis&ctory  explanation  of  his  neglecting  to  communicate  to  me, 
circumstances  so  extremely  interesting  to  us,  and  toward  which  I 
had  a  few  months  before  directed  his  attention,  and  received  a 
solemn  assurance  of  his  cheerful  compliance  with  the  injunctions  I 
had  impressed  upon  him. 

"The  result  of  all  my  inquiries  on  the  subject  is,  that  the  late 
combiDation  was  produced  by  British  intrigue  and  influence,  in 
anticipation  of  war  between  them  and  the  United  States.  It  was, 
howefvei^  pmnafeare  and  ill-judged,  and  t^e  erent  safficimitlyinMnw 
fests  a  great  decline  in  their  influence,  or  in  the  talesAl  Mad  dK 


ILLINOIS  TBRRITORT  FORMBD. 


1809. 


dress,  with  which  they  have  heen  aocustomed  to  manage  their 
Indian  relations. 

"  The  warlike  and  well  armed  tribes  of  the  Pottawattamies,  Ot< 
tawas,  Ghippewas,  Delawares,  and  Miamies,  I  believe  neither  hod, 
nor  would  have  joined  in  the  combination ;  and  although  the  Kiclc- 
apoos,  whose  warriors  are  better  than  those  of  any  other  tribe,  the 
remnant  of  the  Wyandot  excepted,  are  much  under  the  influence 
of  the  prophet,  I  am  persuaded  that  they  were  never  made  ac* 
qnainted  with  their  intentions,  if  these  were  really  hostile  to  the 
United  States." 

In  this  same  letter  the  governor,  at  the  request  of  the  secretary, 
Dr.  Eustis,  gives  his  views  of  the  defense  of  the  frontiers,  in  which 
portion  of  his  epistle  many  valuable  hints  are  given  in  relation  to 
the  course  proper  to  be  pursued  iu  case  of  a  war  with  England. 

In  September,  October,  and  December,  the  governor  of  Indiana 
succeeded  in  extinguishing  the  claims  of  the  Delawares,  Pottawat- 
tamies, Miamies,  Eel  river  Indians,  Weas,  and  Kickapoos,  to  con 
taiu  lands  upon  the  Wabash,  which  had  not  yet  been  purchased, 
and  which  were  believed  to  contain  copper  ore. 

The  treaties  with  the  Delawares,  Pottawattamies,  Miamies, 
and  Eel  river  Indians,  were  made  at  Fort  Wayne ;  the  others  at 
Vincennes;  they  were  protested  against  by  Tecumthe  in  the  fol- 
lowing year. 

On  the  17th  of  February  the  Legislature  of  Ohio  passed  the 
charter  of  the  Miami  University.  With  regard  to  this  institution, 
a  question  at  once  arose,  whether  it  should  be  within  Symmes'  Far- 
chase,  as  it  had  been  originally  intended  it  should  be,  and  as  the  char- 
ter required ;  or  placed  upon  the  lands  with  which  it  was  endowed; 
which  lands  it  had  been  found  necessary  to  select  out  of  the  Vm- 
chase,  as  has  been  already  related.  The  legislature  decided  that 
the  University  should  be  upon  the  lands  which  had  been  appropri- 
ated to  its  support  in  the  township  of  Oxford,  and  there,  accord- 
ingly, it  was  placed. 

One  of  the  events  of  1809,  which  claims  special  notice,  was  the 
organization  of  the  territory  of  Illinois. 

The  people  of  Illinois,  as  has  happened  to  others  more  recently, 
at  several  periods  were  left  without  a  regularly  constituted  govera- 
ment,  Originally  it  was  a  portion  of  ancient  Louisiana,  under  the 
French  monarchy.  By  the  treaty  of  France  with  Great  Britain,  in 
1768,  all  Canada,  including  the  Illinois  country,  was  ceded  to  the 
latter  power. 


1809. 


ILLINOIS  TBBRITOKT  TORIRD. 


825 


Bat  British  authority  and  lawB  did  not  reach  Illinois  until  1765, 
when  Captain  Sterling,  in  the  name  and  by  t&e  authority  of  the 
British  crown,  established  the  provisional  government  at  Fort 
Ohartres. 

In  1766,  the  '<  Quebec  Bill,"  as  it  was  called,  passed  the  British 
Parliament,  which  placed  Illinois,  and  the  ^orth'Western  Territory 
under  the  local  administration  of  Canada. 

The  conquest  of  the  country  by  General  Clark,  in  1778,  brought 
it  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Virginia,  and  in  the  month  of  October, 
the  Legislature  of  that  State  organized  the  county  of -Illinois. 

The  cession  of  the  couDtiy  to  the  Continental  Congress  was 
made  in  1784,  and  the  ordinance  to  organize  the  North-Western 
Territoiy,  which  provided  for  a  territorial  government,  was  not 
passed  until  1787,  and  the  governor  and  judges  who  exercised,. in 
one  body,  legislative  and  judicial  authority,  did  not  go  into  opera* 
tion  untilJuly,  1788.  Still  the  Illinois  country  remained  without 
any  organized  government  till  M  rch,  1790,  when  Governor  St. 
Olair  organized  the  county  that  bears  his  name.  Hence,  for  more 
than  six  years  at  one  period,  and  for  a  shorter  time  at  other  peri- 
ods, there  was  no  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial  authority  in 
the  country.  The  people  were  a  "law  unto  themselves,"  and  good 
feelings,  harmony,  and  fidelity  to  engagements  predominated. 

From  1800  they  had  been  a  part  of  the  territory  of  Indiana.  In 
all  the  territories  at  that  period,  there  were  two  grades  of  territorial 
government.  The  first  was  that  of  governor  and  judges.  These 
constituted  the  law-making  power.  Such  was  the  organization  of 
Illinois  in  1809.  The  next  grade  was  a  territorial  legislature;  the 
people  electing  the  house  of  representatives,  and  the  president  and 
senate  appointing  the  council. 

By  an  act  of  Congress,  of  February  8d,  1809,  all  that  part  of  In- 
diana Territory  which  lies  west  of  the  Wabash  river,  and  a  direct 
line  drawn  from  that  river  and  Post  Vincennes,  due  north,  to  the 
territorial  line  between  the  United  States  and  Canada,  was  eonsti-' 
tuted  into  a  separate  territory,  by  the  name  of  Illinois ;  and  the  first 
grade  of  territorial  government  was  established. 

For  eight  years  Ulincis  had  formed  a  part  of  Indiana,  and  the 
principal  statutes  of  that  territory  were  re-enacted  by  the  governor 
and  judges,  and  became  the  basis  of  statute  law  in  Illinois,  much 
of  which,  without  change  of  phraseology,  remains  in  the  revised 
code  of  that  State,  as  the  same  laws,  in  substance,  originated  in  the 
legislation  of  the  governor  and  judges  of  the  North-Western  Terri- 
tory, and  were  enacted  by  tae  governor  and  judges  of  Indiana,  in 
68  . 


OLDnr  STATimB  of  IRDXAHA. 


i8oa 


the  territory  of  Louisiana,  during  the  period  of  their  temporary  jo- 
risdiution  west  of  the  Mississippi. 

The  following  specimen  of  their  early  jurisprudence  may  not  be 
without  interest  to  the  reader. 

A  competent  nnmher  of  persons  for  each  county  were  nominated 
and  commissioned  by  the  governor  with  power  to  take  all  manner  of 
recognizances  and  obligations  as  any  justices  of  the  peace  in  the  Uni* 
ted  States — all  to  be  certified  to  the  court  of  common  pleas  ttt  tbe 
next  session— except  those  for  a  felony,  which  belonged  to  the 
court  of  oyer  and  terminer.  One  or  more  justices  of  the  peace, 
may  hear  and  determine,  by  due  course  of  law,  any  petty  crimes 
and  misdemeanors,  where  the  punishment  shall  be  fine  only,  not 
exceeding  three  dollars.  Justices  were  required  to  commit  the 
ofiender  when  a  crime  was  perpetrated  in  their  sight,  without  fQ^ 
ther  testimony.  All  warrants  to  be  under  the  hand  and  seal  of  the 
justice.  Justices  to  have  power  to  punish  by  fine,  as  provided  in 
the  statute,  all  assaults  and  batteries  not  of  an  aggravated  nature; 
and  cause  to  be  arrested  all  affrayers,  rioters  and  disturbers  of  the 
peace,  and  bind  them  over  by  recognizance,  to  appear  at  the  next 
general  court,  or  eourt  of  common  pleas,  to  be  held  within  the 
count}',  and  to  require  such  persons  to  give  security.  Justices  of 
the  peace  to  examine  into  all  homicides,  murders,  treasooB  and 
felonies,  done  in  their  respective  counties,  and  to  commit  to  prison 
all  persons  suspected  to  be  guilty  of  manslaughter,  murder, 
treason,  or  other  capital  offense,  and  hold  to  bail  all  persons  em- 
pected  to  bo  guilty  of  lesser  offenses ;  and  require  sureties  for  the 
good  behavior  of  idle,  vagrant,  disorderly  characters;  swindlers 
and  gamblers,  as  well  as  every  description  of  disorderly  and 
vagrant  persons. 

Ontrti. — Courts  of  common  pleas  were  organized  in  each  county, 
of  three  judges,  any  two  of  whom  were  a  quorum.  They  ware 
appointed  and  commissioned  by  the  governor  for  and  during  good 
behavior.  Said  courts  to  hear  and  determine,  according  to  the 
common  law,  all  crimes  and  misdemeanors,  the  punishment  where* 
of  did  not  extend  to  life,  limb,  imprisonment  for  one  year,  or  forfeit- 
ure of  goods  and  chattels,  lands  and  tenements.  This  court  held 
pleas  of  asmCf  scire  faciaSf  repleoinay  and  was  empowered  to  hear 
and  determine  all  manner  of  pleas,  suits,  actions  and  crimes,  real, 
personal,  and  mixed,  according  to  law.  For  the  more  speedy 
administration  of  justice,  the  court  held  six  sessions  annually. 

If  the  court  was  not  opened  on  the  day  appointed,  the  sheriff 
could  adjourn  from  day  to  day  for  two  days,  and  then  until  the 
next  term. 


1808. 


OLDIK  STATUTlfl  OF  IKDIAKA. 


827 


Compensation  of  the  judges  of  this  court  was  two  dollars  and 
fifty  cents  per  day,  paid  from  the  county  levy. 

This  court  had  power  to  take  all  recognizances  and  obligations,  and 
all  cases  not  within  their  jurisdiction,  to  be  certified  to  the  next  court 
of  oyer  and  terminer.  All  fines  to  be  duly  and  truly  assessed  accor- 
ding to  the  quality  of  the  ofiTense,  without  afifection  or  partiality. 

Oriminals  who  had  absconded  from  the  counties  to  be  brought 
back  by  warrant.  Any  person  aggrieved  may  appeal  to  the  gen- 
eral court.  AH  writs  issued  to  be  in  the  name  of  the  United 
States.  Judges  had  power  to  grant  under  seal,  repUvint,  lorits  of 
ftartiUm^  writs  of  vieWj  and  all  other  writs  and  process,  under  said 
pleas  and  actions  cognizable  in  said  court,  as  occasion  may  require. 
The  court  could  issue  subpoenas,  under  seal,  and  signed  by  any 
clerk,  into  any  county  in  the  territory,  summoning  any  witness. 
The  clerk  of  said  court  was  appointed  by  the  governor  during  good 
behavior. 

The  Supreme — styled  General  Court — ^was  held  twice  a  year,  atVin- 
cennes,  on  the  first  Tuesdays  in  April  and  September — ^had  authority 
to  issue  writs  of  habeas  corpus^  certiorari^  and  writs  of  error.    The 
members  of  the  court  were  constituted  circmt  judges,  and  required 
to  hold  a  circuit  court  once  in  each  year  in  the  counties  of  Dear- 
bom,  Clark,  Randolph  and  St.  Clair.    This  court  was  empowered 
to  hear  and  determine  all  cases,  matters  and  things,  cognizable  in 
Bud  court ;  to  examine  and  correct  errors  of  inferior  courts,  and 
punish;  to  punish  ihe  "contempts,  omissions,  neglects,  favors, 
corruptions  and  defaults  of  all  justices  of  the  peace,  sherifi^,  coro- 
ners, clerks,  and  all  other  ofiicers;  award  process  to  collect  all 
fines,  forfeitures  and  amercements;"  to  hold  courts  of  oyer  and 
terminer,  and  general  jail  delivery.    The  governor  was  empowered 
to  call  a  special  term  for  capital  offenses. 

By  the  requisition  cf  the  Secretary  of  War,  under  the  act  of 
Congress  of  1808,  for  arming  and  equipping  one  hundred  thousand 
militia  in  the  United  States,  Governor  Lewis  ol  the  territory  of 
Loaisiana,  made  proclamation  for  raising  and  equipping  throe 
hundred  and  seventy-seven  militia  of  the  territory,  which  were 
duly  apportioned  in  the  counties  of  St.  Charles,  St.  Louis,  Ste. 
Genevieve,  Cape  Girardeau,  New  Madrid,  and  Arkansas. 

On  the  28th  of  June,  1809,  Nicholas  Jarrot,  of  Cahokia,  who 
had  just  returned  from  Prairie  dn  Chein,  made  afiidavit,  that  thie 
British  agents  and  traders  at  that  place,  and  on  the  frontiers  of 
Canada,  were  stirring  up  the  Indians,  fhmishing  them  vrith  gtuu 
and  ammunition,  and  preparing  them^for  hostile  demonstrations. 


828 


BE80LVTI0K8  O?  OBIO  XEaiSI^TDRB. 


1810. 


In  November,  a  oommunication  came  from  Messni.  Portier  and 
Bleakly,  of  Prairie  du  Cheiii,  denying  the  statements  of  M.  Jarrot 
They  were  persons  implicated.  About  the  same  period,  hostile 
demonstrations  were  made  on  the  part  of  the  Sao  and  Fox  nations, 
against  Fort  Madison.  Daring  the  same  month,  hostilities  com- 
menced between  the  Osages  and  lowas;  the  latter  having  killed 
some  of  the  former,  not  far  from  where  Liberty  is  now  situated, 
north  of  the  Missouri  river. 


About  this  time,  for  some  three  or  four  years,  great  excitement 
1810.]  was  caused  in  Ohio,  by  what  was  known  under  the  name  of 
the  "Sweeping  Resolutions."    The  legislature  of  Ohio  had  passed 
an  act,  giving  justices  of  the  peace  jurisdiction,  without  the  aid  of  a 
jury,  in  the  first  instance  in  the  collection  of  debts,  in  all  cases 
where  the  demand  did  not  exceed  fifly  dollars.    Inasmuch  as  by 
the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  all  matters  of  claim,  where 
the  amount  exceeds  twenty  dollars,  are  referred  to  a  jury;  and, 
inasmuch  too,  as  anything  in  the  laws  or  constitution  of  a  State, 
contrary  to  the  provisions  of  the  national  constitution,  is  utterly 
void,  and  of  no  effect,  the  judges  of  all  the  courts  declared  this  act 
of  the  legislature  void,  and  of  no  effect.    This  boldness  of  the 
judges  aroused  the  anger  of  the  legislators,  and  in  order  to  punish 
the  bold  expounders  of  the  law,  the  latter  were  impeached  in  the 
Senate,  and  removed  from  office.    Three  judges  wore  in  this  way 
successively  removed,  in  the  years  preceding  1809-10  for  this 
cause.    In  the  fall  of  1809,  however,  the  people  did  not  elect 
"sweepers"  (as  the  impeaching  legislators  were  called,)  enough  to 
the  Senate,  to  enable  the  House  to  carry  an  impeachment  through 
the  same,  and  a  new  plan  was  therefore  devised  for  asserting  the 
supremacy  of  the  legislatntw.    The  doctrine  was  started,  that  in  a 
short  time  it  would  be  seven  years  since  the  constitution  of  Ohio 
went  into  operation,  and  certainly  all  civil  officers  ought  to  go  ont 
of  office  every  seven  years,  and  so  have  the  field  entirely  cleared 
off  for  new  aspirants  to  office;  and  accordingly,  on  the  7th  of  Janu- 
ary, 1810,  the  great  so  called  "Sweeping  Resolution"  was  passed, 
which,  with  its  preamble,  reads  as  follows : 

""Whereas,  it  is  provided  by  the  eighth  section  of  the  third 
article  of  the  constitution  of  this  State,  that  the  judges  of  the 
supreme  court,  the  presidents  and  associate  judges  of  the  court  of 
common  pleas,  shall  be  appointed  by  joint  ballot  of  both  houses  of 
the  general  assembly,  and  shall  hold  their  offices  for  seven  years, 
if  80  long  they  behave  well ;  and  whereas,  the  first  general  assem- 
bly of  this  State  did  appoint  judges  of  the  supreme  court,  presij 


1810. 


RB80LUTI0RS  OF  OHIO  LBOI8LATT7RB. 


820 


dents  and  aasooiate  judges  of  thd  court  of  common  pleas,  many 
of  whose  offices  have  become  vacant  at  different  timoa,  and  elec- 
tions have  been  had  to  fill  vncancies;  and  whereas,  the  original 
term  of  office  is  about  to  expire,  and  it  becomes  necessary  for  the 
general  assembly  to  irrovide for  that  event: 

"Therefore,  Resolved^  by  the  general  assembly  of  the  State  of 
Ohio,  that  the  constitution  of  the  State  having  limited  and  defined 
the  term  of  office  which  the  judges  of  the  supreme  court,  the 
presidents  and  judges  of  the  court  of  common  pleas,  the  secretary 
of  State,  the  auditor  and  treasurer  of  the  State  shall  hold,  and 
also  the  mode  of  filling  vacancies  by  the  legislature,  it  cannot,  of 
right,  be  construed  to  extend  beyond  the  end  of  the  original  term 
for  which  the  first  officers  were  appointed."* 

This  resolution,  when  passed,  was  sent  to  the  Senate,  and  passed 
there  on  the  18th  of  January,  1810,  and  thus  every  civil  officer  in 
the  State  was  at  once  swept  out  of  office,  and  in  the  following 
month  the  legislature  proceeded  to  fill  some  of  the  vacancies  so 
made,  and  to  order  olfactions  by  the  people  of  those  officers  who 
were  so  elected.  Many  of  the  counties  had  not  been  organized 
longer  than  three  or  four  years,  and  many  judges  had  not  held 
office  for  two  years,  although  the  constitution  makes  the  term 
Beven  years.  By  this  means  the  whole  State  was  thrown  into  con- 
fasion  for  a  time ;  many  of  the  old  officers  refused  to  give  way  to 
the  new  ones,  and  it  was  some  time  before  the  utter  unconstitu- 
tionality of  the  proceedings  of  the  legislature  was  seen  and  ac- 
knowledged all  around,  and  peace  and  order  again  restored. 


The  hostile  intentions  of  Tecumthe  and  his  followers  toward  the 
United  States,  were  placed  beyond  a  doubt  in  1810.  The  exciting 
causes  were — the  purchase  at  Port  Wayne  in  1809,  which  the 
Shawanese  denounced  as  illegal  and  unjust,  and  British  influence. 
And  here,  as  in  1790  to  1795,  it  is  almost  impossible  to  learn  what 
really  was  the  amount  of  British  influence,  and  whence  it  pro- 
ceeded ;  whether  from  the  agents  merely,  or  from  higher  authority. 
On  the  one  hand  there  are  many  assertions  like  the  following: — 

ViNCKNNES,  26th  June,  1810.t 

Winemac  assured  me  that  the  Prophet,  not  long  since,  proposed 
to  the  young  men  to  murder  the  principal  chiefs  of  all  the  tribes. 


itwater's  History  of  Ohio. 


f  Harrison  Dlspatohei. 


880 


xiTDUN  coanLinii  vbbbativid. 


ism 


obienring,  that  their  hands  would  nerer  b«  untied  until  thii  wai 
effected ;  that  these  were  the  men  who  had  sold  their  lands,  snd 
who  would  prevent  them  ttom  opposing  the  enoroaohments  of  the 
white  people. 

An  Iowa  Indian  informs  me,  that  two  years  ago  this  summer,  an 
agent  firom  the  British  arriyed  at  the  I^phet's  town,  and,  in  hii 
presence,  delivered  the  message  with  which  he  was  charged,  the 
Buhstance  of  which  was,  to  urge  the  Prophet  to  unite  as  insny 
trihes  as  he  could  against  the  United  States,  hut  not  to  commence 
hostlities  until  they  gave  the  signal. 

YivciNNis,  July  18, 1810. 
From  the  lowas,  I  learn  that  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  have  actually 
received  the  tomahawk,  and  are  ready  to  strike  whenever  tbe 
Prophet  gives  the  signal.  A  considerable  number  of  the  Sacs  went, 
some  time  since,  to  see  the  British  superintendent;  and  on  the  fint 
instant,  fifty  more  passed  Ghicago  for  the  same  destination.  A 
Miami  chief,  who  has- just  returned  from  his  annual  visit  to  Mai- 
den, after  having  received  the  accustomed  donation  of  goods,  was 
thus  addressed  by  the  British  agent:  "My  son,  keep  yoar  eyes 
fixed  on  me ;  my  tomahawk  is  now  up ;  be  you  ready,  but  do  not 
strike  until  I  give  the  signal." 

ViNOXirNss,  July  25th,  1810. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  designs  of  the  Prophet  and  the 
British  agent  of  Indian  affairs,  to  do  us  iigury.    This  agent  is  a 

refugee  from  the  neighborhood  of ^  and  his  implacable  hatred 

to  his  native  country,  prompted  him  to  take  part  with  the  Indians, 
in  the  battle  between  them  and  General  Wayne's  army.  He  has, 
ever  since  his  appointment  to  the  principal  agency,  used  his  utmost 
endeavors  to  excite  hostilities ;  and  the  lavish  manner  in  which  he 
is  allowed  to  scatter  presents  among  them,  shows  that  his  govern* 
ment  participates  in  his  enmity  and  authorizes  his  measures. 

Fort  Watnb,  August  7, 1810. 
Since  writing  you  on  the  25th  ultimo,  about  one  hundred  men 
of  the  Saukies  have  returned  from  the  British  agent,  who  supplied 
them  liberally  with  everything  they  stood  in  want  of.  The  party 
received  forty-seven  rifles,  and  a  number  of  fusils,  with  plenty  of 
powder  and  lead.  This  is  sending  fire-brands  into  the  Mississippi 
country,  inasmuch  as  it  will  draw  numbers  of  our  Indians  to  the 
British  side,  in  the  hope  oi'  being  treated  with  the  same  liberali^> 

John  Johnston,  Indian  Agent 


1810. 


novHTHi  AMU  ■AiBiMir  nr  oochoil. 


881 


On  th«  other  hand,  it  ii  well  known  th*t  Sir  Junef  Ondg,  the 
governor  of  Oanada,  wrote  on  the  26th  of  November,  1810,  to  Mr. 
Morier,  the  Britiah  Miniiter  at  WeshingtoD,  authorising  him  to 
inform  the  United  States  government  that  Ute  northern  tavages 
were  meditating  hostilities ;  it  is  likewise  known  that  in  the  follow- 
ing March,  Sir  James  wrote  to  Lord  Liverpool  in  relation  to  the 
Indians,  and  spoke  of  the  information  he  had  given  the  Americans, 
and  that  his  conduct  was  approved,  besides  the  repeated  denial  by 
the  English  minister  at  Washington,  of  any  influence  having  been 
exerted  over  the  frontier  tribes  adverse  to  the  States,  by  the 
authority  or  with  the  knowledge  of  the  English  ministry,  or  the 
governor  of  Canada.  These,  disconnected  with  other  oircumstan- 
ces,  should  acquit  the  rulers  of  Great  Britain ;  but  they  do  not 
show  who,  nor  how  high  in  authority  the  Ainctionaries  were  who 
tried,  as  Tecumthe  told  Harrison,  to  set  the  red  men,  as  dogs,  upon 
the  whites. 

But,  however  the  evil  influence  originated,  certain  it  is  that  the 
determination  was  taken  by  "  the  successor  of  Pontiac,"  to  unite 
all  the  western  tribes  in  hostility  to  the  United  States,  in  case  that 
power  toould  not  give  up  the  lands  bought  at  Fort  Wayne^  and  under- 
take to  recognize  the  principle,  that  no  purchases  should  be  there- 
after made  unless  from  a  council  representing  all  the  tribes  united  as  one 
nation.  By  various  acts,  the  feelings  of  Tecumthe  became  more 
and  more  evident;  but  in  August,  he  having  visited  Vincennes  to 
Bee  the  governor,  a  council  was  held  at  which,  and  at  a  subsequent 
interview,  the  real  position  of  affairs  was  clearly  ascertained.  Of 
that  council,  the  account  contained  in  Drake's  life  of  the  great 
chieftain  is  given : 

"Qovemor  Harrison  had  made  arrsagements  for  holding  the 
council  on  the  portico  of  his  own  house,  v/hlrh.  had  been  fitted  up 
with  seats  for  the  occasion.  Here,  on  the  morning  of  the  fifteenth, 
he  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  chief,  being  attended  by  the  judges  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  some  officers  of  the  army,  a  sergeant  and 
twelve  men,  from  Fort  Knox,  and  a  large  number  of  citizens. 

"  At  the  appointed  hour,  Tecumthe,  supported  by  forty  of  his 
principal  warriors,  made  his  appearance,  the  remainder  of  his  fol- 
lowers being  encamped  in  the  village  and  its  environs.  When  the 
chief  had  approached  within  thirty  or  forty  yards  of  the  house,  he 
Baddenly  stopped,  as  if  awaiting  some  advances  from  the  governor. 
"  An  interpreter  was  sent  requesting  him  and  his  followers  to 
take  seats  on  the  portico.  To  this  Tecumthe  objected — ^he  did  not 
think  the  place  a  suitable  one  for  holding  the  conference,  but  pre- 


882 


TBOUMTHB  AND  HABRISON  IN  COWOIL. 


1810. 


ferred  that  it  should  take  place  in  a  grovo  of  trees — ^to  which  he 
pointed — standing  a  short  distance  from  the  house.  The  governor 
said  he  had  no  objection  to  the  grova,  except  that  there  were  no 
seats  in  it  for  accommodation. 

"Tecnmthe  replied,  that  oonstitnted  no  objection  to  the  grov^ 
the  earth  being  the  most  suitable  place  for  the  Indians,  who  loved 
to  repose  upon  the  bosom  of  their  mother.  The  gOTcmor  yielded 
th'j  point,  and  the  benches  and  chairs  having  been  removed  to  the 
spot,  the  conference  was  begun,  the  Indians  being  seated  on  the 
grass. 

"Tecnmtbe  opened  the  meeting  by  stating,  at  length,  his  objec- 
tions to  the  treaty  of  Fort  Wayne,  made  by  Governor  Harrison  in 
the  previous  year;  and  in  the  course  of  his  speech,  boldly  avowed 
the  principle  of  his  party  to  be,  that  of  resistance  to  every  cession 
of  land,  unless  made  by  all  the  tribes,  whc^  he  contended,  formed 
but  one  nation.  He  admitted  that  he  had  threatened  to  kill  the 
chiefs  who  signed  the  treaty  of  Fort  Wayne,  and,  that  it  was  his 
fixed  determination  not  to  permit  the  village  chiefs,  in  future,  to 
manage  their  afiairs,  but  to  place  the  power  with  which  they  had 
been  heretofore  invested,  iu  the  hands  of  the  war  chiefs. 

**  Tho  Americans^  be  said,  had  driven  the  Indians  from  the  sea 
coast,  and  would  soon  push  them  into  the  lakes ;  and,  while  he  dis- 
claimed all  intention  of  making  war  upon  the  United  States,  he 
declared  it  to  be  his  unalterable  resolution  to  take  a  stand,  and 
resolutely  oppose  the  further  intrusion  of  the  whites  upon  the 
Indian  lauds.  He  concluded  by  making  a  brief  but  impassioned 
recital  of  the  various  wrongs  and  aggressions  inflicted  by  the  white 
men  upon  the  Indians,  from  the  commencement  of  the  Bevolu- 
tionnry  war  down  to  the  period  of  that  council,  all  of  which  was 
calculated  to  arouse  and  inflame  the  mimls  of  such  of  his  followers 
as  were  present. 

''To  him  the  Governor  replied,  and  having  taken  his  seat,  the 
interpreter  commenced  explaining  the  speech  to  Tecumthe,  who, 
after  listening  to  a  portion  of  it,  sprung  to  his  feet  and  began  to 
speak  with  great  vehemence  of  manner. 

"  The  governor  was  surprised  at  his  violent  gestures,  but  aa  he 
did  not  understand  him,  thought  he  was  making  some  explanation, 
and  suffered  his  attention  to  be  drawn  toward  Winneraac,  a 
friendly  Indian  lying  on  the  grass  before  him,  who  was  renewing 
the  priming  of  his  pistol,  which  he  had  kept  concealed  from  tho 
other  Indians,  but  in  full  view  of  the  governor. 

"His  attention,  however,  was  again  directed  toward  Tecumthe, 


1810. 


TBODMTBB  AND  HARRISON  IN  OOUNOIL. 


m 


by  hearing  General  Gibson,  who  was  intimately  acqaainted  with 
the  Shawanoe  language,  say  to  Lieutenant  Jennings, '  those  fellows 
intend  mischief;  you  had  better  bring  up  the  guard.' 

"  At  that  moment,  the  followers  of  Tecumthe  seized  their  toma- 
hawks and  war  clubs,  and  sprung  upon  their  feet,  their  eyes  turned 
upon  the  governor.  As  soon  as  he  could  disengage  himself  from 
the  arm  chair  in  which  he  sat,  he  rose,  drew  a  small  sword  which 
he  had  by  his  side,  and  stood  on  the  defensive. 

"  Captain  G.  B.  Floyd,  of  the  army,  who  stood  near  him,  drew 
a  dirk,  and  the  chief  Winnemac  cocked  his  pistol.  The  citizens 
present  weve  more  numerous  than  the  Indians,  but  were  unarmed ; 
some  of  them  procured  clubs  and  brick-bats,  and  also  stood  on  the 
defensive.  The  Bev.  Mr.  Winans,  a  minister  of  the  Methodist 
church,  ran  to  the  governor's  hon<ie,  got  a  gun,  and  posted  himself 
at  the  door  to  defend  the  family. 

"During  this  singular  scene,  no  one  spoke,  until  the  guard  came 
running  up,  and  appearing  to  be  in  the  act  of  firing,  the  governor 
ordered  them  not  to  do  so.  He  then  demanded  of  the  interpreter 
an  explanation  of  what  had  happened,  who  replied  that  Tecumthe 
had  interrupted  him,  declaring  that  all  the  governor  had  said  was 
false,  and  that  he  and  the  Seventeen  Fires  had  cheated  and 
imposed  on  the  Indians. 

"The  Governor  then  told  Tecumthe  that  he  was  a  bad  man,  and 
that  he  would  hold  no  further  communication  with  him ;  that  as 
he  bad  come  to  Vincennes  under  the  protection  of  a  council-fire, 
he  might  return  in  safety,  but  that  he  must  immediately  leave  the 
village. 

"Here  it  was  supposed  the  council  would  terminate.  But  early 
on  the  succeeding  morning,  the  Shawenese  chief  appeared  at  the 
governor's  residence,  and  desired  another  interview;  and  after 
making  an  apology  for  his  conduct  the  day  before,  his  request  was 
complied  with. 

"Lest  he  should  have  a  body  of  his  followers  secreted  in  the 
neighborhood,  ready  to  join  those  who  were  with  him,  two  com- 
panies of  militia  were  mustered  from  the  village  and  neighborhood, 
and  ordered  to  parade  morning  and  evening  ready  for  action. 

"  The  governor  and  several  of  his  friends  also  attended  the  coun- 
cil, well  armed.  Tecumthe's  conduct  was  upon  this  of^casion, 
however,  very  different  from  what  it  had  been  at  any  prievious 
meeting,  and  though  firm  and  intrepid,  he  said  nothing  that  was 
insoleut. 
"After  finishing  his  speech,  a  Wyandot,  a  Kickapoo,  a  Pottawat- 


8M 


8HAWANB8K  OONUDBBAOT  ST&KN«THKNB. 


1810. 


tamie,  an  Ottawa,  and  a  Winnebago,  severally  spoke ;  each  decIa^ 
ing  his  tribe  had  entered  into  the  Shawanese  confederacy,  and 
would  support  the  principles  laid  down  by  Tecumthe,  whom  they 
had  appointed  their  leader. 

'<  The  now  undoubted  purposes  of  the  Northern  Indians  being  of  a 
character  necessarily  leading  to  war,  Governor  Harrison  proceeded  to 
strengthen  himself  for  the  contest,  by  preparing  the  militia,  and 
posting  the  regular  troc^s  that  were  with  him,  under  Captains  Po- 
sey and  Gross,  at  Yincennes. 

<'  In  a  few  days  the  Indians  departed,  and  little  more  was  heard 
from  Tecumthe,  the  warrior,  until  next  year.  Meanwhile,  his 
brother  remained  at  Prophet's  town,  professing  friendship  for  the 
frontier  inhabitants ;  and,  at  one  time  previous  to  the  warrior's  last 
visit  at  Yincennes,  he  sent  a  message  to  Governor  Harrison,  asking 
that  implements  for  building  houses,  as  likewise  farming  utensils, 
be  remitted  from  government,  for  the  benefit  of  himself  and 
others  at  their  village." 

With  the  closo  of  the  year  1810,  western  history  is  brought  down 
to  the  very  eve  of  the  war  with  Great  Britain,  which,  though  an 
event  that  had  '<  cast  its  shadow  before,"  cannot  be  said  to  have  its 
commencement  until  1811,  and  it  was  therefore  thought  well  to  end 
the  present  period  at  this  time. 

The  next  period  commences  with  the  year  1811,  and,  after  em- 
bracing the  incidents  of  the  war,  and  the  intermediate  events,  it  is 
extended  to  1820,  which  may  be  said  to  bear  the  date  of  the  com- 
mencement of  State  sovereignty  west  of  the  Mississippi,  that  being 
the  year  in  which  Missouri,  the  first  State  of  the  "  Far  West,"  was 
admitted  into  the  dnion. 


PERIOD    VII.. 
1811—1820. 

Daring  the  first  half  of  this  year,  while  the  difficnltioi  with  Eng- 
land made  a  war  with  her  eveiy  day  more  probable,  nothing  took 
place  to  render  a  contest  with  the  Indians  any  the  less  certain.  In 
June,  Harrison  sent  to  the  Shawanese  leaders  a  message,  bidding 
them  beware  of  hostilities.  To  this  Teonmthe  gave  a  brief  reply, 
promising  the  governor  a  visit 

It  will  be  seen  by  the  following,  that  his  brother,  the  PropM, 
made  hi8  first  hostile  demonstration  soon  afterward : 

"June,  1811.  The  boat  which  was  sent  up  the  Wabash  some 
lime  pas^  with  the  United  States  annuity  of  salt,  for  the  Delaware, 
Miaihi,  and  Pottawattamie  tribes  of  Indians,  and  a  few  barrels  as 
a  present  to  the  Prophet,  has  returned  withont  having  accomplished 
the  main  objectof  its  mission.  Having  proceeded  as  high  up  as  tiie 
Prophet's  town,  they  halted  in  order  to  leave  that  part  destined  for 
him.  He  at  first  refused  to  accept  of  it,  but  detuned  the  boat  un* 
til  he  would  have  a  council  of  his  chiefs ;  and  after  detaining  them 
two  days,  he  seiased  the  whole  cargo.  So  the  Indians  will  not 
only  8u£Per  for  want  of  salt,  but  may  blame  the  government  for 
faithlessness,  in  failing  to  deliver  the  artick  at  the  usual  period. 

"  On  being  demanded  the  cause  of  his  freachery  and  rash  con- 
duct, the  Prophet  gave  no  answer,  or  any  explanation,  but  said  his 
brother  Tecumthe  would  visit  the  governor  at  Yincennes  soon,  and 
settle  the  affiiir  with  hm."* 
Again,  July  27th —  v 

"For  some  days  past  very  considerable  alarm  has  existed  in  this 
place  and  vicinity,  occasioned  by  the  approach  of  the  Shawanese 
chief,  Tecumthe,  the  brother  of  the  Prophet,  accompanied  by  a 
great  number  of  warriors.  On  the  28th  he  entered  the  town.  His 
march  here  was  performed  leisurely,  having  been  seven  days  occo* 
pied  in  traveling  the  last  seventy  miles." 

Although  the  ostensible  object  of  this  visit  was  Tecumthe's  going 
to  the  council,  yet  u  was  believed  by  many,  that  his  real  object 


*  Western  Son  of  Jane  11,  1811.. 


886 


HARRISON   PREPARES  FOR  INDIAN  WAR. 


1811. 


was  to  intimidate  the  whites,  by  a  show  of  his  force,  a  belief  that 
seems  to  gain  strength  from  the  unusual  tardiness  of  his  march. 

This  last  council  was  still  less  satisfactory  to  the  governor  and 
citizens  than  the  former  one  of  August,  1810,  because  Tecumthe, 
on  this  occasion,  acknowledged  that  he  had  already  united  the 
northern  Indians,  and  furthermore,  avowed  his  intention  of  pro- 
ceeding south,  on  the  errand  of  bringing  the  savages  of  that  region 
into  a  league  of  offensive  war&re,  to  reclaim  their  country. 

Henceforth,  nothing  short  of  a  speedy  Indian  war  was  anticipa- 
ted, and  on  the  Slst  of  July,  during  the  session  of  the  council,  the 
citizens  of  Vincennes  and  its  vicinity  met  in  convention,  and  me- 
morialized P/esident  Madison  on  the  subject,  though  not  so  much 
for  protection  from  a  military  force,  as  for  permission  to  fight  the 
JDadians  their  own  way. 

The  following  letters  furnish  additional  evidences  of  the  state 
of  affairs  at  that  time,  as  being  indicative  of  the  impending  war: 

Fort  Wayne,  February  8, 1811. 
has  been  at  this  place.    The  information  derived  from 


him  is  the  same  I  have  been  in  possession  of  for  several  years,  to 
wit:  the  intrigues  of  the  British  agents  and  partizans,  in  creating 
an  influence  hostile  to  our  people  and  government,  within  our  ter- 
ritory. I  do  not  know  whether  a  garrison  is  to  be  erected  on  the 
Wabash  or  not,  but  every  consideration  of  sound  policy  urges 
the  early  establishment  of  a  post,  somewhere  contiguous  to  the 
Prophet's  residence.* 

ViNOBNNBS,  61L  August,  1811. 

The  Shawanee  chief,  Tecumthe,  has  made  a  visit  to  this  place, 
with  about  three  hundred  Indians,  though  he  promised  to  briug 
but  a  few  attendants;  his  intentions  are  hostile,  though  he  found  us 
prepared  for  him. 

Tecumthe  did  not  set  out  till  yesterday;  he  then  descended  the 
Wabash,  attended  by  twenty  men,  on  his  way  to  the  southward. 
After  having  visited  the  Creeks  and  Choctaws,  he  is  to  visit  the 
Osages,  and  return  by  the  Missouri.  The  spies  say,  his  object  in 
coming  with  so  many,  was  to  demand  a  retrocession  of  the  last  pur- 
chase. At  the  moment  he  was  promising  to  bring  but  few  men 
with  him,  he  was  sending  in  every  direction  t(  collect  his  people. 
That  he  meditated  a  blow  at  this  time,  was  believed  by  almost  all 
the  neutral  Indians,  f 


*  Correspondeoce  of  Colonel  Johnston,  Indian  agent. 
fGoTemor  EwriMn'i  oorreapondenoe. 


1811. 


CORRESPOKDHNOH  09  HARBISOir  AKD  J0HNST05. 


887 


Fort  Watnb,  August  18, 1811. 

It  appears  that  the  fruit  of  the  Shawanee  Prophet,  and  his  hand, 
is  making  its  appearance  in  more  genuine  colors  than  heretofore. 
I  have  lately  had  opportunities  of  seeing  many  of  the  Indians  of 
this  agency,  from  difierent  quarters,  and  hy  what  I  have  heen  able 
to  learn  from  them,  particularly  the  Pottawattamies,  I  am  induced 
to  believe  the  news  circulating  in  the  papers,  respecting  the  depre- 
dations committed  in  the  Illinois  territory,  by  the  Indians,  is 
mostly  correct,  and  is  thought  by  them  to  have  proceeded  from 
Mar  Poe,  and  the  influence  of  the  Shawanee  Prophet.  Several  of 
the  tribes  have  sent  to  me  for  advice. 


ViNCKNNES,  September  17, 1811. 
states  that  almost  every  Indian  from  the  country  above 


this  had  been,  or  were  then  gone  to  Maiden,  on  a  visit  to  the 
British  agent.  We  shall  probably  gain  our  destined  point  at  the 
moment  of  their  return.  If  then  the  British  agents  are  really  en- 
deavoring to  instigate  the  Indians  to  make  war  upon  us,  we  shall 
be  in  their  neighborhood  at  the  very  moment  when  the  impres- 
sions which  have  been  made  against  us  are  most  active  in  the 
minds  of  the  savages. 

succeeded  in  getting  the  chiefs  together  at  Fort  Wayne, 

though  he  found  them  all  preparing  to  go  to  Maiden.  The  result 
of  the  council  discovered  that  the  whole  tribes  (including  the 
Weas  and  Eel  rivers,  for  they  are  all  Miamies,)  were  about  equally 
divided  in  favor  of  the  Prophet,  and  the  United  States.  Lapousier 
the  Wea  chief,  whom  I  before  mentioned  to  you  as  being  seduced 

Dy  the  Prophet,  was  repeatedly  asked  by what  land  it  was 

that  he  was  determined  to  defend  with  his  blood ;  whether  it  was 
tlmt  ^rrhich  was  ceded  by  the  late  treaty  or  not  •  but  he  would  give 
no  uasiver. 

— —  reports  that  all  the  Indians  of  the  Wabash  have  been,  or 
ow  r  ;y,  on  a  visit  to  the  British  agents  at  Maiden.  lie  had  never 
•i:  ">.a  one-fourth  as  many  goods  given  to  the  Indians  as  they  are 
now  distributing.  He  examined  the  sliare  of  one  man  (not  a 
chief,)  and  found  that  he  had  received  an  elegant  rifle,  twenty-five 
pounds  of  powder,  fifty  pounds  of  lead,  three  blankets,  three  trouds 
of  cloth,  ten  shirts  and  several  other  articles.  He  says  every 
Indian  is  furnished  with  a  gun  (either  rifle  or  fusil)  and  an  abund- 
ance of  ammunition.  A  trader  of  this  country  was  lately  m  the 
king's  stores  at  Maiden,  and  was  told  that  the  quantity  of  goods 


888 


BTJILSIVa  OV  fORT  HAKKZSON. 


18i0. 


for  the  Indian  department,  which  had  been  sent  out  thii  year,  ex* 
ceeded  that  of  common  years  by  twenty  thonsand  pounds  sterling. 
It  is  impossible  to  ascribe  this  profVision  to  any  other  motive  than 
that  of  instigating  the  Indians  to  take  up  the  tomahawk.  It  cannot 
be  to  secure  their  trade;  for  all  the  peltry  collected  on  the  waters  of 
the  Wabash  in  one  year,  if  sold  in  the  London  market,  would  not  pay 
the  freight  of  the  goods  which  have  been  given  to  the  Indians. 

Harrison,  meanwhile,  had  taken  steps  to  increase  his  regular 
troops,  and  had  received  the  promise  of  strong  reinforcements, 
with  orders,  however,  to  be  very  backward  in  employing  them 
unless  in  case  of  absolute  need.  Under  these  circumstances  his 
plan  as  given  to  the  Secretary  of  War  upon  the  1st  of  August  was 
to  again  warn  the  Indians  to  obey  the  treaty  at  Greenville,  but  at 
the  same  time  to  prepare  to  break  up  the  Prophet's  establishment, 
if  pecessary. 

Messages  were  sent  out  as  proposed,  and  deputations  from  the 
natives  followed,  promising  peace  and  compliance,  but  the  gov* 
emor,  having  received  his  reinforcements,  commenced  his  propo* 
sed  progress.  On  the  6th  of  October  he  was  on  the  Wabash  sixty 
or  sixty-five  miles  above  Vincennes,  at  which  point  he  built  "Port 
Harrison."  Here  one  of  his  sentinels  was  fired  upon,  and  news 
was  received  from  the  friendly  Delawares  which  made  the  hostile 
purposes  of  the  Prophet  plain.  The  governor  then  determined  to 
move  directiy  upon  Tippecanoe,  still  offering  peace,  however. 
Upon  the  81st  of  October  he  was  near  the  mouth  of  the  Vermillion 
river,  where  he  built  a  block  house  for  the  protection  of  his  boats, 
and  a  place  of  deposit  for  his  heavy  baggag*^. 

The  following  account  of  the  succeeding  <«vents  is  given  by 
General  Harrison  himself  in  an  official  letter  to  the  Secretary  of 
War: 

"ViNCBNNBS,  18th  Novembc^  1811. 

"  Sir  : — ^In  my  letter  of  the  8th  inst.,  I  did  myself  the  honor  to 
communicate  the  result  of  an  action  between  the  troops  under  ny 
command  and  the  confederation  of  In^ans  under  the  control  o/ 
the  Shawanee  Prophet.  I  had  previously  informed  you  in  a  letter 
of  the  2d  inst.,  of  my  proceedings  previous  to  my  arrival  at  the 
Vermillion  river,  where  I  had  erected  a  block  house  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  boats  which  I  was  obliged  to  leave,  and  as  a  deposi- 
tory for  our  heavy  baggage,  and  such  part  of  our  provisions  as  we 
were  unable  to  transport  in  wagons. 

"On  the  morning  of  the  8d  inst,  I  commenced  my  march  from 


1811. 

the  block 
to  the  eaa 
country,  w 
iwird  of  n( 
woods.    A 
proper  dire 
fth,  to  a  SI 
town.    I  h 
of  Pine  c« 
troops  and } 
route  on  the 
*®d  by  small 
"Myorde 
General  Wa 
on  either  sid 
in  front,  in 
unfavorable  i 
but  where  it 
with  one  oft] 
"ITnderstaB 
probability  be 
on  either  flani 
the  army  in  o 
the  centre,  tw 
nflemen,  on  e 
line  was  place 
and  immediat< 
infantiy.    Th« 
tbree  hundred 
mounted  riflei 
To  facilitate  th 
folumnsofcon 
in  order  of  bat 

"Our  march 

oniination  of  e 

J«de.    Indeed 

\  was  obliged 

*"°»e8  in  the  d 

Pwsed  a  small 

^^n,  and  enter 

"8«»n  dwwn  up 

"I>«ringthe 


1811. 


HARBISON  MAROHIS  AGAINST  THS  INDIANS. 


889 


the  block  house.  The  TVabash,  abore  this,  taming  eonsiderably 
to  the  eastward,  I  was  obliged  to  avoid  the  broken  and  woody 
oountry,  which  borders  upon  it,  to  change  my  course  to  the  west- 
ward of  north,  to  gain  the  prairies  which  lie  to  the  back  of  those 
woods.  At  the  end  of  one  day's  inarch,  I  was  enabled  to  take  the 
proper  direction,  (N.  E.)  which  brought  me,  on  the  evening  of  the 
6th,  to  a  small  creek,  at  about  eleven  miles  from  the  Prophet's 
town.  I  had,  on  the  preceding  day,  avoided  the  dangerous  pass 
of  Pine  creek,  by  inclining  a  few  miles  to  the  left,  where  the 
troops  and  wagons  were  crossed  with  expedition  and  safety.  Our 
route  on  the  6th,  for  about  six  miles,  lay  through  prairies,  separa- 
ted by  small  points  of  woods. 

"  My  order  of  march  hitherto  had  been  similar  to  that  used  by 
General  Wayne ;  that  is,  the  infantry  were  in  two  columns  '  files 
on  either  side  of  the  road,  and  the  mounted  rifle  men  and  cavalry 
in  front,  in  the  rear  and  on  the  flanks.  Where  the  ground  was 
an&vorable  for  the  action  of  cavalry,  they  were  placed  in  the  rear; 
but  where  it  was  otherwise,  they  were  made  to  exchange  positions 
with  one  of  the  mounted  rifle  corps. 

"Understanding  that  the  last  four  miles  were  open  woods,  and  the 

probability  being  greater  that  we  should  be  attacked  in  front,  than 

on  either  flank,  I  halted  at  that  distance  from  the  town,  and  formed 

the  army  in  order  of  battle.    The  United  States  infantry  placed  in 

the  centre,  two  companies  of  militia  infantry,  and  one  of  mounted 

riflemen,  on  each  flank,  formed  the  front  line.    In  the  rear  of  this 

line  was  placed  the  baggage,  drawn  up  as  compactly  as  possible, 

and  immediately  behind  it,  a  reserve  of  three  companies  of  militia 

infantry.    The  cavalry  formed  a  second  line,  at  the  distance  of 

three  hundred  yards  in  the  rear  of  the  front  line,  and  a  company  of 

mounted  riflemen,  the  advanced  guard  at  that  distance  in  front. 

To  facilitate  the  maroh,  the  whole  were  then  broken  off  into  short 

columns  of  companies — a  situation  the  most  favorable  for  forming 

in  order  of  battle  with  facility  and  precision. 

"Our  march  was  slow  and  cautious,  and  much  delayed  by  the  ex- 
amination of  every  place  which  seemed  calculated  for  an  ambus- 
cade. Indeed  the  ground  was  for  some  time  so  unfavorable,  that 
I  was  obliged  to  change  the  position  of  the  several  corps  three 
times  in  the  distance  of  a  mile.  At  half  past  two  o'dool^  we 
passed  a  small  creek  at  the  distance  of  one  mile  and  a  half  from 
town,  and  entered  an  open  wood,  when  the  army  was  halted,  and 
again  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle. 
"During  the  whole  of  the  last  day's  maroh,  parties  of  Indians 


840 


BATTLB  or  TIPPBOANOB. 


1811. 


were  oonitftntly  about  us,  and  every  effort  was  made  by  the  inter- 
preters to  speak  to  them,  but  in  vain.  Kew  attempts  of  the  kind 
were  now  made,  but  proving  equally  ineffectual,  a  Captain  Dubois, 
of  the  spies  and  guides,  offering  to  go  with  a  flag  to  the  town,  I 
dispatched  him  with  an  interpreter,  to  request  a  conference  Mrith 
the  Prophet.  In  a  few  moments  a  messenger  was  sent  by  Captain 
Dubois,  to  inform  me  that  in  his  attempts  to  advance,  the  Indians 
appeared  on  both  his  flanks,  and  although  he  had  spoken  to  them 
in  the  most  friendly  manner,  they  refused  to  answer,  bat  beckoned 
to  him  to  go  forward,  and  constantly  endeavored  to  cut  him  off 
from  the  army.  Upon  this  information  I  recalled  the  captain,  and 
determined  to  encamp  for  the  night,  and  take  some  other  measures 
for  opening  a  conference  with  the  Prophet. 

**  Whilst  I  was  engaged  in  tracing  the  lines  for  the  encampment, 
Migor  Daviess,  who  commanded  the  dragoons,  came  to  inform  me 
that  he  had  penetrated  the  Indian  fields;  tliat  the  ground  was  en- 
tirely  open  and  favorable ;  that  the  Indians  in  front  had  manifested 
nothing  but  hostility,  and  had  answered  every  attempt  to  bring  them 
to  a  parley  with  contempt  and  insolence.  I  was  immediately  advised 
by  all  the  officers  around  me  to  move  forward ;  a  similar  wish,  in- 
deed, pervaded  all  the  army.  It  was  drawn  up  in  excellent  order, 
and  every  man  appeared  eager  to  decide  the  contest  immediately. 

"  Being  informed  that  a  good  encampnient  might  be  had  upon 
the  Wabash,  I  yielded  to  what  appeared  the  general  wish,  and  di- 
rected the  troops  to  advance,  taking  care,  however,  to  place  the 
interpreters  in  front,  with  directions  to  invite  a  conference  with  any 
Indians  they  might  meet  with.  We  had  not  advanced  above  four 
hundred  yards,  when  I  was  informed  that  three  Indians  had  ap- 
proached the  advanced  guard,  and  had  expressed  a  wish  to  speak 
to  me.  I  found,  upon  their  arrival,  that  one  of  them  was  a  man  in 
great  estimation  with  the  Prophet  He  informed  me  that  the  chiefs 
were  much  surprised  at  my  advancing  upon  them  so  rapidly ;  that 
fhey  were  given  to  understand,  by  the  Delawares  and  Miamies, 
whom  I  had  sent  to  them  a  few  days  before,  that  I  would  not  ad- 
vance to  their  town,  until  I  had  received  an  answer  to  my  demands 
made  through  them ;  that  this  answer  had  been  dispatched  by  the 
Pottawattamie  chief,  Winnemac,  who  had  accompanied  the  Dela- 
wares and  Miamies,  on  their  return ;  that  they  had  left  the  Prophet's 
town  two  days  before,  with  a  deugn  to  meet  me,  but  had  unfortu- 
nately taken  the  road  on  the  south  side  of  the  Wabash. 

"  I  answered  that  I  had  no  intention  of  attacking  them,  until  I 
discovered  that  they  would  not  comply  with  the  demands  4at  I 


1811. 


BATTLE  OP  IIPPEOAMOI. 


841 


had  made;  that  I  woulu  go  on,  and  encamp  at  the  "Wabash;  and  in 
the  morning  would  have  an  interview  with  the  Prophet  and  his 
chiefs,  and  explain  to  them  the  determination  of  the  President ; 
that  in  the  meantime,  no  hostilities  should  be  committed.  H« 
seemed  much  pleased  with  this,  and  promised  that  it  should  be 
observed  on  their  part.  I  then  resumed  mj  march.  We  struck 
the  cultivated  ground  about  five  hundred  yards  below  the  town, 
but  as  these  extended  to  the  bank  of  the  Wabash,  there  was  no 
possibility  of  getting  an  encampment  which  was  provided  with  both 
wood  and  water. 

"  My  guides  and  interpreters  being  still  with  the  advanced  guard, 
and  taking  the  direction  of  the  town,  the  army  followed,  and  had 
advanced  within  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards,  when  fifty  of 
sixty  Indians  sallied  out,  and  with  loud  acclamations  called  to  the 
cavalry  and  to  the  militia  infantry,  which  were  on  our  right  flank, 
to  halt.  I  immediately  advanced  to  the  front,  caused  the  army  to 
halt,  and  directed  an  interpreter  to  request  some  of  the  chiefs  to 
come  to  me. 

<'  In  a  few  moments,  the  man  who  had  been  with  me  before, 
made  his  appearance.  I  informed  him  that  my  object  for  the  pres- 
ent was  to  procure  a  good  piece  of  ground  to  encamp  on,  where  we 
could  get  wood  and  water;  he  informed  me  that  there  was  a 
creek  to  the  north-west,  which  he  thought  would  suit  our  purpose. 
I  immediately  dispatched  two  officers  to  examine  it,  and  they  re- 
ported the  situation  was  excellent.  I  then  took  leave  of  the  chiefs 
and  a  mutual  promise  was  again  made  for  a  suspension  of  hostilities 
until  we  could  have  an  interview  on  the  following  day. 

"I  found  the  ground  destined  for  the  encampmQ;at  not  altogether 

Bach  as  I  could  wish  it — it  was  indeed  admirably  calculated  for  the 

encampment  of  regular  troops,  that  were  opposed  to  regulars,  but 

it  afforded  great  facility  to  the  approach  of  savages.    It  was  ft  piec« 

of  dry  oak  land,  rising  about  ten  feet  above  the  level  of  a  marshy 

prairie  in  front,  (toward  the  Indian  town,)  and  nearly  twice  that 

height  above  a  similar  prairie  in  the  rear,  through  which,  and  near 

to  this  bank,  ran  a  small  stream,  clothed  with  willows  and  brush- 

wood.  Toward  the  left  flank,  this  bench  of  high  land  widened  con* 

Biderably,  but  became  gradually  narrow  in  the  opposite  direction, 

and  at  the  distance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  from  the  right 

flank,  terminated  in  an  abrupt  point. 

"  The  two  columns  of  infentry  occupied  the  front  and  rear  of 
this  ground,  at  the  distance  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  from 
each  other  on  the  left,  aoid  something  iq<m«  than  half  that  dbtance 
64 


949. 


BATTLB  OP  TIPPIJCANOB. 


1811. 


on  the  nght  flank — these  flanks  were  filled  up,  the  first  by  two  com- 
panies of  r  ounted  riflemen,  amounting  to  about  one  hundred  and 
twenty  men,  under  the  command  of  Migor-General  Wells,  of  the 
Kentucky  militia,  who  served  as  a  miyor ;  the  other  by  Spencer's 
oompany  of  mounted  riflemen,  which  amounted  to  eighty  men. 

"The  front  line  was  composed  of  one  battalion  of  United  States 
infantry,  under  the  command  of  M%)or  Floyd,  flanked  on  the  right 
by  two  com  panics  of  militia,  and  on  the  left  by  one  company.  The 
rear  line  was  composed  of  a  battalion  of  United  States  troops,  un- 
der the  command  of  Captain  Bean,  acting  as  major,  and  four  com- 
panies of  militia  infantry,  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Decker. 

'*  The  regular  troops  of  this  line  joined  the  mounted  riflemen, 
under  Qeneral  Wells,  on  the  left  flank,  and  Col.  Decker's  battalion 
formed  an  angle  with  Spencer's  company  on  the  left. 

"  Two  troops  of  dragoons,  amounting  to,  in  the  aggregate,  about 
sixty  men,  were  encamped  in  the  rear  of  the  loft  flank,  and  Captain 
Parke's  troop,  which  was  larger  than  the  other  two,  in  the  rear  of 
the  front  line.  Our  order  of  encampment  varied  little  from  that 
above  described,  excepting  when  some  peculiarity  of  the  ground 
made  it  necessary. 

'*  For  a  night  attack,  the  order  of  encampment  was  the  order  of 
battle,  and  each  man  slept  immediately  opposite  to  his  post  iu  the 
line.  In  the  formation  of  my  troops,  I  used  a  single  rank,  or  what 
is  called  Indian  file — because  in  Indian  warfare,  where  there  is  no 
shock  to  resist,  one  rank  is  nearly  as  good  as  two,  and  m  that  kind 
of  warfare,  the  extension  of  line  is  of  the  first  importance.  Raw 
troops  also  maneuver  with  much  more  facility  in  single  than  in 
double  ranks. 

"  It  was  my  constant  custom  to  assemble  all  the  field  officers  at 
my  tent  every  evening  by  signal,  to  give  them  the  watchword,  and 
their  instructions  for  the  night — those  given  for  the  night  of 
the  6th  were,  that  each  troop  which  formed  a  part  of  the  exterior 
line  of  the  encampment,  should  hold  its  own  ground  until  relieved. 

''The  dragoons  were  ordered  to  parade  in  case  of  a  night  attack, 
with  their  pistols  in  their  belts,  and  to  act  as  a  corps  de  reserve.  The 
camp  was  defended  by  two  captains'  guards,  consisting  each  of 
four  non-commissioned  officers  and  forty-two  privates ;  and  two 
subalterns'  guards,  of  twenty  non-commissioned  officers  and  pri- 
vates. The  whole  under  the  command  of  a  field  officer  of  the  day. 
The  troops  were  regularly  called  up  an  hour  before  day,  and  made 
to  continue  under  arms  until  it  was  quite  light. 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  7th,  I  had  risen  at  a  quarter  after  four 


1811. 


BATTLI  OF  TIPPBOAKOI. 


MS 


o'clock,  and  the  signal  for  calling  out  tbo  men  would  have  been 
given  in  two  minutes,  when  the  attack  commenced.  It  began  on 
our  left  flank — but  a  signal  gun  was  fired  by  the  sentinels, 
or  by  the  guard  in  that  direction,  which  made  not  the  least 
resistance,  but  abandoned  their  officer,  and  fled  into  camp,  and 
the  first  notice  which  the  troops  of  that  flank  had  of  the  dan- 
ger, was  from  the  yells  of  the  savages  within  a  short  distance  of  the 
lino — but  oven  under  those  circumstances  the  men  were  not  want- 
ing to  themselves  or  the  occasion. 

"Snch  of  them  as  were  awake,  or  were  easily  awakened,  seized 
tl)  .  ms,  and  took  their  stations;  others  which  were  more  tardy, 
had  lo  contend  with  the  enemy  in  the  doors  of  their  tents.  The 
storm  first  fell  upon  Captain  Barton's  company  of  the  4th  United 
States  regiment,  and  Captain  Geiger's  company  of  moanted  rifle- 
men, whicli  formed  the  left  angle  of  the  rear  line.  The  fire  upoa 
these  was  exceedingly  severe,  and  they  suffered  considerably  before 
relief  could  be  brought  to  them. 

"  Some  few  Indians  passed  into  the  encampment  near  the  angle, 
and  one  or  two  penetrated  to  some  distance  before  they  were  killed. 
I  believe  all  the  other  companies  were  under  arms,  and  tolerably 
formed  before  they  were  fired  on. 

**  The  rooming  was  dark  and  cloudy ;  our  fires  afforded  a  partial 
light,  which,  if  it  gave  us  some  opportunity  of  taking  our  positions, 
was  still  more  advantageous  to  the  enemy,  affording  them  the 
means  of  taking  a  surer  aim ;  they  were  therefore  extinguished. 
Under  all  these  discouraging  circumstances,  the  troops  (nineteen- 
twentieths  of  whom  had  never  been  in  action  before,)  behaved  in  a 
manner  that  can  never  be  too  much  applauded.  They  took  their 
places  without  noise,  and  less  confusion  than  could  have  been  ex- 
pected from  veterans  placed  in  the  same  situation. 

"As  soon  as  I  could  mount  my  horse,  I  rode  to  the  angle  that 
was  attacked — ^I  found  that  Barton's  company  had  suffered  se- 
verely and  the  left  of  Geiger's  entirely  broken.  I  immediately 
ordered  Cook's  company  and  the  late  Captain  Wentworth's,  under 
Lieutenant  Peters,  to  be  brought  up  from  the  center  of  the  rear 
line,  where  the  ground  was  much  more  defensible,  and  formed 
across  the  angle  in  support  of  Barton's  and  Geiger's. 

"My  attention  was  then  engaged  by  a  heavy  firing  upon  the  left 
of  the  front  line,  where  were  stationed  the  small  company  of 
United  States'  riflemen,  (then,  however,  armed  with  muskets)  and 
the  companies  of  Bean,  Snelling,  and  Prescott,  of  the  4th  regi- 
ment   I  found  Migor  Daviess  forming  the  dragoons  in  the  rear 


>. 


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WIM1iR,N.Y.  145*0 

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O^ 


BwS' 


BA^LB  or  TI9PBCAKOB. 


ISII. 


of  those  oompanies,  and  understanding  that  the  heaviest  part  of 
the  enemy's  fire  proceeded  firom  some  trees  aboat  fifteen  or 
twenty  paces  in  front  of  those  companies,  I  directed  the  mi^or  to 
dislodge  them  with  a  part  of  .the  dragoons. 

'*  Unfortunately  the  major's  gallantry  determined  him  to  exe- 
cute the  order  with  a  smaller  force  than  was  sufiicient,  which 
enabled  the  enemy  to  avoid  him  in  front  and  attack  his  flanks. 
The  migor  was  mortally  wounded,  and  his  party  driven  back.  The 
Indians  were,  however,  immediately  and  gallantly  dislodged  from 
their  advantageous  position,  hy  Oaptain  Snelling,  at  the  head  of 
his  company. 

"  In  the  course  of  a  few  minutes  after  the  commencenient  of  the 
attack,  the  fire  extended  along  the  left  flank,  the  whole  of  the 
front,  the  right  flank,  and  part  rf  the  rear  line.  Upon  Spencer's 
mounted  riflemen,  and  the  right  of  Warwick's  company,  which 
was  posted  on  the  rear  of  the  right  line,  it  was  excessively  severe. 
Captain  Spencer  anil  his  first  and  second  lieutenants,  were  killed, 
and  Captain  Warwick  was  mortally  wounded — ^those  companies, 
however,  still  bravely  maintained  their  posts,  but  Spencer  had  suf- 
fered so  severely,  and  having  originally  too  much  ground  to  occupy, 
I  reinforced  them  with  Kobb's  company  of  riflemen,  which  had 
been  driven  back,  or  by  mistake  ordered  from  their  position  on 
the  left  flank,  toward  the  center  of  the  camp,  and  filled  the 
vacancy  that  had  been  occupied  by  Bobb  with  Frescott's  company 
of  the  4th  United  States  regiment 

"My  great  object  was  to  keep  the  lines  entire,  to  prevent  the 
«nemy  from  breaking  into  the  camp  until  daylight,  which  should 
enable  me  to  make  a  general  and  effectual  choige.  With  this 
view,  I  had  reinforced  every  purt  of  the  line  that  had  suffered 
much ;  and  as  soon  as  the  approach  of  morning  discovered  itself,  I 
withdrew  from  the  front  line,  Snelling's,  Posey's  (under  Lieuten- 
ant Albright,)  and  Scott's,  tmd  from  the  rear  liue>  Wilson's  com- 
panies, and  drew  them  up  upon  the  left  flank,  and  at  the  same 
time,  I  ordered  Cook's  and  Bean's  companies,  the  former  from  the 
Mar,  and  the  latter  from  the  front  line,  to  reinforce  the  right 
flftttk;  forseeing  that  at  these  points  the  enemy  would  make  their 
last  efibrts. 

"  Miyor  Wells^  who  commanded  on  the  lieft  flank,  not  knowing 
Bay  intentions  precisely,  had  taken  oofjimMid  of  those  companiei, 
and  charged  the  enemy  before  I  had  formed  the  body  of  dragoons 
with  which  I  meant  to  support  tiie  infitntry ;  a  raaall  detaohment 
of  these  were^  however,  ready,  and  proved  amply  sufBoient  for  the 
purpose. 


1811. 

wrt  of 
m  or 
^orto 

0  exe- 
vhiob 
Aftnks. 
:.  The 

1  from 
tead  of 

t  of  the 
,  of  the 
pencer'B 
,  which 
f  Bovere. 
e  killed, 
napanies, 
had  8uf- 
)  occupy, 
licb  had 
lition  oa 
illed  the 
Icompany 


181t 


BATTLI  OF  TIPPBOAHOB. 


845 


,  knowing 

)inpaniw» 
dragoons 


"  The  Indians  were  driven  by  fhe  inikntry,  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet,  and  the  dragoons  pursued  and  foraed  them  into  a  marsh, 
where  they  coald  not  be  followed.  Oaptiun  Cook  and  Lienteaant. 
Larabee  had,  agreeable  to  my  order,  marched  their  companies  to 
the  right  flank,  had  formed  them  under  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  and 
being  then  joined  by  the  riflemen  of  that  flank,  had  charged  the 
Indians,  killed  a  number,  and  put  the  rest  to  precipitate  flight  A 
favorable  opportiruity  was  here  offered  to  pursue  the  enemy  with 
dragoons,  but  being  engaged  at  that  time  on  the  other  flan^  I  did 
not  observe  it  till  it  was  too  late. 

"I  have  thus,  sir,  given  yon  the  particulars  of  an  action,  which 
was  certainly  maintained  with  the  greatest  obstinacy  and  perseve- 
rance, by  b<yth  parties.  The  Indians  manifested  a  ferocity  uncom- 
mon even  with  them — ^to  their  savage  fury  our  troops  opposed  that 
cool,  and  deliberate  valor,  which  is  characteristio  of  the  Christian 
soldier."* 

The  Americans  in  this  battie  had  not  more  than  seven  hundred 
efficient  men, — ^non-commissioned  officers  and  privates;  the  In- 
dians are  believed  to  have  had  seven  hundred  or  one  thousand 
wai  riors.  The  loss  of  the  American  army  was  thirty-seven  killed 
on  the  field,  twenty-five  mortally  wounded,  and  one  hundred  and 
twenty-six  wounded ;  that  of  the  Indians  about  forty  killed  on  the 
spot,  the  number  6f  wounded  being  unknown. 

Governor  Harrison,  although  very  generally  popular,  had  ene- 
mies,  and  after  the  battie  of  Tippecanoe  they  denounced  him,  for 
suffering  the  Indians  to  point  out  his  camping  gpround ;  for  allow- 
ing himself  to  be  surprised  by  his  enemy ;  and,  because  he  sac- 
rificed either  Daviess  or  Owen,  (accounts  difiered,)  by  placing  one 
or  the  other  on  a  favorite  white  horse  of  his  own,  which  caused  the 
savages  to  make  the  rider  an  e^secial  mark.  To  these  charges 
elaborate  replies  have  been  made:  justice  cannot  do  more  than  say^ 
to  the  first,  that  although,  as  Harrison  relates,  the  Indians  pointed 
out  the  creek  upon  which  was  the  site  of  his  encampment,  his  own 
officers  found,  examined,  and  approved  that  particular  site,  and 
other  military  men  have  since  approved  their  selection ;  to  the 
next,  the  only  reply  needed  is,  that  the  facts  were  just  as  stated  in 
the  dispatch  which  has  been  quoted;  and  to  the  third,  that  Daviess 
was  killed  on  foot,  and  Owen  on  a  horse  not  General  Harrison's: 
the  last  story  probably  arose  from  th9  &ot  that  Miyor  Taylor,  % 


Lntforthft 


*Aaar!Mn  State  Ftpwt,  t.  777,  778. 


846 


INDIAN  HOSTILITIXS  OlASB. 


1811. 


fellow  aid  of  Owen,  was  mounted  on  a  hone  of  the  Governor's; 
but  Taylor  was  not  iiyared,  though  the  horse  he  rode  was  killed 
under  him. 

The  battle  of  Tippecanoe  was  fought  upon  the  7th  of  November. 
In  a  few  weeks  afterward,  Harrison  addressed  the  Secretary  of  War 
as  follows : 

**YiN0iNNB8,  4th  December,  1811. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  two  principal  chiefs  of  the 
Kiokapoos  of  the  Pifdries  arrived  here,  bearing  a  flag,  on  the  even- 
ing before  last  They  informed  me  that  they  came  In  consequence 
of  a  message  from  a  chief  of  that  part  of  the  Elckapoos  which  had 
joined  the  Prophet,  requiring  them  to  do  so,  and  that  the  said  chief 
is  to  be  here  himself  in  a  day  or  two.  The  account  which  they  give 
of  the  late  confederacy,  under  the  Prophet,  is  as  follows:  'The 
Prophet,  with  his  Shawanese,  is  at  a  small  Huron  village,  about 
twelve  miles  from  his  former  residence,  on  this  side  of  the  Wabash, 
where,  also,  were  twelve  or  fifteen  Hurons.  The  Kickapoos  are 
encamped  near  to  the  Tippecanoe.  The  Pottawattamies  have 
scattered  and  gone  to  different  villages'  of  that  tribe.  The  Winnc- 
bagoes  had  all  set  out  on  their  return  to  their  own  country,  except* 
ing  one  chief  and  nine  men,  who  remained  at  their  former  village. 
The  latter  had  attended  Tecumthe  in  his  tour  to  the  northward, 
Mid  had  only  returned  to  the  Prophet's  town  the  day  before  the 
action.  The  Prophet  had  sent  a  messenger  to  the  Eickapoos 
of  the  Prairie,  to  request  that  he  might  be  permitted  to  retire  to 
their  town.  This  was  positively  refused,  and  a  warning  sent  to  him 
not  to  come  there.  He  then  sent  to  request  that  foar  of  his  men 
might  attend  the  Eickapoo  chief  here— -this  was  also  refused.  These 
chiefs  say,  on  the  whole,  that  all  the  tribes  who  lost  warriors  in  the 
late  action,  attribute  their  misfortune  to  the  Prophet  alone ;  that 
they  constantly  reproach  him  with  their  misfortunes,  and  threaten 
him  with  death ;  that  they  are  all  desirous  of  making  their  peace 
with  the  United  States,  and  will  send  deputations  to  me  for  that 
purpose,  as  soon  as  they  are  informed  that  they  will  be  well  received. 
The  two  chiefs  further  say,  that  they  were  sent  by  Governor  Howard 
and  General  Clarke,  sometime  before  the  action,  to  endeavor  to 
bring  off  the  Eickapoos  from  the  Prophet's  town ;  that  they  used 
their  best  endeavors  to  effect  it,  but  ufasuccfessfblly.  That  the 
Prophet's  followers  were  fully  impressed  with  the  belief  that  thej 
could  defeat  us  with  ease;  that  it  was  their  intention  to  have  at- 
tacked us  at  Fort  Harrison,  if  we  had  gone  no  higher ;  that  liacoon 
oreek  was  then  fixed  on,  and  finally  Pine  creek;  and  that  the  latter 


10  '-evere  a  del 


1811. 


lA&THQUAKl  Of  THB  MISSUNUPn  YALLMt. 


84T 


would  probably  had  been  tbe  place,  if  the  nsvial  route  had  not  been 
abandoned,  and  a  crossing  made  higher  up ;  that  the  attack  made  on 
our  sentinels  at  Fort  Harrison,  was  intended  to  shut  the  door  against 
accommodation ;  that  the  Winnebagoes  had  forty  warriors  killed 
in  the  action,  and  the  Eickapoos  eleven,  and  ten  wounded.  They 
have  never  heard  howmany  of  the  Pottawattamies  and  other  tribes 
were  killed ;  that  the  Pottawattamie  chief  left  by  me  on  the  battle 
ground,  is  since  dead  of  his  wounds,  but  that  he  fitithftilly  deliv- 
ered my  speech  to  the  difieront  tribes,  and  warmly  urged  them  to 
abandon  the  "Prophet,  and  submit  to  my  terms.' 

<*I  cannot  say,  sir,  how  much  of  the  above  may  be  depended  or.. 
I  believe,  however,  that  the  statement  made  by  the  chiefs  is  gener- 
erally  correct,  particularly  with  regard  to  the  present  disposition  of 
the  Indians.  It  is  certain  that  our  frontiers  have  never  enjoyed 
more  profound  tranquillity  than  at  this  time.  No  injury  of  any 
kind,  that  I  can  hear  of,  has  been  done,  either  to  the  persons  or 
property  of  our  citizens.  Before  the  expedition,  not  a  fortnight 
passed  over,  without  some  vexatious  depredations  being  committed. 

'*The  Eickapoo  chiefs  certainly  tell  an  untruth,  when  they  say 
that  there  were  but  eleven  of  their  tribe  killed,  and  ten  wounded ; 
it  ia  impossible  to  believe  that  fewer  were  wounded  than  killed. 
They  acknowledge,  however,  that  the  Indians  have  never  sustained 
■0  "severe  a  defeat  since  their  acquaintance  with  the  white  people." 

During  this  year  two  events  took  place,  beside  the  battle  oi 
Tippecanoe,  which  make  it  especially  noticeable  in  the  history 
of  the  West;  tbe  one  was,  the  building  of  the  steamer  New 
Orleans,  the  first  boat  built  beyond  tbe  Alleghenies ;  the  other  was 
the  series  of  earthquakes  which  destroyed  New  Madrid,  and  affec- 
ted the  whole  valley.  Of  the  latter  event,  the  following  descrip- 
tion is  from  the  pen  of  Dr.  Hildreth  :* 

"The  first  shock  was  felt  in  the  night  of  the  16th  of  December, 
1811,  and  was  repeated  at  intervals,  with  decreasing  violence,  into 
February  following.  New  Madrid,  having  suffered  more  than  any 
other  town  on  the  Mississippi  from  its  effects,  was  considered 
as  situated  near  the  focus  from  whence  the  undulations  proceeded. 
The  center  of  its  violence  was  thought  to  be  near  the  Little  Prai- 
rie, twenty-five  or  thirty  miles  below  New  Madrid;  the  vibrations 
from  which  were  felt  all  over  the  valley  of  the  Ohio,  as  high  up  as 
Pittsburgh. 


•Dawson,  204  to  208— McAfee's  History  of  the  War,  18  to  88. 


m 


x4iT9«irA|ca  07  Tw  mssiBsiyn  taiijit. 


1811 


*<Prom  an  •ye-witneBs,  who  wtt»  then  about  fi>v(j  miles  b«low 
t)i^t  town,  in  »  flat  boat,  on  his  way  to  New  Orieans  with  a  load  <tf 
produce,  and  who  narrated  the  seene  to  me,  the  sgitation  which 
eonvulsed  the  earth  and  the  waters  of  the  mighty  MisBiesippi  filled 
every  living  creature  with  horror.  The  |bst  shook  took  place  in 
the  night,  while  the  boot  was  lying  at  the  shore  in  company  with 
leveral  others  At  this  period  there  was  danger  i^prehended  from 
the  southern  Indians,  it  being  soon  Mter  the  battle  of  T'^|)ecaaoe, 
find  for  sf^ety  several  boats  kept  in  oompimy,  for  mvitoal  defense 
in  case  of  an- attack. 

*'In  the  middle  c^  the  night  there  was  a  tenible  shock  and 
jarring  of  the  boats,  so  that  the  crews  were  all  awakened  and 
bnrried  on  deck  with  their  w^^ons  of  defS^nse  in  their  hands, 
thinking  the  Indians  were  rnshing  on  board.  The  ducks,  geese, 
iWfina,  and  various  other  aquatic  birds,  whose  numberless  flocks 
^ere  quietly  resting  in  the  eddies  of  the  fiver,  were  thrown  into 
t|)0  greatest  tumult,  fnd  with  lo^d  screams  e^i^sAed  their  alarm 
i|i  accents  of  terror. 

"The  noise  and  commotion  soon  became  hushed,  and  nothing 
could  be  discovered  to  excite  apprehension,  so  that  the  boatmen 
concluded  that  the  shock  was  occasioned  by  the  falling  in  of  a 
large  mass  of  the  bank  of  the  river  near  them>  As  soon  as  it  was 
light  enough  to  distinguish  objects,  the  crews  were  all  up  making 
ready  to  depart. 

"Directly  a  loud  roaring  and  hissing  was  heard,  like  the  escape 
qf  steam  from  a  boiler,  accompanied  by  the  most  violent  agitation 
of  the  shores  and  trekpendous  boiling  up  of  the  waters  of  the  Mis> 
{issippi  in  huge  swells,  rolling  the  waters  below  back  on  the 
descending  stream,  and  tosjsing  the  boats  about  so  violently  th^t 
the  men  with  diflSculty  could  keep  on  their  feet  The  sandbais 
and  points  of  the  islands  gave  way,  swallowed  up  in  the  tumulto- 
Qus  bosom  of  the  river;  carrying  down  with  them  tbe  cottonwood 
^rees,  cracking  and  crwhing,  tossing  their  arms  to  and  fro,  as  if 
sensible  of  their  danger,  while  they  disappeared  beneath  the  flood. 

"Thb  water  of  the  river,  which  the  day  before  was  tolerably 
dear,  being  rather  low,  changed  to  a  reddish  hue,  and  became 
thick  with  mud  thrown  up  from  its  bottom;  while  the  surface, 
lashed  violently  by  the  agitation  of  the  earth  beneath,  was  covere4 
with  foam,  which,  gathering  into  masses  the  size  of  f^  barreli 
floated  along  on  the  trembling  surface.  The  earth  on  the  shores 
opened  in  wide  fissures,  and  closing  again,  threw  the  water,  sand 
and  mud,  in  huge  jets,  higher  than  the  to^s  of  the  trees. 


1811. 


BABTAQUAKB  Off  VSB  MUBIMIPPI  YAlllT. 


m 


<'Tb«  atmosphere  was  filled  with  ft  thick  vapor  or  gas,  to  which 
the  light  imparted  a  purple  tinge,  ftltogether  different  in  appear 
ance  from  the  aqtnmnal  haae  of  Indian  iummer,  or  that  of  emoke^ 
From  the  temporary  check  to  the  oarrent,  by  the  heaving  up  of 
the  bottom,  the  sinking  of  the  bank*  and  sandbars  into  the  bed  of 
the  stream,  the  river  rose  in  a  few  minutea  five  or  six  feet;  and, 
impatient  of  the  restraint,  again  rushed  forward  with  redoubled 
impetuosity,  hurrying  along  the  boats,  now  set  loose  by  the  horrois 
struck  boatmen,  as  in  less  danger  on  the  water  than  at  the  shore, 
where  the  banks  threatened  every  moment  to  destroy  them  by  the 
filing  earth,  or  cany  them  down  in  the  vortices  of  the  sinking 
nssses. 

*<Many  boats  were  overwhelmed  in  this  manner,  and  their  ' 
crews  perished  with  thiem.  It  required  the  utmost  exertions  of 
the  men  to  keep  the  boat,  of  which  my  informffnt  was  the  owner, 
in  the  middle  of  the  river,  as  fiur  from  the  shores,  sandbars  and 
islands  as  they  could.  iNumerous  boats  wrecked  on  the  snags  and 
old  trees  thrown  up  from  the  bottom  of  the  Mississippi,  where 
they  had  quietly  rested  for  ages,  while  others  were  sunk  or  stranded 
on  the  sandbars  and  islands.  At  UTew  Madrid  several  boats  were 
chimed  by  the  reflux  of  the  current  into  a  small  stream  that  puts 
into  the  river  just  above  the  town,  and  left  on  the  ground  by  tha 
returning  water  a  considerable  distance  from  the  Mississippi. 

"A  man  who  belonged  to  one  of  the  company  boats;  was  left  for 
several  hours  on  the  upright  trunk  of  an  old  snag  in  the  middle  of 
the  river,  against  which  his  boat  was  wrecked  and  sunk.  It  stood 
with  the  roots  a  few  feet  above  the  water,  and  to  these  he  contrived 
to  attach  himself,  while  eveiy  fresh  shock  threw  the  agitated  wave^ 
against  him,  and  kept  gradually  settling  the  tree  deeper  into  the 
mad  at  the  bottom,  bringing  him  nearer  and  nearer  to  the  deep 
muddy  waters,  which,  to  his  terrified  imagination,  seemed  desirous 
of  swallowing  him  up.  While  hanging  here,  calling  with  piteoui 
shouts  for  aid,  several  boats  passed  by  without  being  able  to  relieve 
lum,  until  finally  a  skiff  was  well  manned,  rowed  a  short  distance 
ahove  him,  and  dropped  down  stream  elose  to  the  snag,  from  which^ 
he  tumbled  into  the  boat  as  she  floated  by. 

"  The  scenes  which  occurred  for  several  days,  during  the  repeated 
shocks,  were  horrible.  The  most  destructive  ones  took  place  in  the 
beginning,  although  they  were  repeated  for  many  weeks,  becoming 
lighter  and  lighter,  until  they  died  away  in  slight  vibrations,  like 
the  jarring  of  steam  in  an  immense  boiler.  The  sulphurated 
gases  that  were  discharged  during  the  shocks,  tainted  the  air  with 


860 


lABTHQUAKI  Off  VHI  MUBUWIPPX  TALLIT. 


1811. 


their  nozioas  efflavia,  and  so  strongly  impregnated  the  water  of  th« 
river,  to  the  distance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  below,  tbat 
it  eould  hardly  be  used  for  any  purpose  for  a  number  of  days. 

"Kew  Madrid,  which  stood  on  a  bluff  bank,  fifteen  or  twenty 
foet  above  the  summer  floods,  sunk  so  low  that  the  next  rise 
covered  it  to  the  depth  of  five  feet  The  bottoms  of  several  fin« 
lakes  in  the  vicinity  were  elevated  so  as  to  become  dry  land,  and 
have  since  been  planted  with  com  I "  * 

To  this  interesting  sketch  by  Dr.  ffildreth,  we  append  a  few 
particulars. 

In  the  town  of  Gape  Girardeau,  were  sevsral  edifices  of  stone  and 
brick.  The  walls  of  these  buildings  were  cracked,  in  some 
instances  from  the  ground  to  the  top,  and  wide  fissures  were  left 

**  The  great  ahakey"  as  the  people  call  it,  was  so  severe  in  the 
county  of  8t  Louis,  that  domestic  fowls  foil  fkt>m  the  trees  as 
if  dead;  crockery  fell  firom  the  shelves  and  was  broken,  and  many 
fiunilies  left  their  cabins,  from  fear  of  being  crushed  beneath  their 
ruins. 

Mr.  Bradbury^  an  English  scientific  explorer,  who  was  on  a  keel 
boat  passing  down  the  river  at  the  time,  says : 

"On  the  night  of  the  15th  of  December,  the  keel  boat  was 
moored  to  a  small  island,  not  for  from  Little  Prairie,  where  the 
crew,  all  Frenchmen,  were  frightened,  almost  to  helplessness,  by 
the  terrible  convulsions. 

"Lnmediately  after  the  shock,  we  noticed  the  time,  and  found  it 
near  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  16th.  In  half  an  honr 
another  shock  came  on,  terrible,  indeed,  but  not  equal  to  the  first" 
This  shock  made  a  chasm  in  the  island,  four  feet  wide  and  eighty 
yards  in  length.  After  noticing  successive  shocks,  the  writer  states : 
**I  had  already  noticed  that  the  sound  which  was  heard  at  the  time 
of  every  shock,  always  preceded  it  at  least  a  second,  and  that  it 
always  proceeded  from  the  same  point,  and  went  off  in  an  opposite 
direction.  I  now  found  that  the  shock  came  from  a  little  north- 
ward of  east,  and  proceeded  to  the  westward.  At  daylight  we  had 
counted  twenty-seven  shocks,  during  our  stay  on  the  island."  f 

B.  further  records  a  series  of  shocks  that  continued  daily,  as  he 
passed  down  the  river,  until  the  21st  of  December. 

The  late  L.  F.  Linn,  in  a  letter  to  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee 


*  American  Pioneer,  i.  120. 

f  TnTete  in  the  Interior  of  Amerio*,  by  Jolin  Bntdbnrjr,  pp.  199-207. 


1811. 


BABTHQUAKI  Of  VBI  MIMISflPPI  VALLIT. 


851 


on  Oommeroe,  dated  Febraary  lit,  1886,  "relative  to  the  obstrno- 
tioDS  to  the  navigation  of  the  White,  Big  Blaclc,  and  St  Franoii 
riyen,"  has  given  a  lucid  geographical  and  descriptive  sketch  of 
this  part  of  Missouri,  from  which  is  given  a  brief  extract. 

"The  memorable  earthquake  of  December,  1811,  after  shaking 
the  valley  of  the  Mississippi  to  its  center,  vibrated  along  the 
courses  of  the  rivers  and  vidleys,  and  passing  the  primitive  moan- 
tun  barriers,  difid  away  along  the  shores  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean. 
In  the  region  now  under  consideration,  daring  the  continuance  of 
•0  sppalling  a  phenomenon,  which  commenced  by  distant  rumbling 
sounds,  succeeded  by  discharges  as  if  a  thousand  pieces  of  artillery 
were  suddenly  exploded,  the  earth  rocked  to  and  fro^  vast  chasms 
opened,  from  whence  issued  columns  of  water,  sand,  and  coal, 
accompanied  by  hissing  sounds,  caused,  perhaps,  by  the  escapo  of 
pent-up  steam,  while  ever  and  anon  flashes  of  electricity  gleamed 
through  the  troubled  clouds  of  night,  rendering  the  darkness 
doubly  horrible. 

"The  current  of  the  Mississippi,  pending  this  elemental  strife, 
was  driven  back  upon  its  source  with  the  greatest  velocity  for  sev- 
eial  hours,  in  consequence  of  an  elevation  of  its  bed.  But  this 
noble  river  was  not  thus  to  be  stayed  in  its  course.  Its  accumula- 
ted waters  camo  booming  on,  and,  o'ertopping  the  barrier  thus 
suddenly  raised,  'carried  every  thing  before  them  with  resistless 
power.  Boats,  then  floating  on  the  surface,  shot  down  the  deoliv- 
ily  like  an  arrow  from  a  bow,  amid  roaring  billows,  and  the  wildest 
commotion. 

"  A  few  days'  action  of  its  powerful  <%urrent  sufftced  to  wear  away 
every  vestige  of  the  barrier  thus  stroi.^<::'j  interposed,  and  its  wa- 
ters moved  on  in  their  wonted  channel  to  the  ocean.  The  dayjthat 
succeeded  this  night  of  terror,  brought  no  solace  in  its  dawn. 
Shock  followed  shock ;  a  dense  black  cloud  of  vapor  overshadowed 
the  land,  through  which  no  struggling  sumbeam  found  its  way  to 
cheer  the  desponding  heart  of  man,  who,  in  silent  communion  with 
himself,  was  compelled  to  acknowledge  his  weakness  and  depend- 
ence on  the  everlasting  God. 

"  The  appearances  that  presented  themselves  after  the  subsidence 
of  the  principal  commotion,  were  such  as  strongly  support  an 
opinion  heretofore  advanced.  Hills  had  disappeared,  and  lakes 
were  found  in  their  stead ;  and  numerous  lakes  became  elevated 
ground,  over  the  surface  of  which  vast  heaps  of  sand  were  scattered 
m  every  direction,  while  in  many  places  the  earth  for  miles  was 
sunk  below  the  general  level  of  the  surrounding  country,  without 


85S 


riTOH't  APPUOATzair  or  itkam. 


mi. 


being  covered  with  water,  leayiog  an  impreisim  in  mmitUure  of  a 
oaUutrcpht  much  more  imporkaU  in  its  effeetSy  tohieh  hadf  perhaps^  pre- 
itdtd  it  agei  b^ore. 

**  One  of  the  lakes  formed  on  tfaii  oocaaion  is  sixty  or  seventj 
miles  in  length,  and  from  three  to  twenty  in  breadth.  It  is  in  some 
places  very  shallow;  in  others,  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  feet  deep, 
which  is  mnoh  more  than  the  dq>th  of  the  Missisuppi  river  in  that 
quarter.  In  sailing  over  its  surfiMC  in  a  light  canoe,  the  voyager  is 
•truck  with  astonishment  at  beholding  the  giant  trees  of  the  forest 
standing  partially  exposed  amid  a  waste  of  waters,  branchless  aud 
leafless* 

«Bat  the  wonder  is  still  farther  increased,  on  casting  the  eye  on 
the  dark-blue  profound,  to  observe  cane-brakes  covering  its  hot* 
torn,  over  which  a  mammoth  species  of  testado  is  seen  dragging  its 
slow  length  along,  while  countless  myriads  of  fish  are  sporting 
through  the  aquatic  thickets."* 

In  the  midst  of  this  terrible  convulsion,  the  first  of  western 
steamers  was  pursuing  her  way  toward  the  south.  But  before  men- 
tioning her  progress,  the  reader  should  be  informed  of  the  discoveiy 
of  steam  power,  as  likewise  its  application  to  utilitarian  purposes. 

In  1781,  the  invention  of  Watts'  double-acting  engine  was  made 
public,  and  in  1784  it  was  perfected.!  Previous  to  this  time  many 
attempts  had  been  made  to  apply  steam  to  navigation,  but,  from 
waQt  of  a  proper  engine,  all  had  been  failures ;  and  the  first  efforts 
to  apply  the  new  machine  to  boats  were  made  in  America,  by  John 
Fitch  and  James  Bumsey. 

The  conception  by  Fitch,  if  the  statement  made  by  Robert  Wick- 
liffe  is  reliable,  waa  formed  as  early  as  June,  1780,  anterior  to  the 
announcement  of  Watts'  discovery  of  the  double-acting  engine, 
though  eleven  years  after  his  single  engine  had  been  patented. 

This  conception  Fitch  said  he  communicated  to  Bumsey.  The 
latter  gentleman,  however,  proposed  a  plan  so  entirely  different 
from  that  of  his  fellow  count^nnen,  (apian  which  he  is  said  to  have 
originated  in  1782  or  '88,)  that  he  cannot  be  considered  a  plagia- 
rist The  idea  of  steam  navigation  was  not  new ;  it  was  the  quoB- 
tion — ^How  shall  we  use  the  steam  ?  which  was  to  be  so  answered 
aa  to  immortalize  the  successful  respondents : — and  to  this  question 
Fitch  replied,  By  using  Watts'  engine  so  aa  to  propel  a  system  of 


*  Welmm^s  Cbiattow,  pp.  138,  l<IOt. 
f  Bmwkik  on  Staam  Bngbie,  2C0. 


1811. 


wnn  witTBRir  btiamboat. 


paddles  at  tha  aides  of  the  boat ;  while  Rumsey  said,  Bjp  applying 
the  old  atmospheric  engine,  to  pnmp  op  water  at  the  bow,  and  forc« 
it  out  at  the  stern  of  your  vessel,  and  so  drire  her  by  water  acting 
upon  water.  Referring,  therefore,  to  the  authorities  quoted  below, 
relative  to  Fitch  and  others,  it  mnst  be  given  up  that  all  failed  un- 
til Fulton,  in  1807,  launched  his  vessel  upon  the  Hudson.  Fitch's 
&ilure,  however,  was  not  from  any  fkult  in  his  principle ;  and  had 
bis  knowledge  of  mechanics  equaled  Fulton's,  or  had  his  means 
been  more  ample,  or  had  he  fried  his  boat  on  the  Hudson,  where 
coaches  could  not  compete  with  him,  as  they  did  on  the  level 
bftoks  of  the  Delaware,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  would  have 
entirely  succeeded,  twenty  years  before  his  plans  were  realized  by 
another. 

In  the  Oolumbian  Magazine,  published  in  Philadelphia,  about 
the  year  1786,  is  a  plate  showing  the  steamboat  made  by  Fitch, 
with  its  paddles,  and  a  description  of  its  action,  on  the  Delaware. 
If  John  Fitch  had  received  the  patronage  necessary,  it  is  probabld 
bis  boat  would  have  been  successful. 

When  Fulton  had  eiX  length  attained,  by  slow  degrees,  success 
upon  the  Hudson,  he  began  to  look  elsewhere  for  other  fields  of 
action,  and  the  west,  which  had  attracted  the  attention  of  both  of 
bis  American  predecessors,  could  not  fail  to  catch  his  eye.  Mr. 
Latrobe,  who  spoke,  as  will  be  seen,  by  authority,  says:— > 

"The  complete  success  attending  the  experiments  in  steam  navi- 
gation made  on  the  Hudson  and  the  adjoining  waters  previous  to 
the  year  1809,  turned  the  attention  of  the  principal  projectors  to 
tbe  idea  of  its  application  on  the  western  rivers;  and  in  tiie  n^ontb 
of  April  of  that  year,  Mr.  Roosevelt,  of  New  York,  pursuant  to 
an  agreement  with  Chancellor  Livingston  and  Mr.  Fulton,  visited 
those  rivers,  with  the  purpose  of  forming  an  opinion  whether  they 
admitted  of  steam  navigation  or  not. 

"At  this  time  two  boats,  the  North  River  and  the  Clermont, 
were  running  on  the  Hudson.  Mr.  R.  surveyed  the  rivers  from 
Pittsburgh  to  New  Orleans,  and  as  his  report  was  fovorable,  it 
was  decided  to  build  a  boat  at  the  former  town. 

"This  was  done  under  his  direction,  and  in  the  course  of  1811  the 
first  boat  was  laundied  on  the  waters  of  thw  Ohio.  It  was  oiJled 
the  "New  Orleans,"  and  intended  to  ply  between  Natchez,  in  the 
State  of  Mississii^^  and  the  city  whose  nf^ne  it  bore. 

"In  October  it  left  Pittsburgh  for  its  experimental  voyage.  On 
this  occasion  no  freight  or  passengers  were  ti^en,  the  objecS  being 
merely  to  bring  Hie  boat  to  her  station.    Mr.  R.,  his  young  wife 


854 


VISST  WMTBIV  niAMBOAt. 


1811. 


and  fiunily,  Mr.  Bftker,  the  engineer,  Andrew  Jack,  the  pilot,  end 
iiz  hands,  with  a  few  domeitioa,  formed  her  whole  burden.  Then 
were  no  wood'yardi  at  that  time,  and  oonitant  delaji  were  qd». 
▼ddable. 

<*  When,  ae  related,  Mr.  R.  had  gone  down  the  river  to  reoonnoi. 
tre,  he  had  dieoovered  two  beda  of  ooal,  about  one  hundred  an^ 
twenty  miloi  below  the  rapidi  of  Ohio,  at  Loniarille,  and  now  took 
tools  to  work  them,  intending  to  load  the  veaeel  with  the  coal,  and 
to  employ  it  aa  Aiel,  inatead  of  constantly  detaining  the  boat  while 
wood  was  procured  from  the  banks. 

*'Late  at  night  on  the  fourth  day  after  quitting  Pittsburgh,  they 
arrived  in  safety  at  Louisville,  having  been  but  seventy  hours  de. 
soending  upwards  of  six  hundred  miles. 

"The  novel  appearance  of  the  vessel,  and  the  fearfhl  rapidity 
^th  which  it  made  its  passage  over  the  broad  reaohea  of  the  river, 
excited  a  mixture  of  terror  and  suiprise  among  many  of  the 
settlers  on  the  banks,  whom  the  rumor  of  such  an  invention  had 
never  reached;  and  it  is  related  that  on  the  un«q>ected  arrival  of 
the  boat  before  Louisville,  in  the  course  of  a  fine  still  moonlight 
night,  the  extraordinary  sound  which  filled  the  air  as  the  pent-np 
steam  was  suffered  to  escape  from  the  valves,  on  rounding  to,  pro- 
duced a  general  alarm,  and  multitudes  in  the  town  rose  from  their 
beds  to  ascertain  the  cause. 

"I  have  heard  that  the  general  impression  among  the  good 
Eentuckians  was,  that  the  comet  had  fallen  into  the  Ohio;  but 
this  does  not  rest  upon  the  same  foundation  as  the  other  facts 
which  I  lay  before  you,  and  which  I  may  at  once  say,  I  had  di- 
rectly from  the  lips  of  the  parties  themselves. 

"The  small  depth  of  water  in  tj^l^  rapids  prevented  the  boat 
firom  pursuing  her  voyage  immediately ;  and  during  the  consequent 
detention  of  three  weeks  in  the  upper  part  of  the  Ohio,  several 
trips  were  successfully  made  between  Louisville  and  Gincinoati. 
In  fine  l^e  waters  rose,  and  in  the  course  of  the  last  week  in  No- 
vember, the  voyage  was  resumed,  the  depth  of  water  barely  ad- 
mitting their  passage." 

This  steamer,  after  being  neariy  overwhelmed  with  the  earth- 
quakes, reached  Natchez  at  the  close  of  the  first  week  of  Janaary, 
1812. 

The  year  1811  was  marked  by  the  occurrence  of  various  events 
of  an  uncommon  nature,  which  exerted  a  combined  influence,  to 
throw  a  shade  over  the  spirits  of  the  people. 

Early  in  September,  a  comet  made  its  appearance  in  the  northern 


i«n. 


aLOOMT  OUMB  Of  TMM  TIAB. 


w 


part  of  tho  hMTenSi  uid  pMting  marou  onr  homisphoro,  cUaiq|>- 
peared  «t  the  ioatb,  toward  the  end  of  the  yew.  ThU  ore»ted  » 
feeling  of  alMrm  in  the  minds  of  veiy  meoj,  of  the  Iom  enlightened 
•t  leaet,  who  looked  npon  it  m  en  ominona  forerunner  of  dire  mii- 
fortunet  to  oome. 

This  alerm,  where  it  existed,  was  inoreesed  on  the  17th  of  Sep* 
tember,  on  which  day  there  wm  an  annnler  eolipce  of  the  snn, 
which  lasted  Arom  about  twelve  nntil  half  past  three  o'clock,  end 
sfforded  a  solemnly  grand  end  impressive  sight  The  day  was  re> 
markably  serene,  and  the  sky  cloudless,  so  that  the  contrast 
between  the  brightness  before  and  the  almost  twilight  darkness, 
doling  the  height  <^  the  eclipse,  was  peculiarly  striking. 

Next  came  a  circumstance,  which,  though  it  affected  none  bat 
the  most  ignorant  and  superstitious,  had  yet  its  force,  in  fostering 
the  gloomy  apprehensions  that  were  already  exisUng.  About  tiie 
lit  of  October,  an  impostor  named  Hughes,  who  had  been  imprie* 
oned  in  south-west  Virginia,  on  a  charge  of  larceny,  pretended, 
while  in  confinement,  to  have  been  entranced,  and  in  that  super* 
nataral  state  to  have  had  a  revelation,  foretelling  the  destruction 
of  one-third  of  mankind^  which  was  to  take  plaoo  on  the  4th  of  June, 
1812.  The  idea  having  been  taken  up  by  a  certain  ingenious  and 
visionary  young  lawyer,  was  dressed  up  by  him  in  the  shape  of  a 
leemingly  plausible  story,  and  published  in  pamphlet  form,  adorned 
with  sundry  yankee  pictures  of  horrible  sights,  portraying  the  dire 
calamity.  It  found  an  immense  circulation,  especially  in  the 
south-west 

Soon  after,  (on  the  7th  of  Kovember,)  was  fought  the  battle  of 
Tippecanoe,  which  had  brought  grief  and  distress  into  almost  eveiy 
ftmily  of  the  West,  as  there  were  but  few  who  bad  not  some  rela- 
tive or  intimate  friend  among  the  gallant  slain  or  wounded;  and  on 
the  15th  and  Itfth  of  December  followed  the  extraordinaiy  earth- 
qauke,  already  described. 

Added  to  all  these,  was,  on  the  24th  or  26th  of  December,  the  burn- 
ing  of  the  theatre  at  Richmond,  Virginia,  which  took  place  while 
the  house  was  filled'  with  an  audience  of  most  respectable  cifiaens. 
The  flames  spread  with  such  terrific  rapidity,  that  the  people  had 
not  time  to  escape,  and  some  seventy  persons  lost  their  lives— some 
being  burnt,  and  others  crushed  to  death  in  the  escaping  crowd. 
The  accident  was  so  heart-rending,  and  excited  such  a  lively  inter- 
est, that  it  served  to  throw  a  shade  of  grief,  for  a  time,  over  the 
whole  country. 
In  addition  to  these  oiroumstancos,  the  unmistakable  evidence 


856 


TBOUlfTHB  JOIKS  THB  BBITI8B   STANDARD. 


1612. 


of  an  approaching  Indian  war,  wefe  peculiarly  calculated  to  alarm 
the  people  of  the  West,  among  whom,  at  the  close  of  the  year, 
there  existed  a  universal  feeling  of  gloom  and  oonsteniation. 

Although  Harrison  had  written  ahout  the  close  of  the  last  year  that 
1812.]  "  the  frontiers  never  enjoyed  more  perfect  rq)ose,"  it  is  evi- 
dent that  a  disposition  to  do  mischief  was  hy  no  means  extinguished 
among  the  savages. 

At  the  time  of  the  hattle  of  Tippecanoe,  Tecumthe,  the  master 
spirit  in  Indian  diplomacy,  was  amongst  the  southern  Indians,  to 
bring  them  into  the  grand  confederacy  he  had  projected.  On  his 
return,  where  he  supposed  he  had  made  a  strong  and  permanent 
impression,  a  few  days  after  the  disastrous  battle,  when  he  saw  the 
dispersion  of  his  followers,  the  disgrace  of  his  brother,  and  the  de- 
struction of  his  long  cherished  hopes,  he  was  exceedingly  angry. 
The  rash  presumptuousness  of  the  Prophet,  in  attacking  the  Amer- 
ican army  at  Tippecanoe,  destroyed  his  own  power,  and  crashed 
the  grand  confederacy  before  it  was  completed. 

When  Tecumthe  first  met  the  Prophet,  he  reproached  him  in  the 
bitterest  terms,  and  when  the  latter  attempted  to  palliate  bis  con- 
duct, he  seized  him  by  the  hair,  shook  him  violently,  and  threat- 
ened to  take  his  life. 

Tecumthe  immediately  sent  word  to  Governor  Harrison,  that  he 
had  returned  from  the  south,  and  that  he  was  ready  to  visit  the 
president,  as  had  been  previously  proposed.  The  governor  gave 
him  permission  to  proceed  to  Washington,  but  not  as  the  leader  of 
ft  party  of  Indians,  as  he  desired.  The  proud  chief,  who  had  ap- 
peared at  Vincennes  in  1811,  with  a  large  party  of  braves,  had  no 
desire  to  i^pear  before  his  "  Ghreat  Father,"  the  president,  without 
his  retinue.  The  proposed  visit  was  declined,  and  the  intercourse 
between  Tecumthe  and  the  governor  terminated. 

In  June,  he  sought  an  interview  with  the  Indian  agent  at  Fort 
Wayne ;  disavowed  any  intention  of  making  war  on  the  United 
States,  and  reproached  General  Harrison  for  having  marched  against 
his  people  during  his  absence.  The  agent  replied  to  this ;  Tecum- 
the listened  with  fri^d  indifTerence,  and  after  making  a  few  gen- 
end  remairkB,  with  a  haughty  air,  left  the  council  house,  and 
departed  for  Fort  Maiden,  in  tipper  Canada,  where  he  joined  the 
British  standard. 

The  causes  of  complaint  on  the  part  oi  the  United  States  against 
England,  which  at  length  led  to  the  war  of  1812,  were,  the  inte^ 
ferenoe  with  American  trade  enforced  by  the  blocloide  system;  the 


1812. 


GOVERNOR  BULL  MAOB  MILITART  OOUMANOBR. 


857 


inipreesment  of  AmericaD  seamen ;  the  encouragement  of  the  Iudi> 
ans  in  their  barbarities ;  and  the  attempt  to  dismember  the  Union 
by  the  mission-of  Henry.    Through  the  winter,  of  1811-12,  these 
causes  of  provocation  were  discussed  in  Congress  and  the  public 
prints,  and  a  war  with  Great  Britain  openly  threatened :  avau  io^ 
December,  1811,  the  proposal  to  invade  Canada  in  the  following 
spring,  before  the  ice  broke  up,  was  debated  in  the  Ilouse  ot  liep- 
resentatives,  and  in  particular  was  urged  the  necessity  of  such  ope- 
rations at  the  outset  of  the  anticipated  contest,  as  should  wrest  from 
the  enemy  the  command  of  the  upper  lakes,  and  secure  the  neutral- 
ity or  favor  of  the  Indian  tribes  by  the  conquest  of  Upper  Catuida. 
While,  therefora,  measures  were  taken  to  seize  the  lower  pro- 
vince, other  steps  were  arranged  for  the  defense  of  the  north-west 
frontier  against  Indian  hostility,  and  which,  in  the  event  of  a  rup- 
ture with  Great  Britain,  would  enable  the  United  States  to  obtain  the 
command  of  Lake  Erie.    These  steps,  however,  were  by  no  means 
suitable  to  the  attainment  of  the  object  last  named ;  in  place  of  a 
naval  force  upon  Lake  Erie,  the  necessity  of  which  had  been  presHed 
upon  the  Executive,  by  Governor  Hull  of  Michigan  Territory,  in 
three  memorials,  one  of  them  as  early  as  the  year  1809,  a  second 
dated  March  6th,  and  a  third  on  or  about  April  11th,  1812;  and 
although  the  same  policy  was  pointedly  urged  upon  the  Secretary 
of  War,  by  General  Armstrong,  in  a  private  letter  of  January  2d, 
yet  the  government  proposed  to  use  no  other  than  military  means, 
and  hoped  by  the  presence  of  two  thousand  soldiers,  to  eliect  the 
capture  or  destruction  of  the  British  fleet    l^ay,  90  blind  was  the 
War  Department,  that  it  refused  to  increase  the  number  of  troops 
to  three  thousand,  although  informed  by  General  Hull,  that  that 
was  the  least  number  from  which  success  could  be  hoped. 

When,  therefore.  Governor,  now  General  Hull  (to  whom,  in  con- 
sideration of  his  revolutionary  servicer,  and  his  supposed  knowl- 
edge of  the  country  and  the  natives,  the  command  of  the  army 
destined  for  the  conquest  of  the  Canadas  had  been  confided)  com- 
menced his  march  from  Dayton,  on  the  1st  of  June,  it  was  with 
means  which  he  himself  regarded  as  utterly  inadequate  to  the 
object  aimed  at,  a  fact  which  sufficiently  explains  his  vascillating, 
nerveless  conduct.  Through  that  whole  month,  be  and  bis  troops 
toiled  on  toward  the  Maumee,  busy  with  their  roads,  bridges  and 
block  houses. 

On  the  24th,  advices  from  the  Secretary  of  War,  dated  on  the 
18th,  came  to  hand,  but  not  a  word  contained  in  them  made  it 
probable  that  the  long  expected  war  would  be  immediately  de- 
66 


dM 


nVWVBBB  Of  TBI  GOVIERMIMT. 


1818. 


(dired,  aUhongfa  Odonel  McAithnr  st  the  MHn«  ttm#  i«c«ived 
word  ftom  Ohillieothe,  warning  him,  on  the  anthority  of  Thomai 
WorUiington,  then  Senator  horn  Ohio»  that  before  the  ]ett«r 
reached  him,  the  de<daradon  would  have  been  made  pnblio.  This 
#  ^tiformation  McArthnr  laid  before  Qenend  Hnll;  and  when,  npoQ 
ieaohing  the  Manmee,  tliat  oommander  propoeed  to  place  hit  bag. 
gage,  storee,  and  eiok  on  board  a  vessel,  and  send  them  by  water 
to  Detroit,  the  backwoodsman  warned  him  of  tiie  danger,  and  le. 
ftised  to  tmst  his  own  property  on  board. 

Hnll,  however,  treated  the  report  of  war  as  the  old  stoiy  wbidi 
had  been  cnrrent  throngh  all  theepring,  and  reftised  to  believe  it 
posaibU  that  the  government  would  not  give  him  information  at  the 
earliest  moment  that  the  measure  was  resolved  on. 

The  following  message  from  a  gentleman  at  Detroit  to  his  friend 
at  Pittsburgh,  gives  a  disinterested  narrative  of  the  then  paadog 
events: 

"On  Thursday  morning,  the  2d  inst,  our  enemies  gave  us  the 
^rst  notice  of  war  being  declared  against  them.  The  evening  pre- 
ceding, an  officfit^  was  seen  to  go  with  great  dispatch  down  the  op. 
posite  nde  of  the  river  to  Fort  Maiden,  and  the  next  morning  the 
feny  boats  that  went  from  this  side  were  detained  on  the  other 
shore,  which  made  us  suspect  that  affiurs  were  not  long  to  remain 
tranquil  between  us.  Shortly  after,  a  gentleman  in  this  place 
received  a  message  from  his  friend  on  the  British  side,  informing 
him  of  the  declaration  of  war. 

**I  will  now  inform  you  of  the  remissness  of  government  in  not 
immediately  sending  an  express  to  Governor  Hull,  and  to  this  im. 
portant  place,  on  an  event  of  so  much  magnitude;  and  the  conse- 
quences which  have  resulted  from  that  neglect. 

<*It  now  appears  to  us,  that  war  was  declared  on  the  18th  of 
June,  and  dispatch^  sent  off  the  next  day  by  the  common  coarse 
of  mul  to  Cleveland,  which  place  they  reached  on  Monday  the 
29th,  about  the  middle  of  the  day;  making  ten  days  and  a  half  to 
that  place;  when  the  news  ought  to  have  been  received  here 
(Detroit)  before  that  time. 

"The  postmaster  at  Cleveland  received  a  letter  from  Washing. 
ton,  directing  him  to  hire  a  person  to  go  on  with  the  dispatches  to 
Qovemor  Hnll,  who  was  at  that  time  about  eighty  miles  from  this 
place,  and  he  received  them  on  the  morning  of  the  2d  inst; 
making  thirteen  days  friom  Washington.  This  information  I  had 
from  the  person  who  was  hired  by  the  postmaster  at  CleveUnd, 
and  who  is  now  in  this  place;  its  correotnesa  cannot  be  doubted. 


-i^- 


1111 


BLimoMg  or  m  •ovitintfiiit. 


889 


«71ieBritidi  reMived  their  iafimna^on  bjrway  of  Fort  Eii«,  and 
in  ezprew  intfaotlj  itaited  from  fhenoe,  who  ofttiie  tiie  north  aide  of 
^alce  Krio  to  Mald«n,  and  deliyered  the  intelligence  to  that  i^aee 
on  ike  let  inet,  by  a  oironitons  tonte  of  one  hmidred  milet  greater 
Ustanoe  liian  Goremor  Hall  then  wae.  The  evil  conieqnencee  o| 
this  groM  negtigenoe  might  have  been  immense  ;|  I  will  mention 
MM  whieh  hae  reenhed  from  it 

«When  the  army  bame  to  the  foolTof  the  rapide  of  Mattmee 
fiver,  Ooverooir  Hull,  not  then  having  received  intelligence  of  the 
declaration  oi  war,  hired  a  amain  sloop  in  which  he  pnt  his  baggage 
and  that  of  mai^  of  the  officers  of  the  army,  all  the  hospital  stores, 
his  instructions  from  the  war  department,  his  commismon  atid 
tiioee  of  most  of  the  officers  of  the  4th  regiment,  the  ladies  of  two 
officers  of  said  regiment,  Lieutenant  Goodwin  and  about  thirty 
laen,  and  was  on  the  point  of  sending  the  pay*master  with  all  the 
pablic  money;  tliis  vessel,  on  passing  Maiden,  was  captured  with 
all  its  contents ;  the  ladieiB,  Mrs.  Fuller  and  Mrs.  Goodwin,  were 
pat  on  shove  at  this  plaoe  the  next  day,  but  all  the  others  of  course 
dstained." 

Another  item  of  intelligence  connected  with  this  chapter  of  blun- 
ders, mish^MB,  and  woes,  was  communicated  to  the  publisher  by 
Mr.  Br——,  a  venerable  and  highly  respected  gentleman  of  Am- 
hentbu^,  Oanada  West; 

«The  commander  at  Fort  Maiden  was  so  certain  of  the  Ameri- 
esns  being/r«<  formed  of  the  declaration  of  war,  that  he  desisted 
{rom  attacking  Detroit,  at  the  sight  of  an  unusual  number  of 
Mackinaw  boats  at  the  head  of  Lake  Erie,  which  were  supposed  to 
contain  an  invading  army." 

On  the  2d  of  July,  a  letter  of  tbe  same  date  with  that  received  on 
the  24th  of  June,  reached  General  Hull,  and  apprised  him  that  the 
declaration  of  war  was  indeed  made,*  and  before  his  astonishment 
was  over,  word  was  brought  of  the  capture  of  his  packet  off  Maiden. 
The  conduct  of  the  executive  at  this  time  was  certainly  most  re- 
markable ;  having  sent  an  insufficient  force  to  effibct  a  inost  impor- 
tant object,  it  next  did  all  in  its  power  to  ensure  the  destruction  of 
that  force. 

On  the  lat  of  June,  Mr.  Madison  recommended  war  to  the  Sen- 
ate; on -the  8d  of  June,  Mr.  Oalhonn  reported  in  fiivor  it,  and  in  an 
ablemaniftsto  set  forth  tbe  reasons ;  and,  on  the  19th,  proclamation 
of  the  ootitest  was  made.    Upon  the  day  praceding,  OongTess  bar* 


•H«iriIMlMM«,ll,12. 


860 


BUUi  AT  BAN9WI0H,  (UlfAAA. 


1811 


ing  passed  tbe  needful  act,  the  Secretary  of  War  wrote  to  General 
Hull,  one  letter  Haying  nothing  of  the  matter,  and  sent  it  by  a  special 
me8«enge]r-r*nd  a  iteooud,  containing  the  vital  news,  whioh  be  oon> 
llded  to  a  halt*  organized  post  as  fiur  as  Cleveland,  and  thence  litsN 
l^ly  to  accident.  Nor  is  this  all:  while  the  general  of  the  north 
western  army  was  thdf,  not  uninformed  merely,  but  actually  misled, 
letters  franked  by  the  8ecrutary  of  the  Treasury  of  the  IJuited 
States,  bore  the  notice  of  what  had  been  done  to  the  British  post  of 
St.  Joseph,  near  the  north-western  shore  of  Lake  Huron ;  and  also 
to  Maiden,  which  place  it  reached  upon  the  28th  of  June.  And  as 
if  to  complete  the  circle  of  folly,  the  misled  general,  through  neg. 
loot,  su&red  hie  official  papers,  whioh  he  owned  ought  never  to 
have  been  out  of  his  possession,  to  pass  into  that  of  the  foe,  and 
thus  informed  them  of  his  purposes  and  strength.* 

That  strength,  however,  was  such,  compared  with  their  own,  that 
no  etibrt  was  made  to  prevent  the  march  of  the  Americans  to  De- 
troit, nor  to  interfere  with  their  passage  across  the  river  to  Baud* 
wich,  where  th<^  established  themselves  on  the  12th  ot  July, 
preparatory  to  attacking  Maiden  itself,  and  commencing  the  con- 
quest and  conversion  of  Upper  rianada.  And  here,  at  once,  the 
inca|»auity  of  Hull  showed  itself;  by  his  own  confession  he  took 
every  step  under  the  influence  of  two  sets  of  fears ;  he  dared  not, 
on  the  one  hand,  act  boldly,  for  fear  that  his  incompetent  force 
would  be  all  dextiojed;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  he  dared  not 
refuse  to  act,  for  fear  his  militia,  already  uneasy,  would  utterly  de- 
sert him. 

Thus  embarrassed,  he  proclaimed  freedom  and  the  need  of  sub- 
mission to  the  Canadians,  held  out  inducements  to  the  British 
militia  to  desert,  and  to  the  Indians  to  keep  quiet,  and  sat  still  at 
Sandwich,  striving  to  pacity  his  blood  thirsty  backwoodsmen,  wLo 
kched  to  be  at  Maiden.  To  amuse  bis  own  army,  and  keep  them 
from  tiding  dangerous  experiments,  he  found  cannon  needful  to 
the  assMilt  of  the  British  posts,  and  spent  three  weeks  malving  ca^ 
riages  for  five  guns. 

While  these  were  under  way,  Colonel  Cass  and  Colonel  Miller, 
by  an  attack  upon  the  advanced  parties  of  the  enemy,  demonstrated 
the  willingness  and  power  of  their  men  to  push  their  conquests,  if 
tite  chance  were  given,  but  Hull  refused  the  opportunity;  and 
whfii  at  lenifth  the  cannon  were  pr^iared,  the  ammunition  placed 
in  wagons,  and  the  moment  for  assault  agreed  on,  the  general,  up- 


•r«r  Hm  foNfoing  flMtt  Me  UhMMo  of  ths  BmaUt  Jum  Sd,  1812. 


1812^ 


PIOOTOB  ABRIVas  AT  MALDIV. 


661 


on  healing  that  a  proposed  attack  on  the  Niagara  frontier  had  not 
been  made,  and  that  troops  firom  that  quarter  were  moving  west, 
ward,  suddenly  abandoned  the  enterprise,  and  with  most  of  his 
army,  on  the  night  of  the  7th  of  August,  returned  to  Detroit,  hav- 
ing effected  nothing  except  the  destruction  of  all  confidence  in 
himself,  on  the  part  of  the  whole  force  under  his  control,  ofBcers 
and  privates. 

Meanwhile,  upon  the  29th  of  July,  Colonel  Proctor  had  reached 
Maiden,  and  perceiving  instantly  the  power  which  the  position  of 
that  post  gave  him  over  the  supplies  of  the  army  of  the  XJuited 
Stttes,  he  commenced  a  series  of  operations,  the  object  of  which 
was  to  cut  off  the  communications  of  Hull  with  Ohio,  and  thus  not 
merely  neutralize  all  active  operations  on  his  part,  but  starve  him 
into  surrender,  or  force  him  to  detail  his  whole  army,  in  order  to 
keep  open  his  way  to  the  only  point  from  which  supplies  could 
reach  him.  A  proper  force  on  Lake  Erie,  or  the  capture  of  Maiden, 
wonld  have  prevented  this  annoying  and  fatal  mode  of  warfare,  but 
the  imbecility  of  the  government,  and  that  of  the  general,  com- 
bined to  fiftvor  the  plans  of  Proctor.* 

Having  by  his  measures  stopped  the  stores  on  their  way  to  De- 
troit, at  die  river  Baisin,  he  next  defeated  the  insufficient  band  of 
two  hundred  men  under  Van  Horn,  sent  by  Hull  to  escort  them ; 
and  80  far  withstood  tha>t  of  five  hundred  under  Miller,  as  to  cause 
Hall  to  recall  the  remnant  of  that  victorious  and  gallant  band, 
though  it  had  completely  routed  the  British  and  Indians.  By  these 
means.  Proctor  amused  the  Americans  until  General  Brock  reached 
Maiden,  which  he  did  upon  the  18th  of  August,  and  prepared  to 
attempt  the  conquest  of  Detroit  itself. 

And  here  again  occurred  a  most  singular  want  of  skill  on  the 
part  of  the  Americans.  In  order  to  prevent  the  forces  in  Upper 
Canada  from  being  combined  against  Hull,  Qeneral  Dearborn  had 
been  ordered  to  make  a  diversion  in  his  favor  at  Niagara  and 
ffingston,  but  in  place  of  doing  this,  he  made  an  armistice  with  the 
British  commanders,  which  enabled  thorn  to  turn  their  attention 
entirely  to  the  more  distant  West,  and  left  Hull  to  shift  for 
bimsel£ 

On  the  14th  of  August,  therefore,  while  a  third  party,  under 
M' Arthur,  was  dispatched  by  Hull  to  open  his  communications 
with  the  river  Baisin,  though  by  a  new  and  impracticable  road, 


*tm  Hall's  DeftitM,  42  to  71.    Httll's  Proolainatton  in  Brown's  History  of  DUaois. 


hull's  tVBMHraR  OV  MXOUMir. 


1B1& 


Qentnl  Brook  tppMrad  nt  Swidwieb,  and  bfgmi  to  ereot  tetteriii 
to  protect  bit  ftirther  op«rMionib  TheM  baMeiiaft  Hall  wovld  not 
mAt  mj  to  molMt^  Mying,  tti»t  if  tlM  enemy  did  not  fin  on 
Um,  h»  would  not  <m  them,  and  thoagh,  when  ■ommotted  to  iiu> 
Kinder  apon  the  16th»  be  abeolat^  refoaed,  yet  upon  the  16th, 
without  e  blow  stniok,  the  goyemor  «nd  genend  crowned  bis  ooqim 
of  indeobion  and  unmanly  fisar,  by  smrendering  the  town  of  De* 
tffoit  and  territory  of  Michigan,  together  with  ibmieen  bandied 
bra?e  men  lonc^ng  for  battle,  to  three  hondred  BngUsh  soldim^ 
|6or  hundred  OanadiMi  mltiti%  disguised  in  red  oo»ts»  sad  a  bsnd 
of  Indian  aUies.* 

For  this  conduct  he  was  aeoused  of  treason  and  cowardice,  «nd 
foand  guilty  of  the  latter.  However  brave  be  may  have  been 
penKmidly,  he  was,  as  a  commander,  a  eoward;  and  moreover,  be 
was  influenced,  confessedly,  by  bis  fears  as  a  fiMber,  lest  hii 
dangbtsr  and  her  children  should  Mi  into  the  bands  of  the 
^dians. 

In  truth,  his  fttoulties  seemed  to  have  been  paralysed  by  ft«r; 
fear  that  he  should  fiul ;  fear  that  his  troops  wouldbe  unfiur  tohim, 
fear  that  the  savages  would  spare  no  one,  if  exposed  with  vigor; 
fSaor  of  some  undefined  and  horrid  evil  impending.  M'Afee  ao< 
9uses  him  of  intMnperance,  but  no  effort  was  made  on  his  trisl  to 
prove  this,  and  we  have  no  reason  to  think  it  a  true  chsige; 
but  his  conduct  was  like  that  of  a  drunken  man,  witilioat  sense  ot 
qniit. 

But  the  fidl  of  Detroit*  though  the  leading  mwfortune  of  this 
un^wtunate  summer,  was  not  the  only  one.  Word,  as  we  fasve 
stated,  had  been  sent  through  the  kindness  of  some  firiend,  under 
a  firank  fimn  the  American  Secretary  of  the  Treasuiy,  informbg 
the  British  commander  at  St  Joseph,  of  the  declarati(m  of  wir; 
while  Lieut.  Hanks,  commanding  the  American  fortre.«8  at  Msc]d< 
aac,  received  no  notice  firom  any  source. 

The  consequence  was  an  atta^  upon  the  key  of  the  nortiliem 
Ukes,  on  the  17th  of  July,  by  a  force  of  British,  Oanadisnfl,  ud 
savages,  numbering  in  all,  one  tbcmsand  and  twenty-one:  the  gu< 
rison  amounting  to  but  fifty-seven  effective  men,  felt  unable  to 
withstand  so  formidable  a  body,  and  to  avoid  the  constantly  threat- 
ened Indian  massacre,  eorrendered  as  prisoners  of  war,  and  were 
dismissed  on  parolcf 


•M'Afee,  Arom  86  to  92.     Armstrong'B  Notices,  i.  26  to  88 ;  iUd.  L  AppeiuHz,  No.  1(X 
fFor  (he  EM^  Mwnat  of  HhU'i  wmBder,  m*  NUae'  Begittir,  liL  14, 88. 26t  to  il>> 


1811 


nmuvf  THWumi  toigr  diaemm. 


sas 


L«M  fortiuMte  ia  ito  ikto  wm  tlM  gtrriioo  of  Fort  DMrborn  «t 
Obieago. 

Th«  ladiMii  in  nortfaera  niinoU,  Md  fha  ooaotiy  bordering  on 
Lake  HiobifMi,  had  numiftited  koetilo  foelingi  toward  the  Ameri* 
cans  even  before  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe.  Qovemor  Bdwardit, 
who  wae  inde&t^;»l^e  in  bit  efforta  to  proteot  the  aettlementi,  em- 
ployed triMty  Frenchmen,  who  had  traded  with  theee  Indiana,  and 
who  oonld  etall  paia  under  Ibat  gnise,  at  tpiti  in  the  Indian  ooontry. 
Their  oommnnicatione,  in  m  pkiin  nnlettered  ityle,  bnve  been  ex- 
amined on  the  filea  of  the  State  Department  of  niinois.  Thej  are 
often  paitioolar  and  minate  in  giving  the  poaition  of  Indian  vil- 
lages, number  of  the  bravea,  aouroee  from  whence  Hiey  reeeived. 
their  sappliea,  the  namee  of  head  men,  and  other  detidls. 

These  fiiets,  at  short  intervals,  were  communicated  by  the  Govern 
DOT  to  the  War  Department,  as  prooft  that  the  Indians  were  hostiloi 
and  were  urfced  in  his  repeated  applications  to  the  War  Department 
for  protection  to  the  inhabitMits  of  that  frontier  territoiy. 

A  small  trading  post  had  been  established  at  Ohicago  in  the 
period  of  the  French  ezploiutions,  bat  no  village  foirmed.  It  wai 
one  of  the  thorough&res  in  the  excursions  of  both  traders  and 
ladians.  By  the  treaty  of  Greenville,  in  1796,  negotiated  with 
tlie  Pottawattamies,  Miamies,  and  other  northern  tribes,  they 
i^raed  to  relin<]iaiBh  their  right  to  "one  piece  of  land  rix  miles 
iqaare,  at  the  mouth  of  Ohicago  river,  emptying  into  tiie  south- 
WMt  end  of  Lake  Michigan,  where  afortforrMrfy  stood."  * 

In  1804,  a  small  fort  was  erected  here  by  the  United  States  gov* 
«mment  It  stood  on  the  spot  where  the  fort  stood  in  1888,  but 
it  was  differently  constructed,  having  two  '^  block  houses  on  tho 
loathem  side,  and  on  the  northern  side,  a  sally-port,  or  subterra- 
nean passage  from  the  parade  ground  to  the  river."  f  It  waa 
(nlled  Fort  Dearborn. 

The  olBlcers  in  1812,  were  Captain  — — —  Heald,  the  command- 
ing officer,  Lieutenant  Helm,  and  Bnsign  Ronan,  (the  two  last 
very  young  men,)  and  the  surgeon,  Dr.  Voorhees,  with  seventy- 
five  men,  very  few  of  whom  were  effective. 

Friendly  intercourse  had  existed  between  these  troops  and  indi- 
ridaals  and  bands  of  neighboring  Indians.  The  principal  chiefii 
and  braves  of  the  Pottawattamie  nation  vuited  Fort  Maiden  on 
the  Oanada  side  annudily,  received  presents  to  a  large  amount, 


•ladiM  Trwttat,  WHhington,  1B26,  p.  61. 
f  Kiosie's  NamtiTe. 


964 


AABBMOir  OBMMD  TO  UUYI  fOBT  VMMMOM, 


1811 


and  were  in  AlliAnoe  with  Ore«i  Brit«in.  Manj  Pottawattimieg, 
Witinebegoee,  OttowM,  and  Shftweneee  were  in  tlie  bnttle  ef  Tip. 
peeMoe,  yet  the  principal  ohieft  in  the  immediate  yidnity  were  od 
Mtticahle  terme  with  the  Ameriorat)  and  gave  proof  of  %  by  their 
iMoiM  of  thoie  who  were  Mved. 

B«Midee  thooe  penone  attached  to  the  gerrieon,  there  waa  the 
ihmily  of  Mr.  Snsie,  who  had  been  <Migi^ed  in  the  fbr  trade  at 
that  apot  fifom  1804,  and  a  fe^  Oanadiana,  or  engagti^  with  their 
wivee  and  diuldren,  who  were  attached  to  the  aame  eetabliah. 
meut 

On  the  aftemooa  of  the  7th  of  Angoat,  "Whrnem^^  or  Oatfish,  a 
troat^worthy  Pottawattamie  ehief^  arrived  at  the  poet,  bringing  dis- 
patcheafrom  Governor  Hall,  the  C(Mnmander-in>chief.  These  di». 
patdiee  aanoanced  the  declaration  of  war  between  the  United 
Siatea  and  Great  Britain ;  ftirthermore,  and  that  the  Biitiah  troops 
had  akeady  taken  Mackinae. 

His  ordera  to  Oaptain Heald  were, "to evaonate  thepoet  if prao- 
ticable,  and,  in  that  event,  to  diatribnte  tiie  property  belonjpng  to 
the  United  Btatea,  in  the  fort,  and  in  the  &Gtoiy  or  agency,  to  the 
Indiane  in  the  neighborhood." 

"After  baring  delivered  hia  diapatchea,  Winnemeg  requested  a 
private  interview  with  Mr.  Einai^  who  had  taken  np  hia  residence 
in  the  fort  fie  atated  to  Mr.  Einaie  that  his  waa  acquainted  with 
the  pniport  of  the  commnnicationa  he  had  bronghti  and  begged 
him  to  aacertion  if  it  were  the  intention  of  Oaptdn  Heald  to  CTacn- 
ate  the  poet  He  adviaed  strtrngly  that  anch  a  atep  should  not  be 
taken,  aince  the  garriaon  waa  well  aupplied  with  ammunitioii,  aud 
with  proviaion,  for  six  montha;  it  would,  therefore,  he  thought,  be 
fiir  better  to  remain  until  a  reinforcement  could  be  aent  to  their 
aasiatance.  I^  however.  Captain  Heald  ahould  decide  on  leaving 
the  post,  it  ahould,  by  all  meana,  be  done  immediately.  The  Pot> 
tawattamiee,  through  whose  countiy  &ey  muat  paas,  being  igno- 
rant of  Winnemeg'a  misaion,  a  forced  march  might  be  made  before 
the  hoatile  Indiana  were  prepared  to  interrupt  them. 

"  Of  thia  advice,  ao  eameatly  given,  Captain  Heald  waa  immedi- 
ately informed.  He  replied  that  it  waa  hia  intention  to  evacuate 
the  poet,  but  that  inasmuch  aa  he  had  received  ordera  to  distribate 
tlie  United  States  propertyj  he  ahould  not  feel  juatified  in  leaving 
until  he  had  collected  the  Indiana  in  the  neighboi^ood,  and  made 
an  equitable  division  among  them. 

"Winnemeg  then  suggested  the  escpediency  of  marching  out  and 
leaving  aii  things  atanding— poaaibly,  whUe  the  savages  vere 


1812. 


aABRnoir  okoiiio  vo  lbavb  fokt  dsabbork. 


866 


engaged  in  a  pBrtftioii  of  the  ■poile,  the  troope  might  eflbot  tbeir 
iretraftt  anmolMted.  This  advice  wm  etrongly  leoouded  by  Mr. 
Einsie,  but  did  not  meet  the  approbation  of  the  oonunanding 
officer. 

**The  order  for  evacuating  the  poet  wae  read  next  momin|f  npon 
parade.  It  ia  difflonlt  to  nnderetand  why  Oapt  fieald,  in  auch^  an 
emergency,  omitted  the  nsaal  form  of  calling  a  council  ot  war,  with 
his  officMi.  Perhaps  it  arpae,  flrom  a  want  of  harmonious  feeling 
itetween  himself  and  one  of  his  stpbaltems— Ensign  Bonan^-a  high* 
q>irited  and  somewhat  oveibearing,  bat  brave  and  generous  yonng 
man.  In  the  coarse  of  the  day,  finding  no  oonncil  was  called,  the 
Cffflcers  waited  npon  Oapt  Heald,  to  be  informed  what  coarse  bcl 
intended  to  pnisue.  When  they  learned  his  intention  to  leave  the 
poet,  they  remonstrated  with  him  npon  the  following  grounds : 

"First.  It  was  highly  improbable  that  the  command  would  be 
permitted  to  pass  through  tt^e  ooantry  in  safety,  to  Fort  Wayne. 
For,  although  it  had  been  said  that  some  of  the  ohieft  had  opposed 
aa  attack  upon  the  fort,  planned  the  preceding  autumn,  yet,  it  was 
well  known  that  they  had  been  actuated  in  that  matter  by  motives 
of  private  regard  to  one  fomily,  and  not  to  any  general  ftieudly 
feeling  toward  the  Americans;  and  that,  at  any  rate,  it  was  hardly 
to  be  expected  that  these  fow  individuals  would  be  able  to  control 
the  whole  tribe,  who  we^  thirsting  for  blood. 

"In  the  n^xt  place,  their  march  must  necessarily  be  slow,  as 
their  movements  must  be  accommodated  to  t^e  helplessness  of  the 
Women  and  children,  of  whom  there  were  a  number  with  the 
detachment  That  of  their  small  force,  some  of  the  soldiers  were 
raperannuated  and  others  invalid ;  therefore,  since  the  course  to  be 
jnirBQed  waa  left  discretional,  their  advice  was  to  remain  where 
fh^  were,  and  fortify  themselves  as  strongly  as  possible.  Snccors 
ftom  the  other  side  of  the  peninsula  might  arrive  before  they  could 
be  attacked  by  the  Britidi  fifom  Mackinac,  and  even  should  there 
aot,  it  were  fiur  better  to  fhll  into  the  hands  of  tiie  latter,  than  to 
become  the  victims  of  the  savages. 

"Oapt  Heald  aigued  in  reply,  'that  a  special  order  had  been 
^oed  by  the  War  Department,  that  no  post  should  be  suirendered 
withoat  battle  having  been  ^ven ;  and  that  his  force  was  totally 
inadequate  to  an  engagement  with  the  Indians.  That  he  shoald, 
Wiqaestionably,  be  censured  for  remaining,  when  there  appeared  a 
prospect  <^  a  safo  march  through,  and  that  upon  the  whole,  he 
deemed  it  expedient  to  assemble  the  Indians,  distribute  the  property 
VBdng  them,  and  then  ask  of  them  an  escort  to  Fort  Wayne,  with 


8M 


OmOIBf  Of  tOBT  DIAEBOmV  »iiAau& 


urn 


fh*  promiM  of  »  oomidonblo  Nwnd  «pon  thdr  mh  •rrital— 
■dding,  that  1m  had  ftiU  oonfidenoo  in  tlM  frioncUy  piolbwioiii  of 
Hio  ]jiidiaiM»  ftom  whom,  m  woU  m  from  tho  loldiiM,  tfao  oaptnn 
Of  MaokinM  h«d  betn  kept »  profonnd  lecrot.' 

**Fiom  thb  timo  the  oflteen  held  themeelTef  eloof^  uid  spoks 
but  little  upon  the  eiilijteot,  thongfa  they  oonddered  the  prcgeot  of 
Ottpt  Heidd  little  ebort  of  medneii.  The  diimtttfiMtioii  among 
tile  loldtom  honriy  ineteeicd,  imlil  it  reeehed  «  high  degree  i 
inmbordinadoB.  Upon  one  oocaiion,  at  Oupt.  Heald  waa  conyw. 
iii^  with  Mr.  Kincie,  npon  the  parade,  he  eidd,  *I  oonld  not 
remain,  even  if  I  thought  it  beat,  for  I  hnye  but  a  email  atore  of  pro. 
▼iaioni.'  *  Why  Certain,'  aaid  a  loldier,  who  stood  near,  forgetting 
i^  etiqnette,  in  the  ezoitement  of  the  moment,  'yon  have  cattl* 
enoogh  to  last  the  troops  aix  montha.*  '  Bnt,'  replied  Oapt  Heald, 
•  I  haire  no  salt  to  preserve  the  beef  with.'  *  Then  jerk  iV  Mid  the 
man,  *  as  the  Indians  do  their  venison.' 

**  The  IndiMis  now  beoame  duly  more  nnmly.  Enterbg  the  fort 
in  defiance  of  the  sentinels,  they  made  their  way  without  ceremonj 
into  the  quarters  of  the  officers.  On  one  occasion,  an  Indian  took 
up  a  rifle  and  fired  it  in  the  parlor  of  the  commanding  officer,  aa  an 
expression  of  defiance.  Bome  were  of  opinion,  that  this  wai 
intended,  among  the  young  men,  as  a  signal  for  an  attack.  The 
old  chiefb  passed  baokward  and  forward,  among  the  assembled 
groups,  with  the  appearance  of  the  moet  lively  agitatiion,  while  the 
squaws  rushed  to  and  fro  in  great  excitement,  and  evidently  pro- 
pared  for  some  fearftil  scene. 

'*Any  fhrther  manifestation  of  ill-feeling  was,  however,  iup> 
pressed  for  the  present,  and  Oapt  Heald,  strange  as  it  may  seem, 
eontinued  to  entertain  a  conviction  of  his  having  created  so  ami> 
cable  a  disposition  among  the  Indians,  as  would  ensure  the  safety 
of  the  command,  on  their  march  to  Fort  Wayne." 

During  this  excitement  amongst  the  Indians,  a  runner  arriTed 
with  a  message  from  Tecumthe,  with  the  news  of  the  captare  of 
Mackinac,  the  defeat  of  Van  Home,  and  the  retreat  of  Gen.  Hall 
from  Canada.  He  desired  them  to  arm  immediately,  and  intimated 
that  htf  had  no  doubt  but  Hull  would  soon  be  compelled  to 
surrender. 

In  this  precarious  condition,  matters  remained  until  the  12th  of 
August,  when  a  council  was  held  with  the  Indiana  who  collected 
from  the  vicinity.  Kone  of  the  military  officers  attended  bnt  Gapi 
Heald,  Hioagh  requested  by  him.  They  had  been  informed  that  U 
was  the  intention  of  the  young  chiefr  to  massacre  them  in  cooncil, 


181S. 


OAKAOr  WWUM  AUXVM  ▲*  XU  IWfl. 


uid  looa  M  th«  oomniMidMr  left  the  fart,  tbay  took  ooamumd  of 
th«  Uook  hooMf,  opanod  tho  port  holot  Had  pointod  tho  loaded 
ttuwon  tp  ae  to  oonunaad  tbe  whole  ooaaail.  Tkk,  piobelilT^ 
oaoied  a  poitponement  of  their  horrid  derigne. 

The  captain  informed  the  ooaaoil  of  hie  iatentfoni  to  dktrihnte 
the  next  daj^among  them,  all  the  goods  in  the  etofehooeei  with  the 
•mmani^n  aad  proTieione.  He  reqneeted  the  Pottawattemiee  ta 
fiurniih  him  an  etoort  to  Fort  Wagrne,  piomiiing  them  a  libenl  la^ 
ward  upon  their  arrival  there,  in  addition  to  ^e  lihend  preeenti 
ibey  were  now  to  reoeive.  The  Indiane  were  pvefhee  in  their  pro- 
Mone  of  good  will  and  frienddiip,  aasented  to  all  he  prapoeed, 
ind  promiied  all  he  deiired.  The  retult  ihowi  the  trae  eharaeter 
of  the  Indient.  No  act  of  IdndneM,  nor  dfor  of  reward,  ooald  a»> 
loage  their  thiret  for  blood. 

Mr.  Kinaia,  who  underetood  well  the  Indian  dhareoter,  aad  their 
4e«gns,  waited  on  the  commander,  in  the  hope  of  opening  hia  eyei 
to  the  appalling  danger.  He  told  him  the  ladiaas  had  been  a» 
cretly  hostile  to  the  Americana  for  a  long  time ;  that  since  the  bal> 
tie  of  Tippecanoe  he  had  dispatched  orders  to  all  hia  tradera,  to 
foroish  no  anunnnition  to  them,  and  pointed  out  the  wretched 
policy  of  Captain  Heald,  of  fhmisbing  the  enemj  with  arms  and 
•mmonition  to  destroy  the  Americana.  Thia  aigameat  opened 
the  eyes  of  the  commander,  who  waa  strook  with  the  impolicy,  and 
resolved  to  destroy  the  ammnnition  and  liqnor. 

The  next  day,  (18th,)  the  goods,  conuating  of  bbmketa,  dotba, 
paints^  fcc,  were  dbtributed,  bnt  at  night  the  ammunition  waa 
thrown  into  an  old  well,  and  the  casks  of  alcohol,  including  a  large 
(loantity  belonging  to  Mr.  Sinsie,  waa  taken  through  the  aally-port^ 
tiieir  heads  knocked  in,  and  the  contents  poured  into  the  river. 
The  Indiana,  ever  watchful  and  auspicious,  stealthily  crept  around, 
and  soon  found  out  the  loaa  of  their  loved  "  fire-water." 

On  the  t4th,  Captain  Wells  departed  with  fifteen  friendly  Mk* 
amies.  He  was  a  brave  man,  had  resided  among  the  Indiana  from 
boyhood,  and  knew  well  their  character  and  habits*  He  had  heard 
at  Fort  Wayne,  of  the  order  of  General  Hull  to  evacuate  Fort  Dear- 
born, and  knowing  the  hoatile  intentions  of  the  PottawattMnies,  ha 
had  made  a  rapid  march  through  the  wildernea^  to  prevent,  if  poa> 
lible,  the  expoeure  of  hia  sister,  Mrs.  Heald,  the  officers  and 
garrison,  to  certain  destruction.  But  he  came  too  late  I  The  am- 
nmnition  had  been  destroyed,  and  on  the  provisions  the  enemy  waa 
rioting.  Hia  only  alternative  was  to  hasten  their  d^arture^ 
and  evMy  preparation  was  made  for  the  march  of  the  tioopa  next 
morning. 


A  ■Mom)  oovvfliL  win  ni  ifipJ^*M*^ 


1818. 


^••i 


A  Moond  ooanoU  wm  b«td  witfk  flM  IndlMlt  in  <li«  afternoon. 
They  oxpreiMd  grMt  indignation  at  tho  deatraotlon  oi  the  amma. 
nition  and  liquor.  Mnrmoza  and  Ibreato  were  beard  ftom  ereiy 
quarter. 

Among  the  obiefli  and  braTea  w«m  eeTeral,  who,  altboagfa  thej 
partook  of  tin  ftelinge  of  boatility  of  theb  tribe  to  the  Amerioaoi, 
retidned  a  perwnal  regard  i^r  the  troops,  and  the  white  flunilieiio 
the  plaoe.  They  eierted  their  ntmoet  inftnenoe  to  allay  Uie  angrj 
ftelingf  of  the  MTage  wanldia;  but  their  effbrte  were  in  vain. 

Among  theae  wae  Blaek  ^wlrkf^  a  chief  at  some,  diitinetion. 
The  evening  after  the  eeoond  oooncil,  he  entered  the  qnartera  of 
the  commanding  officer.  "Father/'  uud  the  yenerable  chief,  <'I 
come  to  deliver  up  to  yon  the  medal  I  wear.  It  wae  given  me  by 
tile  Americana,  and  I  have  long  wbrii  it,  in  token  of  onr  matnd 
friendship.  But  onr  yoong  men  are  resolved  to  imbme  their 
hands  in  the  blood  of  tibe  whites.  I  cannot  restrain  them,  and  I 
will  not  wear  a  token  of  peace,  while  I  am  compelled  to  act  as  sn 
enemy."  ,, 

Tiie  reeerved  ammunition,  twenty-five  rounds  to  a  man,  was  now 
distributed.  The  baggage  wagons  fbr  the.  sick,  the  women  and 
children,  were  ready,  and,  amidst  the  surrounding  gloom,  and  the 
flzpectadon  of  a  ibtiguing  march  through  the  wilderness,  or  a  dis- 
astrous issue  on  the  morrow,  the  whole  party,  except  the  watchful 
sentinels,  retired  for  a  little  rest 

The  fiital  morning  of  the  16th  of  August  arrived.  The  snn  shone 
out  in  brightness  as  it  arose  from  the  glassy  surfkoe  of  the  lake. 
The  atmosphere  was  balmy,  and  could  the  filings  of  the  party 
have  been  relieved  fh>m  the  most  ^stressing,  apprehensions)  they 
could  have  departed  with  exhilarating  feelings. 

Early  in  the  morning  a  message  was  received  by  Mr.  Einzie, 
from  7b-pe-nee-6e,  a  friendly  chief  of  the  St  Joseph's  band,  inform- 
ing him  that  the  Pottawattamies,  who  had  promised  to  be  an  escort 
to  the  detachment,  designed  mischief.  Mr.  Elnrie  had  placed  hia 
flunily  under  the  protection  of  some  friendly  Indians.  This  party, 
in  a  boat,  consisted  of  Mrs.  Einsie,  four  young  children,  a  clerk  of 
Mr.  Einrie's,  two  servants,  and  the  boatmen,  or  vcyageurs,  with  two 
Indians  as  protectors.  The  boat  was  intended  to  pass  along  the 
southern  end  of  the  lake  to  St  Joseph's.  Mr.  Einssie  and  bis  eldest 
son,  a  youth,  had  agreed  to  accompany  Oaptain  Heald  and  the 
troops,  as  he  thought  his  influence  over  the  Indians  would  enable 
him  to  restrain  the  fbiy  of  the  savages,  as  they  were  much  attached 
to  him  and  his  fiunily. 


181S. 


BOLDXBM  AH»  f AMIIXM  LBkWm  fOlt  DIAUOUr. 


9m 


To-p«-»M-b«  iifftd  bim  rad  hit  Mm  to  MoompMiy  hit  ikmily  in 
the  boat,  Mfiiring  him  (b«  boctil*  Indiant  woald  Allow  hit  boat  to 
pftM  in  tudetj  to  fH»  Joaeph'i. 

The  boat  had  Marcwljr  i-eaohed  tha  laka,  when  anothar  manengar 
ftom  thia  firiandly  ohiaf  arrivad  to  datiUn  tham  whara  thay  were. 
The  readier  ia  left  to  inii^ne  the  feeliogi  of  the  mother.  **  She  waa 
a  woman  of  nnoommon  energy  and  atrangth  of  oharaotar,  yet  h«r 
heart  died  within  her  ai  aba  folded  her  arma  aronnd  her  helpleu 
infants."  And  whan  aha  hearcTthe  diioharga  of  the  gnna,  and  the 
•brill,  terrido  warwhoop  of  the  inftiriated  aayagea,  and  kbew  the 
party,  and  moat  probably  her  beloved  haaband  and  firat  bom  eon 
were  doomed  to  deatruotion,  language  haa  not  power  to  deacrilia 
her  agony  t 

At  nine  o'clock,  the  troops,  with  the  baggAge  wagona,  left  the 
fort  with  martial  music,  and  in  military  array.  Captain  Wells,  afc 
the  head  of  hia  band  of  Miamies,  led  the  advance,  with  hie  fiuse 
blackened  after  the  manner  of  Indians.  The  troopa,  with  the 
wagons,  containing  the  women  and  children,  the  aick  and  lame, 
followed,  while  at  a  little  distance  behind,  were  the  Pottawatt»- 
mies,  about  five  hundred  in  number,  who  had  pledged  their  honor 
to  escort  them  in  safety  to  Fort  Wayne.  The  party  took  the  road 
•long  the  lake  shore. 

On  reaching  the  point  where  a  range  of  sand  hills  commenced, 
(within  the  present  limits  of  Ghicago  city,)  the  Pottawattamiea 
defiled  to  the  right  into  the  prairie,  to  bring  the  sand  hills  between 
them  and  the  Americans.  They  had  marched  about  a  mile  and  a 
half  from  the  fort,  when  Captain  Wells,  who,  with  hb  Miamies, 
was  in  advance,  rode  furiously  back,  and  exclaimed,' 

*'They  are  about  to  attack  us:  form  instantly  and  charge  upon 
them." 

The  worda  were  scarcely  uttered  when  a  volley  of  balls,  from 
Indian  muskets,  behind  the  sand  hills,  poured  upon  them.  The 
troops  were  hastily  formed  into  lines  and  chairged  up  the  bank. 
One  man,  a  veteran  soldier  of  seventy,  fell  aa  they  mounted  the 
bank.  The  battle  became  general.  The  Miamiee  fled  at  the 
oatset,  though  Captain  Wella  did  his  utmost  to  induce  them  to 
itand  their  ground.  Their  chief  rode  np  to  the  Pottawattamies, 
charged  them  with  treachery,  and,  brandishing  his  tomahawk,  de- 
clared, "he  would  be  the  first  to  head  a  parly  of  Americans  and 
ponish  them."  He  then  turned  hia  horse  and  galloped  after  hia 
eompaniona  over  the  prairie. 
The  Ameriean  troopa  behaved  moat  gallantly,  and  add  their 


■^ 


870 


HASSAORB  ITBAR  OHIOAOO. 


1812. 


IWes  dearly.  Mm.  Helm,  tbe  wife  of  Lieutenant  Helm,  who  was  in 
the  action,  behared  witfi  astonishing  presence  of  mind,  (as  did  all 
the  other  females)  and  furnished  Mr.  Einzie  with  many  thrilling 
foots,  from  which  are  made  the  following  extracts : 

"Our  horses  pranced  and  bounded  and  could  hardly  be  restrain- 
ed, as  the  balls  whistled  around  them.  I  drew  off  a  -little  and 
gazed  upon  my  husband  and  father,  who  were  yet  unharmed.  I 
felt  that  my  hour  was  come,  and  endeavored  to  forget  those  I 
loved,  and  prepare  myself  for  my  approaching  fkte. 

"While  I  was  thus  engaged,  the  surgeon.  Dr.  Y.,  came  up;  he 
was  badly  wounded.  His  horse  had  been  shot  under  him,  and  he 
had  received  a  ball  in  his  leg.  Every  muscle  of  his  countenance 
was  quivering  with  the  agony  of  terror.  He  said  to  me,  *  Do  yon 
think  they  will  take  our  lives?  I  am  badly  wounded,  but  I  think 
not  mortally.  Perhaps  we  might  purchase  our  lives  by  promising 
fhem  a  large  reward.    Do  you  think  there  is  any  chance  ?' 

"  'Dr.  v.*  said  I,  'do  not  let  us  waste  the  few  moments  that  yet 
remain  to  us,  in  such  vain  hopes.  Our  fate  is  inevitable.  In  a 
few  moments  we  must  appear  before  the  bar  of  God.  Let  us  en- 
deavor to  make  what  preparation  is  yet  in  our  power.'  <0h!  I 
cannot  die!'  exclaimed  he,  'I  am  not  fit  to  die — ^if  I  had  bat  ft 
short  time  to  prepare — death  is  awful!'  I  pointed  to  Ensign 
Ronan,  who,  though  mortally  wounded,  and  nearly  down,  was  still 
fighting  with  desperation,  upon  one  knee. 

«<Look  at  that  man,'  said  I,  'at  least  he  dies  like  a  soldier  1' 

"'Yes,'  replied  the  unfortunate  man,  with  a  convulsive  gasp, 
'but  he  has  no  terrors  of  the  future— he  is  an  unbeliever!' 

"At  this  moment,  a  young  Indian  raised  his  tomahawk  at  me. 
By  springing  aside,  I  avoided  the  blow  which  was  aimed  at  my 
skull,  but  which  alighted  on  my  shoulder.  I  seized  him  around 
the  neck,  and  while  exerting  my  utmost  efforts  to  get  possession 
of  his  scalping  knife,  which  hung  in  a  scabbard  over  his  breast,  I 
was  dragged  from  his  grasp  by  another  and  an  older  Indian. 

"The  latter  bore  me,  struggling  and  resisting,  toward  the  lake. 
Notwithstanding  the  rapidity  with  which  I  was  hurried  along,  I 
recognized,  as  I  passed  them,  the  lifeless  remains  of  the  unfortu- 
nate surgeon.  Some  murderous  tomahawk  had  stretched  him  npon 
the  very  spot  where  I  had  last  seen  him. 

"I  waa  immediately  plunged  into  the  water,  and  held  therewith 
A  forcible  hand,  notwithstanding  my  resistance.  I  soon  perceiyed, 
however,  that  the  object  of  my  captor  was  not  to  drown  me,  as  ht 
held  me  firmly  in  such  a  position  as  to  place  my  head  above  the 


1812. 


MA8SA0BB  KIAR  OHIOAGO. 


871 


water.  This  reasBured  me,  and  regarding  lata  attentively,  I  soon 
recognised,  in  spite  of  the  paint  with  which  he  was  disguised,  7^ 
Black  Partridge. 

"When  the  firing  had  somewhat  subsided,  my  preserver  bore 
me  from  the  water,  and  conducted  me  up  the  sand  banks.  It  was 
a  burning  August  morning,  and  walking  through  the  sand  in  my 
drenched  condition,  was  inexpressibly  painful  and  &tiguing.  I 
stopped  and  took  off  my  shoes,  to  free  them  from  the  sand,  with 
which  they  were  nearly  filled,  when  a  squaw  seized  and  carried 
them  off,  and  I  was  obliged  to  proceed  without  them.  When  we 
had  gained  the  prairie,  I  was  met  by  my  father,  who  told  me  that 
my  husband  was  safe,  and  but  slightly  wounded.  They  led  me 
gently  back  toward  the  Chicago  river,  along  the  southern  bank  of 
which  was  the  Pottawattamie  encampment.  At  one  time  I  was 
placed  upon  a  horse  without  a  saddle,  but  soon  finding  the  motion 
insupportable,  I  sprang  off.  Supported  partly  by  my  kind  conduc- 
tor, and  partly  by  another  Indian,  Pee-so-tuMy  who  held  dangling 
in  his  hand  the  scalp  of  Captain  Wells,  I  dragged  my  fiainting 
steps  to  one  of  the  wigwams. 

"The  wife  of  Waxt-bee-nee-mah^  a  chief  from  the  niinois  river,  was 
Btsoding  near,  and  seeing  my  exhausted  condition,  she  seized  a 
kettle,  dipped  up  some  water  from  a  little  stream  that  flowed  near, 
threw  into  it  some  maple  sugar,  and  stirring  it  up  with  her  hand, 
gave  it  to  me  to  drink.  This  act  of  kindness,  in  the  midst  of  so 
many  atrocities,  touched  me  most  sensibly,  but  my  attention  was 
Boon  diverted  to  another  object  The  fort  had  become  a  scene  of 
plunder,  to  such  as  remained  after  the  troops  had  marched  out. 
The  cattle  had  been  shot  down  as  they  ran  at  large,  and  lay  dead 
or  dying  around. 

"As  the  noise  of  the  firing  grew  gradually  less,  and  the  strag- 
glers  from  the  victorious  party  dropped  in,  I  received  confirmation 
of  what  my  father  had  hurriedly  communicated  in  our  rencontre  on 
the  lake  shore ;  namely,  that  the  whites  had  surrendered,  after  the 
loss  of  about  two-thirds  of  their  number.  They  had  stipulated  for 
the  preservation  of  their  lives,  and  those  of  the  remaining  women 
and  children,  and  for  their  delivery  at  some  of  the  British  posts, 
unless  ransomed  by  traders  in  the  Indian  country.  It  appears  that 
the  wounded  prisoners  were  not  considered  as  included  in  th« 
stipulation,  and  a  horrible  scene  occurred  upon  their  being  brought 
into  camp. 

"An  old  squaw,  infuriated  by  the  loss  of  friends,  or  excited  by 
the  sanguinary  scenes  around  her,  seemed  possessed  by  a  demonia* 


I 


872 


IfASSAORB  NXAR  OHIOAOO. 


1812. 


fbrooity.  She  seized  a  stable  fork,  and  assaulted  one  miserable  vie. 
tim,  who  lay  groaniag  and  writhini;  in  the  agony  of  his  wounds, 
aggravated  by  the  scorching  beams  of  the  sun.  With  a  delicacy  of 
feeling  scarcely  to  have  been  expected  under  such  circumstances, 
Wau^e-nee-mah  stretched  a  mat  across  two  poles,  between  me  aud 
this  dreadful  scene.  I  was  thus  spared,  in  some  degree,  a  view  of 
its  horrors,  although  I  could  not  entirely  close  my  ears  to  the  cries 
of  the  sufferer.  The  following  night,  five  more  of  the  wounded 
prisoners  were  tomahawked." 

But  why  dwell  upon  this  painful  subject?  Why  describe  the 
butchery  of  the  children,  twelve  of  whom,  placed  together  in  one 
baggage  wagon,  fell  beneath  the  merciless  tomahawk  of  one  young 
savage?  This  atrocious  act  was  committed  after  the  whites, 
twenty-seven  in  number,  had  surrendered.  When  Gapt.  Wells 
beheld  it,  he  exclaimed,  ''Is  that  their  game?  Then  I  will  kill 
too ! "  So  saying,  he  turned  his  horse's  head,  and  started  for  the 
Indian  camp  near  the  fort,  where  bad  been  left  their  squaws  and 
children. 

Several  Indians  pursued  him,  firing  at  him  as  he  galloped  along. 
He  laid  himself  flat  on  the  neck  of  his  horse,  loading  and  firing  in 
that  position.  At  length  the  balls  of  his  pursuers  took  effect,  kill- 
ing his  horse,  and  severely  wounding  himself.  At  this  moment  he 
was  met  by  Winnemeg  and  Wait-ban-seey  who  endeavored  to  save 
him  from  the  savages  who  had  now  overtaken  him ;  but  as  thej 
supported  him  along,  after  having  disengaged  him  from  his  horse, 
he  received  his  death-blow  from  one  of  the  party,  (Pee-so-tum,) 
who  stabbed  him  in  the  back. 

The  heroic  resolution  of  one  of  the  soldier's  wives  deserves  to  he 
recorded.  She  had,  from  the  first,  expressed  a  determination  never 
to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  savages,  believing  that  their  prisoners 
were  always  subjected  to  tortures  worse  than  death.  When,  there- 
fore, a  party  came  up  to  her,  to  make  her  prisoner,  she  fought  with 
desperation,  refusing  to  surrender,  although  assured  of  safe  treat- 
ment, and  literally  suffered  herself  to  be  cut  to  pieces,  rather  than 
become  their  captive. 

The  heart  of  Gapt.  Wells  was  taken  out,  and  cut  into  pieces,  and 
distributed  among  the  tribes.  His  mutilated  remains  remained 
anburied  until  next  day,  when  Billy  Galdwell  gathered  up  his  head 
in  one  place,  and  mangled  body  in  another,  and  buried  them  in  the 
sand. 

The  fitmily  of  Mr.  Einzie  had  been  taken  from  the  boat  to  their 
home,  by  friendly  Indians,  and  there  strictly  guarded.    Yeiy  soon 


1812. 


MAS8A0BB  KlAB  OHIOAGO. 


878 


a  very  hostile  parfy  of  the  Pottawattamie  nation  arriTed  from  the 
Wabash,  and  it  required  all  the  skill  and  bravoiy  of  Black  Pixrt. 
ridge,  Wau-bar^see  and  JB%  Caldwellt  (who  arrived  at  a  critical 
moment,)  and  other  friendly  Indians,  to  protect  them.  Runners 
had  been  sent  by  the  hostile  chieft  to  all  the  Indian  viHages,  to 
apprise  them  of  the  intended  evacuation  of  the  fort,  and  of  their 
plan  of  attacking  the  troops.  In  eager  thirst  to  participate  in  such 
a  scene  of  blood,  but  arrived  too  late  to  participate  in  the  massacre, 
they  were  infariated  at  their  disappointment,  aid  sought  to  glut 
their  vengeance  on  the  wounded  and  prisoners. 

On  the  third  day  after  the  massacre,  the  family  of  Mr.  Einzie, 
with  the  attaches  of  the  establishment,  under  the  care  of  Francois, 
a  half-breed  interpretei^  were  taken  to  St  Joseph's  in  a  boat,  where 
they  remained  until  the  following  November,  under  the  protection 
of  To-pe-ne-be,  and  his  band.  They  were  then  carried  to  Detroit, 
under  the  escort  of  Chandonnai,  and  a  friendly  chief  by  the  name  of 
Kee-po-iahf  and,  with  their  servants,  delivered  up,  as  prisoners  of 
war,  to  the  British  commanding  officer. 

Of  the  other  prisoners,  Captain  Heald  and  Mrs.  Heald  were  sent 
across  the  lake  to  St.  Joseph's,  the  day  after  the  battle.  Captain 
Heald  bad  received  two  wounds,  and  Mrs.  Heald  seven,  the  ball  of 
one  of  which  was  cut  from  her  arm  by  Mr.  Einzie,  with  a  pen- 
knife, after  the  engagement. 

Mrs.  H.  was  ransomed  on  the  battle  field,  by  Ckandonnai,  a  half 
breed  from  St.  Joseph's,  for  a  mule  he  had  just  taken,  and  the 
promise  of  ten  bottles  of  whisky. 

Captain  Heald  was  taken  prisoner  by  an  Indian  from  the  Eanka- 
kee,  who,  seeing  the  wounded  and  enfeebled  state  of  Mrs.  Heald, 
generously  released  his  prisoner,  that  he  might  accompany  his  wife. 
But  when  this  Indian  returned  to  his  village  on  the  Eankakee, 
be  found  that  his  generosity  had  excited  so  much  dissatisfaction  in 
bis  hand,  that  he  resolved  to  visit  St.  Joseph's  and  reclaim  his 
prisoner.  News  of  his  intention  having  reached  To-pe-ne-becy  Kee- 
po^h,  Ckandonnaif  and  other  friendly  braves,  they  sent  them  in  a 
bark  canoe,  under  the  charge  of  JRobinsony  a  half-breed,  along  the 
eastern  side  of  Lake  Michigan,  three  hundred  miles,  to  Mackinac, 
where  they  were  delivered  over  to  the  commanding  officer. 

Lieutenant  Helm  was  wounded  in  the  action  and  taken  prisoner, 

and  afterward  taken  by  some  friendly  Indians  to  the  Au  Sable,  and 

from  thence  to  St.  Louis,  and  liberated  from  captivity  through  the 

Agency  of  the  late  Thomas  Forsyth,  Esq. 

Mrs.  Hebn  received  a  slight  wound  in  the  ankle ;  had  her  horse 

66 


874 


OFFICIAL  EBPORT  OF  OAPTAIR  BBALD. 


1812. 


•hot  from  nnder  her;  and  after  paasing  the  agonizing  Bcenes  dei* 
cribed,  went  with  the  family  of  Mr.  Einzie  to  Detroit 

The  soldiers,  with  tbo^r  wives  and  children,  were  dispersed 
among  the  different  villages  of  the  Pottawattamies,  upon  the  HU. 
nois,  Wabash,  Rook  River,  and  Milwankie.  The  largest  propoN 
tion  were  taken  to  Detroit  and  ransomed  the  following  spring. 
Some,  however,  remained  in  captivity  another  year,  and  experienced 
more  kindness  than  was  expected  from  an  enemy  so  merciless. 

This  event  is  given  more  in  detail  than  many  others,  partly  be- 
cause the  locality  is  Chicago,  where  some  individaals  are  still 
living  who  passed  through  these  terrible  scenes ;  and  partly  to  con 
rect  a  common  notion  prevailing  amongst  many  humane  and  phi- 
lanthropic  persons,  that  Indian  hostilities  alwaya  "  commmee  by  (hi 
first  aggressima  of  the  whUe$"  and  that  if  the  Indians  are  treated 
kindly,  they  will  **  ever  "  be  just  and  kind  in  return. 

As  a  general  rule  this  is  true,  but  the  narrative  above  related 
affords  one  instance  of  a  glaring  exception. 

The  aborigines  of  this  country  were  always  rude  savages ;  sab* 
sisting  chiefly  by  fishing  and  hunting,  and  from  the  earliest 
traditionary  notice,  were  engaged  in  petty  exterminating  wars  with 
each  other. 

Delight  in  war  and  thirst  for  human  blood  is  their  "  ruling  pas* 
sion."  The  liberal  distribution  of  goods  and  provisions,  and  the 
promise  of  more  ample  rewards  at  Fort  Wayne,  by  Captain  Heald, 
could  not  allay  this  passion.  They  gave  their  solemn  pledge  for 
the  protection  of  the  party  on  their  route  to  Fort  Wayne,  and  sent 
out  runners  to  rally  their  friends  to  the  massacre  the  same  day. 

Captain  Heald,  after  escaping  many  dangers,  wrote  the  followiiig 
dispatch  from  Pittsburgh,  Ph.,  on  the  23d  of  October : 

*<  On  the  9th  of  August,  I  received  orders  from  General  Hull  to 
evacuate  the  post,  and  proceed  with  my  command  to  Detroit,  lesr- 
ing  it  at  my  discretion  to  dispose  of  the  public  property  as  I  thought 
proper.  The  neighboring  Indians  got  the  information  as  early  as 
I  did,  and  came  from  all  quarters  to  receive  the  goods  in  the  factory 
store,  which  they  understood  were  to  be  given  to  them. 

"On  the  13th,  Captain  Wells,  of  Fort  Wayne,  arrived  with  about 
thirty  Miamies,  for  the  purpose  of  escorting  us  in,  by  the  reqaest 
of  General  Hull.  On  the  14th,  I  delivered  to  the  Indians  all  the 
l^ds  in  the  £ictory  store,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of  provi* 
lions,  which  we  could  not  take  away  with  us. 

"The  surplus  arms  and  ammunition  I  thou^Iit  proper  to  destroy, 
fearing  they  would  make  bad  use  of  them,  if  put  in  their  possession. 


**I  destroy 

ThecoIIectii 

themselves  ^ 

"On  the] 

part  of  the  J 

war,  as  guar 

tion  of  the  c< 

with  the  lake 

one  handred 

half,  when  it 

Qs  from  behii 

"limmedii 

when  the  acti< 

and  the  India 

In  aboat  fiitec 

rision  and  ba^ 

did  not  assist 

session  of  asm 

bank  or  any  o1 

"Thelndiai 

top  of  the  bar 

made  signs  to 

alone,  and  was 

Blackbird^  with 

"After  shaki 

to  spare  the  liv( 

eration,  I  concl 

his  request,  altl 

ise.    After  deli 

encampment,  n< 

tribes. 

"The  next  m( 
tricing  the  pnso 
between  four  an 
tion,  and  their  1 
about  fifteen.    C 

itia,outofwbicl 
in  the  action,  wi 
"Ensign  Geoi 
my  company,  wi 
•onow,  numbere 


1812. 


OFFICIAL  REPORT  OF  OAPTAnST  DBALD. 


876 


*^  destroyed  all  the  liquor  on  hand  soon  after  they  began  to  collect 
The  collection  was  nnnsaally  large  for  that  place,  but  they  condacted 
themselves  with  the  strictest  propriety,  till  after  I  left  the  fort. 

«  On  the  15th,  at  9  o'clock,  A.  M.,  we  commenced  our  march — a 
part  of  the  Miamies  were  detached  in  front,  the  remainder  in  our 
rear,  as  guards,  under  the  direction  of  Captain  Wells.  The  situa- 
tion of  the  country  rendered  it  necessary  for  us  to  take  the  beach, 
with  the  lake  on  our  left,  and  a  high  bank  on  our  right,  at  about 
one  hundred  yards  distance.  We  proceeded  about  a  mile  and  a 
half,  when  it  was  discovered  the  Indians  were  prepared  to  attack 
us  from  behind  the  bank. 

«I  immediately  marched  the  company  up  to  the  top  of  the  bank, 
when  the  action  commenced ;  after  firing  one  round,  we  re-charged, 
and  the  Indians  gave  way  in  front,  and  joined  those  on  our  flanks. 
In  about  fifteen  minutes,  they  got  possession  of  all  our  horses,  pro- 
vision and  baggage  of  every  description,  and,  finding  the  Miamies 
did  not  assist  us,  I  drew  off  the  few  men  I  had  left,  and  took  pos- 
BeBsion  of  a  small  elevation  in  the  open  pnurie,  out  of  shot  of  the 
hank  or  any  other  cover. 

"The  Indians  did  not  follow  me,  but  assembled  in  a  body  on  the 
top  of  the  bank,  and,  after  some  consultation  among  themselves, 
made  signs  to  me  to  approach  them.  I  advanced  toward  them 
alone,  and  was  met  by  one  of  the  Pottawattamie  chiefs,  called  the 
BlaekUrdf  with  an  interpreter. 

"After  shaking  hands,  he  requested  me  to'surrender,  promising 
to  spare  the  lives  of  all  the  prisoners.  On  a  few  moments'  consid-- 
eration,  I  concluded  it  would  be  the  most  prudent  to  comply  with 
hia  request,  although  I  did  not  put  entire  confidence  in  his  prom- 
ise. After  delivering  up  our  arms,  we  were  taken  back  to  their 
encampment,  near  the  fort,  and  distributed  among  the  different 
tribes. 

"The  next  morning  they  set  fire  to  the  fort,  and  left  the  place, 
taking  the  prisoners  with  them.  Their  number  of  warriors  was 
hetween  four  and  five  hundred,  mostly  of  the  Pottawattamie  na- 
tion, and  their  loss,  from  the  best  information  I  could  get,  was 
abont  fifteen.  Our  strength  was  fifty-four  regulars  and  twelve  mil- 
itia, out  of  which  twenty-six  regulars,  and  all  the  militia,  were  killed 
in  the  action,  with  two  women  and  twelve  children. 

"Ensign  George  Bonan,  and  Doctor  Isaac  Y.  Tan  Yoorhees,  of 
my  company,  with  Captun  Wells,  of  Fort  Wayne,  are,  to  my  great 
loirow,  numbered  among  the  dead. 


876 


8IE0B  OF  FORT  HABRISOK. 


1812. 


"  Lieutenant  Liua  T.  Helm,  with  twenty-live  non-commisaioned 
officers  and  privates,  and  eleven  women  and  children,  were  prison* 
ers,  when  we  separated. 

"  Mrs.  Heald  and  myself  were  taken  to  the  mouth  of  the  river 
St.  Joseph,  and  heing  both  badly  wounded,  were  permitted  to  re- 
side with  Mr.  Burnet,  an  Indian  trader.  In  a  few  days  after  our 
arrival  there,  the  Indians  all  went  off  to  take  Fort  Wayne,  and  in 
their  absence  I  engaged  a  Frenchman  to  take  us  to  Michilimacki- 
nack,  by  water,  where  I  gave  myself  up  as  a  prisoner  of  war,  with 
one  of  my  sergeants. 

"The  commanding  officer.  Captain  Robert,  offered  me  every 
assistance  in  his  power  to  render  our  situation  comfortable  while 
we  remained  there,  and  to  enable  us  to  proceed  on  our  journey. 
To  him  I  gave  my  parole  of  honor,  and  reportedtmyself  to  Colonel 
Proctor,  who  gave  us  a  passage  to  Buffalo;  from  that  place  I  came 
by  the  way  of  Presqu'  Isle,  and  arrived  hero  yesterday." 

"Thus,  by  the  middle  of  August,  the  whole  north-west,  with  the 
exception  of  Fort  Wayne  iand  Fort  Harrison,  was  again  in  the 
hands  of  the  BritiiAi  and  their  red  allies.  Early  in  September,  these 
two  posts  were  also  attacked,  and  the  latter,  had  it  not  been 
defended  with  the  greatest  vigor,  would  have  been  taken. 

"  The  fort  was  invested  by  a  large  body  of  Indians,  some  of  whom 
had  affected  to  be  friendly,  and  had,  the  day  before,  intimated  to 
Captain  Taylor,  that  an  attack  might  ^oon  be  expected  from  the 
Prophet's  party.  On  the  evening  of  the  8d  of  September,  two 
young  men  were  killed  near  the  fort ;  and  the  next  day,  a  party  of 
thirty  or  forty  Indians,  from  the  Prophet's  town,  appeared  with  a 
white  flag,  under  pretense  of  obtaining  provisions.  Captain  Tay- 
lor, suspecting  an  attack  that  night,  examined  the  arms  of  his  men, 
and  furnished  them  with  cartridges.  The  garrison  was  composed 
of  no  more  than  eighteen  effective  men,  the  commander  and  the 
greater  part  of  his  company  having  suffered  veiy  much  from  sick- 
ness. For  some  time  past,  the  fort  had  actually  been  considered 
incapable  of  resisting  an  attack. 

"About  eleven  o'clock,  the  night  being  very  dark,  the  Indians  had 
set  fire  to  one  of  the  block  houses  unperceived.  Every  effort  W4i 
made  to  extinguish  the  flam^..,  bat  without  effect ;  a  quantity  of 
whisky  amongst  other  stores  belonging  tc  the  contractor,  deposited 
t]pi,9rQ,  blazed  up,  and  immediately  enveloped  the  whole  in  a  flame. 
."The  siliuation  of  th^  fort  l^ame  desperate;  the  yells  of  tbd 
Indians,  the  shrieks  of  a  number  of  women  i^nd  ohildren  witbiO) 


1812. 


HARRISON  MADB  OOMUAVDER-IN-OHIBF. 


87T 


added  to  the  horrors  of  the  night,  altogether  produced  a  terrific 
scene.  Two  soldiers,  giving  themselves  up  for  lost,  leaped  over 
the  pickets,  and  one  of  them  was  instantly  cat  to  pieces. 

«The  commander,  with  great  presence  of  mind,  ordered  the  roofe 
to  he  taken  off  the  adjoining  barracks ;  this  attempt,  with  the  assist- 
ance of  Dr.  Olarke,  fortunately  proved  successful,  although  made 
under  a  shower  of  bullets.  A  breastwork  was  then  formed  before 
morning,  six  or  eight  feet  high,  so  as  to  cover  the  space  which 
would  be  left  by  the  burnt  block  house. 

"  The  firing  continued  until  daylight,  when  the  Indians  retired, 
after  suffering  a  severe  loss ;  that  of  the  fort  was  only  three  killed 
and  a  few  wounded.  The  Indians,  discouraged  by  the  failure  of 
this  attack,  thougl^propor  to  retire,  and  made  no  further  attempts, 
until  the  place  wafliappily  relieved  by  the  arrival  of  General  Hop- 
kins. In  consequence  of  his  conduct.  Captain  Taylor  was  after- 
ward promoted  to  a  minority."  * 

Before  the  surrender  of  Hull  took  place,  extensive  preparations 
bad  been  made  in  Ohio,  Kentucky,  Virginia,  and  Pennsylvania,  to 
bring  into  service  a  large  and  efiScient  army.  Throe  points  needed 
defense.  Fort  Wayne  and  the  Maumee,  the  Wabash,  and  the  Illi- 
nois river ;  the  troops  destined  for  the  first  point  were  to  be  under 
the  command  of  General  Winchester,  a  Revolutionary  officer  resi- 
dent in  Tennessee,  and  but  little  known  to  the  frontier  men ;  those 
for  the  Wabash  were  to  be  under  Harrison,  whose  name,  since  the 
battle  of  Tippecanoe,  was  familiar  everywhere;  while  Governor 
Edwards,  of  the  Illinois  territory,  was  to  command  the  expedition 
npon  the  river  of  the  same  name. 

8ach  were  the  intentions  of  the  government ;  but  the  wishes  of 
the  people  frustrated  them,  and  led,  first,  to  the  appointment  of 
Harrison  to  the  command  of  the  Kentucky  volunteers,  destined  to 
assist  Hull's  army,  and  next  to  his  elevation  to  the  post  of  com- 
mander-in-chief over  all  the  forces  of  the  West  and  North-West; 
this  last  appointment  was  made  September  17th,  and  was  notified 
to  the  general  on  the  24th  of  that  month. 

Meantime,  Fort  Wayne  had  been  relieved,  and  the  line  of  the 
Maumee  secured,  so  that  when  Harrison  found  himself  placed  at 
the  head  of  military  affairs  in  the  West,  his  main  objects  were,  first,  to 
drive  the  Indians  from  the  western  side  of  the  Detroit  river ;  second, 
to  take  Maiden;  and  third,  having  thus  secured  his  communica- 
tions, to  x'e-capture  the  Michigiu  territory  and  its  dependencies. 


*  Braekenridge's  History  of  the  Lato  W«r. 


878 


YOhvvrmaM  bimoistous  a*  Txiroinris. 


181i 


The  defeat  of  General  Hall,  «nd  the  victoriee  of  the  British  and 
indians  in  the  North- West,  prodaoed  an  intense  excitement  among 
the  people  in  the  Western  States,  and  especially  in  Kentadqr  and 
Ohio,  where  hut  one  sentiment  prevailed. 

Evexy  citizen  in  the  States  rrfeored  to,  and  of  the  territories  ot 
Ijidiana  and  Illinois,  and  of  Western  Pennsylvania  and  Western 
Tii^nia,  seemed  animated  with  hut  one  desire— to  wipe  ofi  the 
disgisce  with  which  our  arms  had  heen  stained,  and  to  avert  the 
desolation  that  threatened  the  frontiers  of  Ohio  and  the  territories 
beyond. 

In  Angost,  several  regiments  which  had  been  raised  in  Een. 
tacky,  were  directed  to  the  aid  of  Indiana  and  Illinois.  YIq. 
cennes  was  made  the  principal  rendezvous,  and  General  Hopkiiu 
was  appointed  the  commander  to  march  in  th^PjUNotion. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Governor  of  Illinois,  wai  active  in  raising 
men  and  making  preparations  for  an  expedition  against  the  hostile 
Indians  on  the  Illinois  river. 

Colonel  Rassell,  of  the  17th  United  States  regimer  was  engaged 
in  raising  companies  of  troops,  denominated  "Rangers,"  to  co-oper- 
ate with  Governor  Edwards.  Their  place  of  rendezvons  was  near 
the  present  town  of  Edwardsville,  and  named  *<Gamp  Russell." 

The  concerted  arrangement  was,  for  General  Hopkins,  with 
between  four  and  five  thousand  moanted  riflemen,  to  move  up  the 
Wabash  to  Fort  Harrison,  cross  over  to  the  Illinois  countiy, 
destroy  all  the  Indian  villages  near  the  Wabash,  march  across  the 
prairies  to  the  head  waters  of  the  Sangamon  and  Vermillion  riven, 
form  a  junction  with  the  Illinois  rangers  under  Gk>vemor  Edwards 
and  Colonel  Russell,  and  sweep  over  all  the  villages  along  the 
Rliuois  river. 

On  the  £9th  of  September,  Hopkins  wrote  from  Yincennes  to  the 
Governor  of  Kentucky,  thus:  "My  present  intention  is  to  attack 
every  Indian  settiement  on  the  Wabash,  and  destroy  their  pro- 
perty, then  fall  upon  the  niinois;  and  I  trust,  in  all  next  month 
to  perform  much  service.  Serious  opposition,  I  hardly  apprehend, 
although  I  intend  to  be  prepared  for  it" 

Ko  better  account  of  this  expedition  can  be  given  than  the 
general's  dispatch  to  Governor  Shelby,  in  October,  as  follows: 


"FoBT  Harrison, 


"The  expedition  of  the  mounted  riflemen  has  terminated.  The 
Wabash  was  re-crossed  yesterday,  and  the  whole  corps  are  on  their 
way  to  Busseron,  where  the  Acyutant-General  will  attend,  in  order 


tm. 


OmBAI.  HOPKntt*  DIBPATOB. 


879 


to  h»y«  thwn  properly  mattered  and  disebaiged,  and  where  their 
hones  may  get 'forage  daring  the  delay  neeeuarj  for  this  object 

<*Teiy  dr,  this  army  has  retarned,  withoat  hardly  obtaining  the 
light  of  the  enemy.  A  simple  narratire  of  facts,  as  they  occurred, 
will  best  explain  the  reasons  that  have  led  to  this  state  of  things. 
The  army  having  finished  crossing  the  Wabash  on  the  14th  inst, 
marched  about  three  miles  and  encamped.  I  here  requested  the 
attendance  of  the  general  field-of&cers  and  captains,  to  whom  I 
imparted  the  objects  of  the  expedition,  and  the  advantages  that 
might  result  from  a  fulfillment  of  them.  That  the  nearest  Eicka- 
poo  villages  were  from  eighty  to  one  hundred  miles  distant,  and 
Peoria  not  more  than  one  hundred  and  sixty.  By  breaking  up 
these,  or  as  many  as  our  resources  would  permit,  we  would  be  ren- 
dering  a  8ervio«)|^  all  the  territories.  That  from  their  numbers, 
ibis  tribe  was  mwe  formidable  than  any  other  near  us;  and  flt>m 
their  situation  and  hostility,  had  it  more  in  their  power  to  do  us 
Diigchief ;  of  course  to  chastise  and  destroy  these  would  be  render- 
ing a  real  benefit  to  our  country.  It  was  observed  by  some 
officers  that  they  would  meet  the  next  morning,  consult  together, 
and  report  to  me  their  opinions— desiring  at  the  same  time,  to  be 
jhmiBhed  with  the  person  on  whom  I  had  relied  for  intelligence  of 
the  country. 

"This  council  was  held,  and  all  the  intelligence  furnished  that 
had  been  requested,  and  I  had  a  report  highly  fiftvorable  to  the 
enterprise.  This  to  me  was  more  gratifying,  as  I  had  found  as 
early  as  our  encampment  at  Vincennes,  discontents  and  murmur- 
ing,  that  portended  no  wish  to  proceed  further.  At  Bnsseron  I 
foand  an  evident  increase  of  discontent,  although  no  army  was 
ever  better  or  more  amply  supplied  with  rations  and  forage  than 
oars  at  this  place.  At  Fort  Harrison,  where  we  encamped  on  the 
10th,  and  where  we  were  well  supplied  with  forage.  Ice,  I  found 
on  the  12th  and  18th,  many  breaking  and  returning  without  apply- 
bg  to  me  for  a  discharge;  and  as  far  as  I  know,  without  any  notifi- 
(Sation  to  their  officers.  Indeed  I  have  every  reason  to  suppose  the 
officers  of  every  grade,  gave  no  countenance  to  such  a  procedure. 

"Thinking  myself  now  secure  in  the  confidence  of  my  brother 
officers  and  the  army,  we  proceeded  on  our  march  early  on  the 
15th,  and  continued  it  four  days;  our  course  being  near  north  in 
the  prairie  until  we  came  to  an  Indian  house  where  some  com,  &e. 
had  been  cultivated.  The  last  day  of  the  march  to  this  place,  I  had 
been  made  acquainted  with  a  return  of  that  spirit  that  had,  as  I  had 
hoped,  subsided,  and  when  I  had  ordered  a  halt  near  sunset  (for 


r* 


«M 


QINIRAL  BOrXIHS'  MSFATOH. 


i8ia; 


Um  itnt  time  that  day)  in  a  fine  pieoe  of  gnm  in  the  pnirie,  to  aid 
oar  hones,  I  wm  addresaed  bj  ono  of  the  offioera  in  the  most  rods 
and  dictatorial  manner,  requiring  me  immediately  to  resume 
my  march,  or  his  battallion  would  break  off  from  the  army  and 
return.  This  was  M^jor  Singleton — ^I  mention  him  in  justice  to 
the  other  oiBoers  of  that  grade.  But  from  every  information,  I 
began  to  fear  the  army  waited  but  for  a  pretext  to  return. 

**This  was  afforded  the  next  day  by  our  guides,  who  had  thought 
they  had  discerned  an  Indian  Tillage,  on  the  side  of  a  grove  about 
ten  miles  from  where  we  encamped  on  the  fourth  night  of  our 
march,  and  turned  us  about  six  or  eight  miles  out  of  our  way.  An 
almost  universal  discontent  seemed  to  prevail,  and  we  took  out 
course  in  such  a  direction  as  we  hoped  would  best  atone  for  tbs 
error,  in  the  m<Hiiing.  About,  c>r  after  sunset^lfe  eame  to  a  thin 
grove  affording  water;  here  we  ^ook  up  our  camp,  and  about  this 
time  arose  one  of  the  most  violti^.t  gusts  of  wind,  I  ever  remember 
to  have  seen,  not  proceeding  from  clouds.  The  Indians  bad  set 
fire  to  the  pnnrie,  which  drove  on  us  so  furiously,  that  we  wers 
compelled  to  fire  around  our  camp,  to  protect  ourselves. 

**This  seems  to  have  decided  the  army  to  return.  I  was  iiw 
formed  of  it  in  so  many  ways,  that  early  in  the  next  morning, 
(October  20th,)  I  requested  the  attendance  of  the  general  and  field 
^  officers,  and  stated  'o  them  my  apprehensions,  the  expectations  of 
our  country,  the  disgrace  attending  the  measure,  and  the  approba^ 
tion  of  our  own  consciences. 

**Agfunst  this  I  stated  the  weary  situation  of  our  horses,  and  the 
want  of  provision,  (which  to  me  seemed  only  partial,  six  dayi 
having  only  passed  since  eveiy  part  of  the  army,  as  was  believed, 
was  furnished  with  ten  days  in  bacon,  beef,  or  bread  stuf^)  I  re* 
quested  the  commandants  of  each  regiment  to  convene  the  whole 
of  the  officers  belonging  to  it,  and  to  take  fully  the  sense  of  the  armj 
on  this  measure,  and  report  to  commandants  of  brigades,  who  were 
requested  to  report  to  me  in  writing;  adding  that  if  five  hundred 
volunteers  wonld  turn  out  I  would  put  myself  at  their  head  and 
proceed  in  quest  of  the  towns,  and  the  balance  of  the  army  might 
retreat  under  the  conduct  of  their  officers,  in  safely  to  Fort  Harri- 
son. In  less  time  than  one  hour,  the  report  was  made  almost 
unanimously  to  return. 

**  I  then  requested  that  I  might  dictate  the  course  io  be  pursued 
that  day  only,  which  I  pledged  myself  should  not  put  them  mors 
than  six  miles  out  of  the  way,  my  object  being  to  cover  the  recon* 
noitering  parties  I  wished  to  send  out  for  ti^e  discovery  of  the 


1812. 


•tmtiAL  BOPKnra'  diipatoh. 


Indian  towni.  About  thif  time,  the  troop«  being  pariMiid,  I  pnl 
myielf  in  firont,  took  mj  conne  and  directed  them  to  follow  me^ 
The  oolamns  moving  off  quite  a  contrary  way,  I  sent  Captain  Tay- 
lor and  Mi^or  Lee  to  apply  to  the  offloen  leading  the  colnmns  to 
torn  them;  they  said  itwaa  not  in  their  power;  the  army  had 
taken  their  oonrae  and  would  punue  it.  Discovering  great  confti> 
•ion  and  disorder  in  their  march,  I  threw  myself  into  their  rear, 
fearing  an  attack  on  those  who  w«re  there  from  necessity,  and  con- 
tinued in  that  position  the  whole  day. 

"  Neither  the  exhausted  state  of  the  horses,  nor  the  hunger  of  the 
men,  retarded  this  day's  march ;  so  swiftly  was  it  prosecuted  that 
it  was  long  before  the  rear  arrived  at  the  encampment  The 
QeDerals  Ray,  Atteti,  and  Ramsay,  lent  all  their  aid  and  authority^ 
in  restoring  our  malth  to  order,  and  so  far  succeeded  as  to  bring  on 
the  whole  with  much  less  loss  than  I  had  feared;  indeed,  I  had  nO 
reason  to  think  we  were  either  followed  or  menaced  by  an  enemy. 
"  I  think  we  marched  at  least  eighly  or  ninety  miles  in  the  heart  of 
the  enemy's  country;  had  he  possessed  a  design  to  fight,  opportunities 
in  abundance  presented.  So  formidable  was  our  appearance  in  the 
prairie,  and  in  the  country  (as  I  am  told)  never  trod  before  by  hos- 
tile feet,  that  it  must  impress  the  bordering  tribes  vrith  a  sense  of 
tiieir  danger.  If  it  operates  beneficially  in  this  way,  our  labor  will 
not  be  altogether  in  vain.  I  hope  the  expense  of  this  expedition 
will  be  found  less  than  usual  on  such  occasions.  I  have  con- 
itilted  economy  in  eveiy  instance ;  subject  only  to  real  necessity  has 
been  the  expenditure.  The  forage  has  been  the  heaviest  article. 
To  the  ojficers  commanding  brigades,  many  of  the  field  officers, 
captains,  &c.,  my  thanks  are  due. 

"Many  of  the  old  Kentucky  veterans,  whose  heads  are  frosted  by 
time,  are  entitled  to  every  confidence  and  praise  their  country  can 
bestow.  To  the  adjutant  quarter-master-general,  and  the  members 
of  my  own  family,  I  feel  indebted  for  ready,  able,  and  manly  sup- 
port, in  every  instance.  Let  me  here  include  M^jor  Du  Bois,  who 
oommanded  the  corps  of  spies,  La  Plant,  as  likewise  W.  B.-~*-« 
and  L.,  interpreters  and  guides,  deserve  well  of  me.  I  am  certain 
we  were  not  twenty  miles  from  the  Indian  villages,  when  we  were 
forced  to  retire,  and  I  have  many  reasons  to  prove  we  were  in  the 
right  way.  I  have  myself  (superadded  to  the  mortification  I  felt  at 
titns  returning)  been  in  a  bad  state  of  health  from  first  to  last,  and 
am  now  so  weak  as  not  to  be  able  to  keep  myself  on  my  horse. 
There  are  yet  many  things  of  which  I  wish  to  write ;  they  relate  sub- 
Itantially  to  prospective  operations." 


IXNOITIOH  Of  ftAMOm  IM  ILLWOIl. 


18U 


**  Toward  the  iMt  of  Boptomber,  181S,  all  the  foroM  of  Unitid 
BtatM  tmagtnt  and  mounted  volanteera,  to  the  nnmber  of  ihm 
hundred  and  fLhy,  were  aieembled  at  Oamp  RoMell,  and  dnlj 
oiKaniied,  preparatory  to  marching  against  the  Indiana,  and  joii 
the  army  under  Qen.  Hopkins.  Oamp  Russell  was  one  mile  andi 
half  north  of  Edwardsrille,  and  then  on  the  Arontier. 

**  Thb  little  army  being  organised,  and  with  their  proyisioni  fov 
twenty  or  thirty  days  packed  on  the  horses  they  rode,  (except  in  t 
few  instances,  where  pack  horses  were  fitted  out,)  took  up  the  lini 
of  march  in  a  northwardly  direction. 

**CaptMn  Craig,  with  a  small  company,  was  ordered  to  take 
oharge  of  a  boat,  fortified  for  the  occasion,  with  provision  and  la^ 
plies,  and  proceed  up  the  Illinois  river  to  Peoria. 

*'  This  little  army,  at  that  time,  was  all  the  efficient  force  to  pro 
teot  Illinois.  We  commenced  the  march  fh>m  Oamp  Russell,  on 
the  last  day  of  September.  At  that  period  the  Indians  on  the 
Sangamon,  Mackinac,  and  Illinois  rivers,  were  both  numerous  and 
hostile. 

"The  route  lay  on  the  west  side  of  Cahokia  creek,  to  the  lab 
fork  of  the  Macoupin,  and  across  Sangamon  river,  below  the  forki^ 
a  few  miles  east  of  Springfield.  We  left  the  Elkheart  grove  to  tht 
left,  and  passed  the  old  Eickapoo  village  on  Kickapoo  creek,  and 
directed  our  course  toward  the  head  of  Peoria  lake.  The  old  Kick* 
apoo  village,  which  the  Indians  had  abandoned,  was  destroyed.  Ai 
the  army  approached  near  Peoria,  Governor  Edwards  dispatched 
Lieutenant  Peyton,  James  Reynolds,  and  some  others,  to  vieit  the 
village  of  the  Peorias,  but  they  made  no  discoveries. 

"There  was  a  village  of  the  Eiokapoos  and  Pottawattamiee  on 
the  eastern  bluff  of  the  Illinois  river,  nearly  opposite  the  head  of 
Peoria  lake. 

•  "  The  troops  moved  with  rapidity  and  caution  toward  the  village^ 
and  encamped  for  the  night  within  a  few  miles  of  it  Three  men 
were  sent  by  the  governor  to  reconnoiter  the  position  of  the  enemj, 
and  report  to  the  commanding  officer.  This  duly  was  performed 
at  considerable  peril,  but  with  much  adroitness.  Their  position 
was  found  to  be  about  five  miles  from  our  troop,  on  a  bluff,  and 
surrounded  by  swamps  impassable  by  mounted  men,  and  scarcely 
by  footmen.  The  swamps  were  not  only  miry,  but  at  that  time 
covered  with  high  grass  and  brushwood,  so  that  an  Indian  could 
not  be  discovered  until  within  a  few  feet  of  him. 

"  The  army  marched  under  the  bluff,  that  they  might  reach  the 
village  undiscovered,  but  as  they  approached,  the  Indians  with  their 


1811 


■zpiDinov  Of  BA»«iM  xir  lunoif. 


iqiMWi  w«re  on  tho  retreat  to  their  iwampi.  Inttant  pnnait  wm 
given,  nnd  in  n  ihort  dietmoe  from  the  TilUge,  honei,  ridcre,  ennt 
•od  btijgnge,  were  oyerwhelmed  in  the  morMt.  It  wm  n  demo 
o»tio  overthrow,  for  the  governor  nnd  hie  horM  ehared  the  inme 
fkte  M  the  rabnltem,  or  the  privnte  soldier.    We  were  nil  Utenllj 

"Aparraitonfoot  wm  ordered,  end  ezeented  with  rendinees, 
bat  extreme  difflcnlly.  In  thie  ohMO  many  of  the  enemy  were 
Idlled,  and  at  every  itep,  kettlee,  mate,  and  other  Indian  property 
were  dietribnted  in  the  moraie. 

.  "Captain  Samuel  Whiteside,  with  a  party,  pnraned  the  scattered 
enemy  to  the  river,  and  several  were  shot  in  attempting  to  cross  to 
the  opposite  shore.  So  excited  were  the  volunteers,  that  three  of 
them  crossed  the  river  on  logs,  to  follow  the  retreating  foe.  The 
Indians  fled  into  the  interior  wilderness.  Some  of  our  men  were 
wounded,  but  none  killed  in  the  charge. 

"On  our  return  to  the  village,  some  children  were  found  hid  in 
(he  ashes,  and  were  taken  to  the  settlement  After  destroying 
their  corn  and  other  property,  and  securini^  all  their  horses,  we 
commenced  the  homeward  march.  After  traveling  till  dark  to  find 
s  good  camping  ground,  the  rain  set  in,  and  the  night  wm  dark. 
Not  knowing  but  that  there  were  other  Indian  towns  above,  and 
lesming  that  the  expedition  of  Gen.  Hopkins  had  failed  to  meet 
Tu,  we  apprehended  danger  from  a  night  attack.  Many  of  the  sol- 
diers had  lost  their  blankets  and  other  clothing  in  the  swamp,  and 
there  wm  much  suftering  in  camp  that  night 

"Captain  Oraig,  who  arrived  at  Peoria,  with  bis  boat,  where  he  re- 
mained several  days,  wm  repeatedly  attacked  by  Indians,  but  being 
fortifiod  and  on  his  own  ground,  sustained  no  damage.  He  returned 
with  the  stores  in  safety.  The  troops  marched  back  to  Camp  Rus- 
sell, where  they  were  discharged.'"" 

Qeneral  Hopkins  did  not  immediately  return  with  his  disorderly 
troops  to  Kentucky.  Being  determined  to  wipe  off  the  disgrace  of 
\m  prairie  expediHoriy  he  remained  at  Fort  Harrison  until  another  and 
better  disciplined  army  wm  raised,  which  he  led  against  the  Indi- 
MB  on  the  upper  WabMh. 

On  the  11th  of  November,  Hopkins  set  out  from  Fort  Harrison 
with  about  twelve  hundred  men,  while  at  the  same  time  seven 
boats,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Butier  ascended 
the  river  with  supplies  and  provisions. 


*Hon.  John  BeTnolda,  Belleville,  EI. 


884 


nARBIBOW  RSOONNOITaRS  TRM  MAUMBS. 


1812. 


On  the  10th,  tho  army  arrived  at  tho  Prophet's  town,  and  imm«. 
diatolj  Qonornl  Hopkins  ordered  Colonel  Butler,  with  three 
hundred  men,  to  surprise  tho  Indian  towns  on  Ponce  Passu  crook. 

When  arrived  at  that  stream,  about  daylight,  he  found  all  the 
villages  evacuated. 

One  large  Eiokapoo  town,  containing  one  hundred  and  twenty 
oabins,  was  burned,  and  all  the  winter  provisions  of  corn  in  tho 
▼ioinity  destroyed.  No  Indians  were  discovered  until  the  2l8t, 
when  they  fired  upon  a  small  party,  and  killed  one  man. 

The  next  day  about  sixty  horsemen  went  to  bury  the  dead,  when 
they  were  suddenly  attacked,  and  eighteen  men  killed  and  wounded. 
The  Indians  then  evacuated  their  camp,  and  retreated. 

The  inclement  season  advancing  rapidly,  it  was  doomed  prudent 
to  prepare  for  returning,  especially  as  the  ice  in  the  river  began  to 
obstruct  tho  passage. 

The  good  conduct  of  this  detachment  forms  a  favorable  contrast 
with  Hopkins'  first  army,  and  proves  that  militia  may  in  time  he 
trained  to  the  discipline  of  the  camp,  so  as  to  become  ofHciont  troops.* 

This  corps  suifored  exceedingly,  many  of  them  were  sick,  and,  as 
the  general  said,  "  shoeless  and  shirtless  "  during  the  cold  weather 
of  this  season. 

The  first  step  taken  by  Harrison  after  the  relief  of  Fort  "Wayne, 
was  to  reconnoiter,  with  two  thousand  men,  tho  whole  length  of 
Maumee  river,  to  the  head  of  Lake  Erie. 

He  reached  Forts  Defiance  and  Deposit  before  the  middle  of 
September.  From  these  posts,  which  were  partially  invested  by 
the  Indians,  the  latter  immediately  disappeared.  Having  given 
feid  to  the  feeble  garrisons,  Harrison,  not  thinking  it  advisable  to 
proceed  to  the  rapids,  until  sufficiently  strengthened  by  the  arrival 
of  the  other  troops,  returned  with  a  portion  of  his  command  to 
Fort  Wayne  before  the  20th,  where  he  found  General  Winchester, 
with  considerable  reinforcements  from  Ohio  and  Kentucky. 

"This  officer  had  been  unexpectedly  placed  in  command  by  the 
president;  on  which  General  Harrison  resolved  to  retire,  and  set 
out  on  his  return  to  Indiana,  but  was  overtaken  by  a  messenger, 
with  information  of  the  subsequent  arrangements  by  order  of  the 
president.    On  the  28d  he  accordingly  resumed  the  command. 

'*The  day  before  his  return,  General  Winchester  had  marched 
for  Fort  Defiance,  on  his  way  to  the  rapids,  the  place  of  ultimate 


*BrMkenridge. 


1812. 


VriNOUBBTBR  AV  VOHT  DUTIAKOM. 


88» 


destination.  His  foroo  consisted  of  a  brigade  of  Kentaoky  militia, 
four  liundred  rojinilaro,  and  a  troop  of  horse,  in  all  about  two 
thousand  mon.  The  country  which  he  was  conipollcd  to  traverse, 
opposed  groat  diiHculties,  particularly  in  the  transportation  of 
BtoroB.  Along  the  heads  of  the  rivers  which  discharge  themselves 
into  the  Ohio  in  the  south,  and  those  which  discharge  themselves 
into  the  lakes  on  the  north,  there  is  a  groat  extent  of  flat  land,  full 
of  marshes  and  ponds,  in  which  the  streams  take  their  rise.  In 
rainy  seasons,  particularly,  it  is  exceedingly  difficult  to  pass,  the 
horeoB  at  every  step  sinking  to  the  knees  in  mud.  The  ground 
besides,  is  covered  with  deep  forests  and  close  thickets.  To  facili- 
tate the  passage  through  this  wilderness,  each  man  was  obliged  to 
carry  provisions  for  six  days."* 

Under  these  difficulties  the  march  was  very  slow.  From  the 
closeness  of  the  thickets,  the  troops  were  under  the  necssity  of 
cutting  open  a  road  each  day,  and  were  not  able  to  make  more 
than  six  to  eight  miles.  Thoy  usually  encamped  at  three  o'clock 
and  threw  up  a  breast  work,  to  guard  against  a  night  attack.  The 
main  body  was  preceded  by  a  party  of  spies,  and  an  advanced 
guard  of  about  three  hundred  men.  The  proximity  of  the  Indians 
was  apparent  on  the  march  at  various  times,  and  several  soldiers 
wore  killed  by  them,  although,  with  the  stealthiness  peculiar  to 
Bavages,  they  never  showed  themselves. 

Oolonel  Jennings  having  preceded  the  army  with  provisions,  on 
the  29th  a  messenger  arrived  from  that  officer,  with  the  informa* 
tion,  that  having  discovered  Fort  Defiance  to  be  in  possession  of 
the  British  and  Indians,  he  had  thought  it  prudent  to  land  about 
forty  miles  above  that  place,  where  he  had  erected  a  block  house, 
and  was  awaiting  further  orders.  This  was  a  sad  disappointmenti 
to  the  troops,  who  were  by  this  time  short  of  provisions,  and  had 
hoped  to  fall  in  with  Oclonel  Jennings  at  this  point  A  small  de- 
tachment was  sent  to  him,  with  orders  to  forward  the  provisionsi 
while  the  troops  took  possession  of  the  fort,  which  was  precipi- 
tately deserted  by  the  British  and  Indians,  who  descended  th9 
river.  Soon  after  a,  brigade  of  Jennings'  paiQk-horsea  arrived  with 
provisions,  which  gave  new  life  and  vigor  to  the  half  starved 
»nny. 

General  Winchester  now  remained  at  Fort  Defiance  for  tha 
winter.    His  force,  however,  was  veiy  much  reduced,  by  the  ezpi- 


•Bniok.Muiclg«. 


886 


FAILVKB  07  SABBISON*B  PLAVS. 


1812. 


ration  of  the  term  of  service  of  many  of  the  volnnteers,  who  re. 
turned,  bo  that  no  more  than  about  eight  hundred  men  were  left 
to  him. 

Meanwhile,  late  in  September,  General  Harrison  proceeded  io 
person  to  Fort  St  Mary's,  and  thence,  on  the  4th  of  October,  to 
Franklinton,  on  the  Scioto  river,  which  place  he  made  his  head- 
quarters, for  the  purpose  of  organizing  his  ulterior  operations. 

In  pursuance  of  his  plan  for  retaking  Michigan,  he  made  three 
divisions  of  his  troops,  viz : 

The  right  to  march  from  Wooster,  through  Upper  Sandnskjr,  the 
centre  from  ITrbana,  by  Fort  M' Arthur,  on  the  heads  of  the  Scioto, 
and  the  left  from  St  Mary's,  by  the  An  Glaize  and  Maumee— all 
meei'ng,  of  course,  at  the  Rapids.* 

This  plan,  however,  failed :  the  division  <^  the  left  column,  under 
Winchester,  deprived  of  its  efficiency  by  a  reduction  of  numbers, 
and  half  worn  out  and  starved,  as  has  been  seen,  were  lodged  for 
the  vrinter  at  Fort  Defiance ;  and  the  mounted  men  of  the  centre, 
under  General  'Tupper,  unable  to  do  any  thing,  partly  from  their 
own  want  of  subordination,  but  still  more  firom  the  shifUessneseof 
their  commander,  were  resting  idly  at  Fort  M' Arthur.  This  con- 
dition of  the  troops,  and  the  prevalence  of  disease  among  them, 
together  with  the  increasing  difficulty  of  transportation  after  the 
autumnal  rains  set  in,  forced  upon  the  commander  the  conviction 
that  he  must  wait  until  the  winter  had  bridged  the  streams  and 
morasses  with  ice;  and,  even  when  that  had  taken  place,  he  wu 
doubtful  as  to  the  wisdom  of  an  attempt  to  conquer  without  vessels 
on  Lake  Erie. 

Thus,  at  the  close  of  the  year  1812,  nothing  effectual  had  been 
done  toward  the  re-conquest  of  Michigan. 

Late  in  the  month  of  November,  General  Harrison  ordered  a 
detachment  of  six  hundred  men  to  march  from  his  head-quarters 
at  Franklinton,  to  destroy  the  Indian  towns  on  the  Missiasinews 
river,  one  of  the  tributaries  of  the  Wabash.  The  deteohment  con- 
listed  of  Ck>lonel  Simeral's  regiment  of  Kentucky  volunteers; 
Mi^or  James  Ball's  squadron  of  ITnited  States  dragoons;  Captain 
John  B.  Alexander's  company  of  riflemen,  from  Greenebarg, 
Westmoreland  county,  Pennsylvania;  C^>tain  Joseph  Markle's 
troop  of  horse  from  Westmoreland,  Pennsylvania;  Captain  Junes 
Butler's  Hght  infimtiy  company  of  Pittsbuigh  Blues;  Captain 


•  MeAfM,  142,  k»^  192,  ko.,  at  Sh*  Utter  Nflnrowe  HunriMn't  tetter  ii  f^Ttn. 


1812. 


IZPlDmOll  TO  MIS8IS8INBWA. 


887 


EUiott'ci  company  of  in&ntiy ;  Captain  Ganard'f  troop  of  hoTBO, 
from  Lexington,  Eentnoky ;  Captain  Pierce's  troop  of  horse,  from 
Zanesville,  Ohio;  Lieutenant  Lee's  detachment  of  Michigan 
yolunteers. 

These  troops  were  commanded  hy  Lientenant-Colonel  John  B. 

Campbell,  of  the  nineteenth  United  States  regiment    After  great 

hardships,  in  this  inclement  season  of  the  year,  in  passing  through 

tlie  wilderness,  they  reached  the  Mississinewa  aboat  the  middle  of- 

December.    This  stream  they  followed  downward,  nntil  ai^ving- 

within  twenty  miles  of  the  first  Indian  town,  when  Col.  Campbell 

called  a  council  of  war,  to  ask  the  advice  of  his  officers^    Their 

advice  was  to  march  all  night,  and  take  the  enemy  by  surprise. 

Just  as  they  were  entering  the  town,  one  of  the  Kentnckians  gave 

an  Indian  yell,  whick  gave  the  alarm  and  prevented  the  sarprise, 

Notwithstanding  this,  eight  warriors  were  killed,  and  forty-two 

men,  women  and  children  taken  prisoners.   Pressing  onward,  tJiey 

destroyed  three  other  towns  lower  down,  and  returned  to  the  site 

of  the  first  At  this  place,  on  the  18th  of  December,  at  five  o'clock 

in  the  morning,  they  were  attacked  by  several  hundred  Indian 

warriors,  who  were  concealed  in  the  edge  of  the  forest,  behind 

some  old  fitllen  timbers,  and  opened  a  heavy  fire  on  the  troops. 

The  Americans  at  once  sprang  to  their  arms.  The  battle  raged 
nntil  daylight ;  the  dragoons  however,  being  instantly  aided  by  the 
Pittsbnigh  Blues,  finally  dislodged  the  enemy,  who  were  then  re> 
pnlsed  with  great  slaughter,  and  driven  into  the  woods.  A  number 
of  dead  Indians  were  left  on  the  battle  ground;  but  the  greatest 
nnmber  of  dead  were  probably  carried  ofi^,  according  to  the  usual 
practice  of  the  lavages.  The  Americans  had  twelve  killed  and 
aboat  thirty  wounded.  They  had  also  lost  a  great  many  horses, 
for  it  being  quite  dark  when  the  attack  was  first  made,  so  that  they 
coald  not  distinctly  see  the  enemy,  they  stood  behind  their  horses 
until  daylight,  so  that  these  were  unavoidably  sacrificed,  as  the 
means  of  saving  the  lives  of  many  soldiers. 

The  inclemen<7^  of  the  weather  was  now  so  great,  and  the  itoojfu 
were  laboring  under  so  many  disadvantages,  being  cumbered  with 
the  wounded,  and  their  prisoners,  and  short  of  horses  and  provi- 
none,  besides  being  apprehensive  of  an  attack  in  the  rear  from  th« 
infiiriated  savi^ges,  who  had  been  driven  but  not  conquered  by 
General  Hopldniy  that  they  were  obliged  to  Mtsm,  without  having 
been  able  to  reach  or  break  up  the  principal  Indi«i  town.  Canyw 
ing  Uieir  wounded  on  litters,  they  prooeeded  as  qaicUy  aa  posnblt 
to  Greenville,  which  they  reached  on  the  24th  of  December,  and 


vzFBDETioH  TO  iin||isei]iiiri. 


1811 


HiMice  by  eiuy  maroheB,  by  way  oi  Dayton,  0M0|  to  winter 
qmurtenu 

Their  sufEering  had  been  veiy  great;  the  roads  were  mach 
impured  by  frost  and  snow;  the  weather  was  very  odd  and  pro* 
vinoois  short  No  lees  than  one  hundred  and  eighty  men  were 
more  or  less  frost-bitten. 

Among  the  killed  in  the  battle,  were  detain  Pieroe,  of  Zanei- 
yille,  and  Lientenant  Walts,  of  Captain  Marine's  troop  of  horee, 
from  Westmoreland  oonnty,  Pennsylvania. 

The  olgect  of  this  expedition  was  to  prevent  the  Indians  from 
having  a  place  of  safety  from  whence  they  conld  issne,  and  inte^ 
rapt  the  interconse  between  onr  settlements  and  Fort  Wi^ne,  then 
occupied  by  oar  troops..  It  was  to  drive  them  farther  off  to  the 
8t  Joseph's  of  Michigan,  so  that  they  ooold  not  waylay  our 
parties,  as  they  were  passing  and  re-passing  between  our  settle- 
ments  uid  troops,  then  concentrating  on  the  Maumee  river.  This 
otrject  was  in  a  great  measure  accomplished  by  it,  and  the  bravery 
and  enduring  fotrtitude  of  all  composing  it,  officers  and  soldiers,  is 
worthy  of  the  highest  commendation.  It  has  indeed  been  justly 
called  one  of  the  best  conducted  campugns  of  1812.* 

In  the  summer  of  1812,  an  expedition  was  in  contemplation,  for 
the  defense  of  the  northern  frontier,  and  although  neither  the  order 
for  the  same,  nor.  its  place  of  destination,  are  strictly  within  the 
province  of  this  work,  yet  as  Uie  movements  were  chiefly  Western, 
and  the  men  engaged  in  them  were  mostly  from  the  west  of  the 
Allegheaies,  it  is  thought  not  to  be  inappropriate. 

The  following  order  was  first  issued  by  the  Qovemor  of  Penn- 
sylvania;' 

"  Habkxssubo,  August  25th,  1812. 

fiThe  President  of  the  United  States  having,  through  the  Secra- 
taigr  of  War  aad  €len«ral  Dearborn,  under  date  respectively  of  the 
18th  instant,  required  a  detachment  of  two  thousand  militia,  to  be 
xearehed,  with  the  least  possible  delay,  from  the  north-western  parts 
oS  Pennsylvawa  to  BuflUo,  in  the  State  of  New  York :  duty  and 
feeing  direct  a  prompt  oompliance  with  a  requisition,  giving  scope 
f«r  aetion  to  the  patriotism  evinced  by  that  portion  of  our  oitisen 
seldlMy  who  have  volunteered  their  services,  under  general  orders 
o(  &«  mk  Of  May  hist^  <tii  atbaHMimt^ih^drqfii  requifdof  ih 


'  jB>j  j  1  n»i»f^'^*   f'j*   ■fT"'" 


*At»Mirs  Hlttamr>  oC  OW*. 


1812. 


BZPSDnXON  OV  ig^8TI«yAIlIA  yOI.UNTBEE8. 


889 


"  For  obvious  reasons,  the  Acyutant-General  has  orders  to  desig- 
nate for  the  service  each  of  the  volunteers  as  can,  with  the  least 
possible  delay,  be  marched  to  the  scene  of  action;  and  is  charged 
with  the  organization  of  the  detachment  of  two  thousand  men, 
conformably  to  the  following  plan :  The  detachment  to  constitute 
a  brij^e,  to  consist  of  four  regiments,  and  each  re^ment  to  con- 
rist  of  two  battalions,  to  be  arranged  by  the  Acyutaut-General  at 
the  place  of  rendeavous. 

"  The  general  rendezvous  will  be  at  Meadville,  to  which  place 
the  volunteers  composing  the  detachment  will  march  with  the 
nqaisite  expedition,  so  that  they  be  there  on  the  25th  day  of  Sep- 
tember i^ext.    Apprized  of  the  generally  prevailing  desire,  that 
those  appointed  to  command  may  be  the  choice  of  the  commanded, 
the  governor  authorizes  and  directs  the  ofBlcers  and  privates  of  the 
detachment,  on  the  day  succeeding  the  26th  of  September  next,  or 
those  who  shall  have  previously  arrived,  to  elect,  agreeably  to  the 
rales  prescribed  by  the  militia  law,  cue  brigadier-goneral;  eac> 
Nj^ment  to  elect  a  colonel-commandant ;  each  battalion  one  miyor. 
" The  brigadier-general  to  appoint  his  own  brigade-migor;  the 
field-officers  of  each  regiment  shall  appoint  their  respective  regi- 
mental staflb.    To  accelerate  the  expedition  in  discharge  of  this 
dttt^,  the  Adjutant-General  will  attend  in  person,  and  deliver  tp 
the  officers  elect  their  respective  commissions." 

Pursuant  to  the  foregoing  orders,  most  of  the  volunteers  imme- 
diately left  their  respective  homes,  and  moved  with  great  celerity, 
many  having  arrived  at  Meadville,  Pennsylvania,  previous  to  the 
20th  of  September,  where  they  had  their  rendezvous,  and  elected 
their  field  officers — ^Adamson  Tannehill  being  chosen  brigadler- 
gSDeral. 

On  the  25th  of  October,  three  regiments  <  ^  .rted  from  Mead- 
ville for  Niagara;  but  they  were  detained  at  Le  Bceuf  ( Waterford) 
tmtil  they  ^ere  joined  by  the  second  regiment,  from  south-western 
Peqnsylvania,  under  Colonel  Purviance,  which  was  still  in  the  rear, 
fMid  which  did  not  overtake  them  for  ten  days.  In  the  meantime, 
they  were  also  joined  by  some  accessions  from  Yiiginia,  and  two 
^(HDpanieii  from  Baltimore. 

About  the  If^tter  part  of  Novmber,  they  arrived  at  Buffiilo, 
irhere  they  we>re  met  by  several  hundred  New  York  volunteers, 
fut4  a  niUjaher  pf  United  States  troops.  The  whole  force  noif 
M^pqnted  to  four  thcM^nd  ilve  hondrod  men.  Here  they  remunefi 
aoDote  time,  during  which  ^e  oncers  were  actively  engaged  \^ 
Wng,  equipping  and  organhsag  them  for  the  intended  enter* 
67 


890 


oAMPAiaN  oLosu  vinnjccfissrui.Lr. 


1811 


prise.    The  following  account  of  the  close  of  the  campaign  is 
taken  from  Brackenridge's  **  History  of  the  Late  War." 

"  Seventy  boats,  and  a  number  of  sco^nns,  were  prepared  for  the 
reception  of  the  army,  that  they  might  be  at  once  transported  to 
the  Canadian  shore.  But,  preparatory  to  the  principal  attack,  two 
detachments,  one  under  Oolonel  Boerstler,  and  another  under  Cap- 
tain King,  received  orders  to  pass  over  before  day ;  the  first,  to 
destroy  a  bridge  about  five  miles  below  Fort  Erie,  and  capture  the 
guard  stationed  there ;  the  other,  to  storm  the  British  batteries. 
Before  they  reached  the  opposite  shore,  the  enemy  opened  a  heavy 
fire.  The  first  detachment  landed,  and  took  some  prisoners,  bat 
fidled  in  destroying  the  bridge.  The  other,  under  Gaptain  King, 
landed  higher  up,  at  the  Bed  House,  drove  the  enemy,  and  then 
advanced  to  tHoir  batteries,  which  they  stormed,  and  then  spiked 
the  cannon. 

"  Lieutenant  Angus,  with  a  number  of  marines,  accidentally  sepa- 
rated from  Oaptain  King,  and  no  reinforcements  arriving  from  the 
opposite  side,  tttey  concluded  that  King  and  his  party  had  been 
taken  prisoners,  and  therefore  returned.  The  party  of  King,  now 
consisting  of  seventeen,  besides  Captains  Morgan  and  SprowI,and 
five  other  officers,  was  in  full  possession  of  the  works,  while  the 
enemy  was  completely  dispersed.  Finding,  at  length,  that  they 
could  not  expect  to  be  supported,  they  resolved  to  return. 

"But  one  boat  could  be  found  to  transport  them  alL  Captains 
Sprowl  and  Morgan  passed  over  with  the  prisoners;  leaving 
Captain  King,  who  was  soon  after,  with  his  small  party,  snrroand- 
ed  and  taken  prisoners.  On  the  return  of  Captain  Sprowl,  Colonel 
Winder  was  ordered  to  pass  over  with  about  three  hundred  men. 
He  instantly  embarked  and  led  the  van.  His  own  boat  was  the 
only  one  which  touched  the  opposite  shore,  the  others  having  been 
swept  down  by  the  swiftness  of  the  current. 

"From  various  causes,  the  embarkation  of  the  main  body  was  re- 
tarded much  beyond  the  appointed  time,  so  that  it  was  twelve 
o'clock  in  the  day,  when  about  two  thousand  men  were  ready  to 
move.  General  Tannehill's  volunteers,  and  Colonel  M'CIore's 
regiment,  were  drawn  up  ready  for  a  second  embarkation.  The 
enemy  by  this  time  had  collected  on  the  opposite  shore,  and  ap- 
peared ready  to  receive  fhein.  The  depalrture  of  our  troops  was, 
iii  the  most  nnaocodntable  nianner,  delayed  until  late  in  the  after- 
noon,  when  orders  were  ^ven  to  debark.  Ifueh  Afturmnring  Knd 
discontent  ensued ;  which  were  in  some  measure  silenced,  by  assn- 
iltnces  that  another  attempt  Would  be  made. 


1818. 


WnrOBIBTIE  nSOIHM  VBI  HAOllll. 


891 


"It  WM  now  resolved  to  land  ftboot  five  miles  below  the  navy 
yard;  and  aecordingly,  on  Monday  evening,  the  29th,  all  the  boati 
were  ooUeoted  for  the  purpose.  The  whole  body,  with  the  excep* 
tion  of  about  two  hundred  men,  were  embarked  at  four  o'clock  i 
the  men  condacting  themselves  with  great  order  and  obedience, 
and  affording  every  hope  of  success.  Nothing  was  wanting  but 
the  word  to  move;  when,  after  some  delay,  orders  were  suddenly 
(pven  for  the  whole  to  land,  accompanied  with  ft  declaration,  that 
tho  invasion  of  Canada  was  given  over  for  that  season,  while  ar- 
rangements were  made  to  go  into  winter  quarters.  , 

"One  universal  expression  of  indignation  burst  forth ;  the  greater 
part  of  the  militia  threw  down  their  arms,  and  returned  to  their 
homes,  and  those  who  remained,  continually  threatened  the  life  of 
the  general.  Severe  recriminations  passed  between  him  and  General 
Torter,  who  accused  him  of  cowardice  and  unoffloer^like  deport- 
ment General  Smyth,  in  vindication  of  his  conduct,  alleged  that 
lie  Had  positive  instructions  not  to  risk  an  invasion  with  less  than 
three  thousand  men,  and  that  the  number  embarked  did  not  ex- 
ceed fifteen  hundred.  Be  this  as  it  may,  great  dissatisfaction  was 
produce  through  the  country,  and  his  military  reputation,  from 
that  time,  declined  in  public  estimation. 

"Throughout  the  whole  of  this  year,  we  were  continually  suf- 
fering the  effects  of  our  total  want  of  experience  in  war.  ISvery 
thing  seemed  to  baffle  our  calculations,  and  to  disappoint  our 
hopes,  particularly  in  our  movements  against  Oanada,  although, 
many  acts  of  gallantry  were  performed  both  by  regulars  and  mili- 
tia." 


On  the  10th  of  January,  1818,  Winchester,  with  his  troops,  reached 
1818.}  the  Bapids,  Q«neral  Harrison,  with  the  right  wing  of  the 
army,  being  still  at  Upper  Sandusky,  and  Tupper,  with  the  centre, 
at  I  jrt  M' Arthur.  From  the  18th  to  the  Itfth,  messengers  arrived 
at  Winchester's  camp  from  the  inhabitants  of  Frenchtown,  on  the 
riv6r  Raisin,  representing  the  danger  to  which  that  place  was  ex- 
posed from  the  hostility  of  the  British  and  Indians,  and  begging  for 
protection.  These  representations  and  petitions  excited  the  feelings 
of  the  AmericfUM,  and  led  them,  forgetful  of  the  main  objects  of 
the  campaign,  aiid  of  military  caution,  to  determine  upon  the  step 
of  sen^ng  a  strong  party  to  the  aid  of  the  aufliBreni. 

On  the  17th,  accordingly,  Oolonel  Lewis  was  dispatched 
with  five  hundred  and  fifty  men  to  the  river  Baisin,  and  soon 
•fter,  O(donel  Allen  Mowed  with  one  hundred  and  ten  more. 


m 


WlHOHISTBl'S  DVIAT  AS  MIMOaTOWir. 


im 


Marching  «]ong  the  fn>»«a  borden  of  the  bay  an4  lftk»,  on  the 
Afternoon  of  the  18th,  the  Ameriomw  reftohed  mtd  attinkied  th« 
enemy*  who  were  poeted  in  the  vilhigey  and  after  *  tevere  oonteit 
defeated  them.  Uaving  gMoed  poieeeeiop  of  the  town,  Oolonel 
Lewie  wrote  for  reinforeements^and  prepared  himeelf  to  defend  the 
poeition  he  had  gained.  And  it  was  evident  that  all  hit  means  «f 
defense  would  he  needed,  as  the  place  was  bat  eighteen  milM 
Amn  Maiden,  where  the  whole  Britiflh  force  was  oolleoted  nodw 
Frootor. 

WiQohester,  on  the  19th,  having  heard  of  the  action  of  the  pre- 
vious day,  mtrched  with  two  hondivd  and  fifty  men*  which  wis 
the  most  he  dared  detach  from  the  Rapids,  to  the  aid  of  the  captor 
of  frenohtown,  which  place  he  reached  on  the  next  evening.  But 
instead  of  placing  his  men  in  a  seonxe  position,  and  taking  met- 
anres  to  prevent  the  secret  i^roaeh  of  the  enemy,  Winchester  snf. 
fcred  the  troops  he  had  brought:  with  him  to  remmn  in  the  open 
ground*  and  took  no  efficient  measnres  to  protect  himself  from 
surprise,  idthou^h  informed  that  an  attack  might  be  expected  at 
any  moment.  The  consequence  was,  that  during  the  night  of  the 
Sllst,  the  whole  British  force  approached  undiscovered,  and  erected 
a  battery  within  three  hundred  yardsof  the  American  camp.  From 
this,  before  the  troops  were  £iirly  nndet  anns  in  the  morning,  a 
discharge  of  bombs,  bKlls,  and  grape-shot,  informed  the  devoted 
foidiers  of  Winchester,  of  the  folly  of  their  commander,  and  in  t 
moment  more  the  dreaded  Indian  yell  sounded  on  every  side. 

The  troops  u^der  Lewis  were  protected  by  the  gwden  pickets, 
behind  which  their  commander,  who  alone  seems  to  have  been 
upon  his  guard,  had  stationed  them ;  those  last  arrived  were,  as  has 
been  said,  in  the  open  field,  and  against  them  the  mun  effixt 
<rf  the  w»my  was  directed.  Nor  was  it  kmg  so  sfxerted  without 
teiTible  results;  ilie  tro^M  yielded,  broke  and  fled,  but  under 
a  fire  which  mowed  ithmn  down  like  grass.  Winchester  sad 
l^ewiHi  (who  had  left  his  pickets  to  aid  hia  si^fmior  officer,)  woe 
tnken  prisoners.  Up<m  the  party  who  fought  fieoim  behind  their 
alight  defenses,  however,  no  impi«ssion  could  be  made,  and  it  im 
11^:^11  Winchester  was  induced  to  aendthem  what  was  deemedan 
,iQird§r  to  f  ufTe(ider,f'  that  they  deeamed  of  doing  ao. 
,^  ,Thi«  Fipctor  pemnaded  him  to  do  by  the  old  Mory  of  an  Indian 
massacre  in  chha  itf  oontinned  reriatanoe,  to  which  he  added  a 
■.;r.y-^-^.:.^t  --  ,  . 

•Ikv  iPTJi  h«^  Mt  Mm  ii  to  wiMdsr,.  lM*^nii^ 


181ft. 


MiMAOtti  Of  Tin  irooiiMto  at  nmroMtowy. 


898 


promiM  of  ]l«lp  Mad  protection  to  fho  wounded,  ftiidof  ft  removal 
•t  the  earliest  moment ;  Without  whieh  last  promise  the  troopt  of 
Lewis  reflised  to  yield,  even  when  rtt^nired  by  their  general.  Bat 
ibe  promise,  even  if  given  in  good  fkith,  wi»  not  redeemed,  and  the 
horrors  of  ihe  succeeding  night  and  day  will  long  be  Mmembered 
by  the  inhabitants  of  the  frontier.  Of  a  portion  of  those  horrors,  c 
description  is  here  'given,  in  the  words  of  an  eye  witness,  who 
served  in  the  eapadty  of  itiTgeofi  in  ooie  of  the  Kentaokjr 
ferments;  * 

u  On  the  morning  of  the  28d,  shortly  after  lights  six  or  eigU  In- 
dians came  to  the  house  of  Jean  Baptiste  Jereaame,  where  I  was, 
hi  company  with  M%)or  Oravee,  Captains  Hart  and  Hickman,  Doe- 
tor  Todd,  and  fifteen  or  twenty  volanteere,  belonging  to  differeitft 
eorps.  They  did  not  molest  any  person  or  thing  on  thdr  first  ap^ 
proach,  bat  kept  sanntering  about  nntll  there  was  a  large  number 
collected,  (say  one  or  two  hundred,)  at  whieh  time  they  commenced 
to  plunder  the  houses  of  the  inhabitants,  and  massacre  tha 
wounded  prisoners.  I  was  one  amongst  the  first  that  were  taken 
^riaoners,  and  was  taken  to  a  horse  about  twenty  paces  from  the 
bouse,  after  being  divested  of  a  part  of  my  clothing,  and  commanded 
by  signs  there  to  remain  for  further  orders.  Shortly  after  being 
<£ere,  I  saw  them  knock  down  Captain  Hickman  «t  th«  door,  to- 
gether with  several  others  with  whom  I  was  not  acquainted.  Sup^ 
posing  a  general  massacre  had  commenced,  I  made  an  effort  to  get 
to  a  house  about  one  hundred  yards  distant,  which  contained  a 
number  of  Wonnded ;  bat  on  my  reaching  the  honse,  to  my  great 
fortification,  found  it  surrounded  by  Indians,  which  precluded  the 
possibility  of  my  giving  notice  to  the  nnfortanate  victims  of  savage 
barbarity. 

^*An  Indtan  chief  oi  the  Tawa  tribe,  of  the  name  of  M'Carty; 
gave  me  possessioa  of  his  horse  and  blanket,  telling  me  by  signs  to 
lead  the  horse  to  the  house  which  I  had  just  before  left  The  Indian 
that  first  took  me,  by  this  time  came  up,  and  manifested  a  hostile  du^ 
position  toward  me,  by  raising  his  tomahawk  as  if  to  give  me  the 
&tal  blow,  which  was  prevented  by  my  very  good  friend  M'Oarty. 
On  my  reaching  the  house  which  I  had  first  started  from,  I  saw 
the  Indians  take  ofi?  several  prisoners,  which  I  afterward  saw  in  the 
food,  in  a  most  mangled  condition,  and  entirely  stripped  of  their 
clothing. 


*T)t.  tfttsUTo*  IL  Bower. 


894 


UMBACtLM  OV  TBI  WOVHBID  AT  rmiVOHTOWH. 


181& 


**M6Mn.  Bradford,  BeMrlt,  Tamer,  and  Blythe,  w«re  oollected 
Toand  a  oarryall,  which  «onUined  articles  taken  by  the  Indiani 
ftrom  the  oitiaene.  We  had  all  been  placed  there  by  onr  respective 
captors,  except  Blythe,  who  came  where  we  were,  entreating  an  In- 
dian to  convey  him  to  Idalden,  promising  to  give  him  forty  or  fifty 
dollars,  and  whilst  in  the  act  of  pleading  for  mercy,  an  Indian  more 
savage  than  the  othtfr,  stepped  up  behind,  tomahawked,  stripped, 
and  scalped  Mm.  The  next  that  attracted  my  attention,  was  the 
honsee  on  fire  that  contained  several  wounded,  whom  I  knew  were 
not  able  to  get  ont 

**  After  the  hoaset  were  nearly  oonsnmed,  we  received  marching 
orders,  and  having  arrived  at  Sandy  creek,  the  Indians  called  a  halt 
and  commenced  cooking;  after  preparing  and  eating  a  little 
sweetened  gmel,  they  gave  some  to  Messrs.  Bradford,  Searls,  Tur> 
ner,  and  myself,  and  we  were  eating,  when  an  Indian  came  up  and 
prc^XMcd  exchanging  his  moccasins  for  Mr.  Searls'  shoes,  which  he 
readily  complied  with.  They  then  exchanged  hats,  after  which 
the  Indian  inquiitsd  how  many  men  Harrison  had  with  him,  and  at 
the  same  time,  calling  Searls  a  Washington  or  Madison,  then  ^ised 
his  tomahawk  and  struck  him  on  the  shoulder,  which  out  into  the 
cavity  of  the  body.  Searls  then  caught  hold  of  the  towahawk,  and 
appeared  to  resist,  and  upon  my  telling  him  his  fate  was  inevitable, 
he  dosed  his  eyes,  and  received  the  savage  blow  which  terminated 
his  existence. 

"  I  was  near  enough  to  him  to  receive  the  brains  and  blood,  after 
the  fiital  blow,  on  my  blanket  A  short  time  after  the  death  of 
Searls,  I  saw  three  others  share  a  similar  fate.  We  then  set  oat 
for  Brownstown,  which  place  we  reached  about  twelve  or  one 
o'clock  at  night  After  being  exposed  to  several  hours  incessant 
rain  in  reaching  that  place,  we  were  put  into  the  eouncil  house, 
the  floor  of  which  was  partly  covered  with  water,  at  which  place  we 
remained  until  next  morning,  when  we  again  received  marching 
orders  for  their  village  on  the  river  Rouge,  which  place  we 
made  that  day,  where  I  was  kept  six  days,  then  taken  to  Detroit 
and  sold." 

Of  the  American  army,  which  was  about  eight  hundred  strong, 
one-third  were  killed  in  the  battle  and  massacre  which  followed. 
Less  than  forty  escaped.  The  number  taken  prisoners  ou  this  oc- 
casion must  have  been  unusual. 

It  has  been  justly  charged  against  the  British,  that  their  leaving 
the  American  prisoners  in  the  hands,  and  at  the  mercy  of  the  re- 
morseless savages,  was  an  act  of  barbarous  inhumanity.    In  exten- 


1618. 


BABKUOX  BITEIAM  V10M  TBI  MAUXU. 


W^^ 


nation  it  if  alleged  hj  them,  that  some  of  the  American  soldieri, 
thinking  no  douht  to  intimidate  their  foea,  and  thna  to  avert  the 
destmotion  that  waa  awaiting  them,  had  declared  that  General 
Harriion,  with  a  large  force,  waa  then  at  Otter  creek,  only  a  few 
miles  distant,  and  advancing.  This  report  was  believed  by  the 
British,  who  fled  precipitately  across  the  Detroit  river  to  Fort 
Maiden,  for  safety  from  this  American  succor,  which  they  supposed 
to  be  approaching;  while  the  Indians,  who  probably  had  their  spies 
and  emissaries  more  generally  about  the  country,  and  well  knew 
the  &lsity  of  the  report,  remained  and  continued  the  massacre. 

General  Harrison,  as  has  been  stated,  was  at  Upper  Sandqsky 
when  Winchester  reached  the  Rapids.  On  the  night  of  the  16th, 
word  came  to  him  of  the  arrival  of  the  left  wing  at  that  point,  and 
of  some  meditated  movement  He  at  once  proceeded  with  all 
ipeed  to  Lower  Sandusky,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  18th,  sent 
forward  a  battalion  of  troops  to  the  support  of  Winchester.  On 
the  19th  he  learned  what  the  movement  was  that  had  been  medi- 
tated and  made,  and  with  additional  troops  he  started  instantly 
for  the  falls,  where  he  arrived  early  on  the  morning  of  the  20th ; 
here  he  waited  the  arrival  of  the  regiment  with  which  he  had 
itarted,  but  which  he  had  outstripped.  This  came  on  the  evening 
of  the  21st,  and  on  the  following  morning  was  dispatched  to  French- 
town,  while  all  the  troops  belonging  to  the  army  of  Winchester, 
yet  at  the  falls,  three  hundred  in  number,  were  also  hurried  on  to  the 
aid  of  their  commander.  But  it  was,  of  course,  in  vain ;  on  that 
morning  the  battle  was  fought,  and  Qeneral  Harrison  with  his  re- 
inforcements met  the  few  survivors  long  before  they  reached  the 
ground.  A  council  being  called,  it  was  deemed  unwise  to  advance 
any  farther,  and  the  troops  retired  to  the  Rapids  again :  here, 
daring  the  night,  another  consultation  took  place,  the  result  of 
which  was  a  determination  to  retreat  yet  further,  in  order  to  pre- 
vent the  possibility  of  being  cut  off  from  the  convoys  of  stores  and 
artillery  upon  their  waj  from  Sandusky.  On  the  next  morning, 
therefore,  the  block-house  which  had  been  built  was  destroyed, 
together  with  the  provisions  it  contained,  and  the  troops  retired  to 
Portage  river,  twenty  miles  in  the  rear  of  Winchester's  position, 
there  to  wait  the  guns  aud  reinforcements  which  were  daily  ex- 
pected, but  which,  as  it  tamed  out,  were  detained  by  rains  until 
the  80th  of  January. 

By  this  time,  Qovemor  Meigs  having  dispatched  two  regiments 
to  the  assistance  of  Harrison,  the  latter  again,  on  the  Ist  of  Febru- 
uy,  advanced  to  the  Rapids,  and  immediately  set  about  construct- 


896 


BlltUfl  AMD  XHDIlHt  nftiAtn  A  ixmii. 


1818. 


ing  ft  fort,  which,  in  honor  of  the  goremor  ot  Ohio,  h«  nftiAed  FoH 
Meigs.  To  this  point  he  ordered  ail  the  troops  to  ooneentrftte  si 
mpidly  as  possible. 

Fortifications  were  at  the  same  time  constructed  at  Upper  Ssa* 
duslcj,  by  General  Croobt,  who  commanded  the  Penniylvanis 
militia. 

80  far  the  miliuujr  operations  of  the  KoHh-West  had  certainly 
been  safflciently  discoaniging.  The  capture  of  Mackinac,  the  sa^ 
render  of  Hull,  the  massacre  of  Chicago,  and  the  overwhelming 
defeat  of  Frenchtown,  are  the  leading  erents.  The  morementa 
of  Winchester  had  entirely  deranged  the  plans  of  Harrison,  sod 
made  it  necessary  to  organize  a  new  system. 

He  therefore  returned  to  Ohio,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  addi> 
tional  force  fh>m  that  State  and  Kentucky ;  but  about  the  26th  of 
March  he  received  information  which  hastened  hii  return  to  Fort 
Meigs. 

"The  enemy  for  some  time  past  had  been  collecting  in  consid- 
erable numbers,  lor  the  purpose  of  laying  siege  to  this  place,  ard 
as  the  new  levies  had  not  yet  arrived,  the  Pennsylvanio  brigade, 
although  its  term  of  service  had  expired,  generally  volunteered  for 
the  defense  of  the  fort"* 

This  is  corroborated  in  the  following  account,  |^ven  by  GenersI 
Orr,  of  Armstrong  county,  Pennsylvania,  which  will  at  the  same 
time  sen'e  to  illustrate  the  character  of  Qenerid  Harrison,  and  bis 
power  to  win  the  good  will  of  those  under  his  command : 

'^Our  brigade  rendezvoused  at  Pittsburgh  on  the  2d  of  Ootobei^, 
1812,  under  tb3  command  of  General  Crooks,  desdned  to  join  the 
l^orth- Western  army. 

"  At  Upper  Sandusky  we  were  joined  by  a  brigade  ci  militiii 
from  Virginia,  commanded  by  General  Leftwitoh,  and  while  there, 
our  commanding  general  received  orders  from  Harrison,  to  send  on 
immediately,  in  advance,  under  the  command  of  a  mi^or,  all  the 
artillery,  munitions,  stores,  &c.,  and  for  our  main  army  to  follow  m 
a  few  days. 

'*I  was  ordered  to  take  the  charge  and  cotnmaiid  of  these,  and 
marched  immediately,  with  about  three  hundred  men. 

"On  the  third  or  fourth  day  of  our  march,  we  were  met  by  ati 
express  from  General  Harrison,  informing  us  of  tiie  disastrous  d<l- 
feat  of  Winchester,  at  the  river  Baisin,  and  that  he,  Harrison,  after 


'BrMkenrldge; 


IBU. 


VOBLI  96ttW0t  Of  MntltVrAnA  MXUTU. 


m 


bnniing  the  ptiblio  ttorM,  had  MtrMted  to  Portage  or  Oarrying 
river,  whwre  he  required  me  to  Join  him,  with  ill  poeeible  diapatoh, 
and  for  the  more  rapid  morementa  of  the  troopa,  I  waa  required  to 
leave  the  artilleiy  Mid  all  other  heavy  artielee  in  charge  of  an  offl- 
oer.  [  *)et  oat  next  morning  at  three  o'olook,  and  arrived  ut  Poi«> 
tege  rkver  that  same  da^,  in  the  evening.  Ther*  for  tfie  flrit  time 
I  law  and  Waa  placed  under  the  ooniinaftd  of  General  Harrieon. 

"  Here  we  remained  until  joined  by  the  army  firom  Upper  8an- 
dntky,  and  then  moved  on  to  the  Rapide  of  Manmee,  at  which 
place  we  continued  until  the  expiration  of  our  term  of  eendoe. 

"Genend  Harrieon  now  applied  to  thoae  of  the  militia  who  wero 
about  to  return  home,  for  volunteen,  to  serve  for  the  period  of  ££• 
teen  daye,  aa  within  that  time  he  expected  reinforcements  of  Ken- 
taolcy  volunteers  and  othen^  and  the  fort  would  elsewise  be  left 
without  sufficient  men  for  its  defense  in  case  of  an  attack.  Under 
these  considerations,  about  two  hundred  of  us  Pennsylvanians  volun- 
teered as  desired,  all  as  primtt  tcMieray  and  when  the  time  had 
tapired,  which  was  on  the  19th  of  April,  181S,  the  expected  rein- 
Ibroements  having  arrived,  we  were  discharged,  and  left  the  fort 

"At  this  time,  several  of  the  officers  who  had  thus  volunteered 
the  fifteen  days,  addressed  a  complimentary  letter  to  the  gen- 
eral, expressing  our  good  wishes  and  confidence  entertained  for 
him  as  our  commander,  to  which  he  replied  in  the  following 
llisanerf 

« *  Gamp  Mugs,  17th  April,  1818. 

«<The  detachment  of  Pennsylvania  militia,  under  command  of 
Mqor  Nelson,  which  volunteered  their  services,  for  fifteen  days, 
ifter  the  2d  inst,  having  performed  their  engagements,  ai^ 
hereby  honorably  discharged.  The  general,  on  behalf  of  the  gar- 
emment,  g^ves  his  thanks  to  Minors  Nelson,  RinglaUd,  and  OrT, 
snd  every  other  officer,  non^^jommissioned  officer,  and  soldier  of 
this  detachment,  for  their  services  and  magnanimous  conduct  upoii 
this  occarion.  The  general  is  too  well  convinced  of  the  sacrifices 
which  many  of  them  have  made,  by  a  procrastination  of  their  ro- 
tOFD  home,  at  this  critical  season  of  the  yeir,  not  to  believe  that 
their  conduct  on  this  occasion  was  the  result  of  the  purest  patriot- 
ifttn.  The  general  wishes  them  all  a  speedy  meeting  with  their 
fionilies,  and  a  long  continuance  of  that  peace  and  happiness  to 
which  they  have  so  just  a  claim.' " 

Abont.tiie  time  that  Harrison's  unsuccessful  autumnal  and  win- 
ter campaign  drew  to  a  close,  a  change  took  place  in  the  War  De- 
psrtment,  and  General  Armstrong  succeeded  his  incapable  friend, 


888 


PLAN  rOB  A  NBW  OAUPAiaN. 


1818. 


Dr.  Eustis.  Armstrong's  views  were  those  of  an  able  soldier ;  in 
October,  1812,  he  had  again  addressed  the  government  through 
Mr.  Gallatin,  on  the  necessity  of  obtaining  command  of  the  lakes,* 
and  when  raised  to  power,  determined  to  make  naval  operations  the 
basis  of  the  military  movements  of  the  l^orth-West. 

His  views  in  relation  to  the  coming  campaign  in  the  West,  were 
based  upon  two  points,  viz :  the  use  of  regular  troops  alone,  and 
the  command  of  the  lakes,  which  he  was  led  to  think  could  be  ob- 
tained by  the  20th  of  June. 

Although  the  views  of  the  secretary,  in  relation  to  the  non-em- 
ployment of  militia,  were  not,  and  could  not  be,  adhered  to,  the 
general  plan  of  merely  standing  upon  the  defensive  until  the  com- 
mand of  the  lake  was  secured,  was  persisted  in,  although  it  was  the 
4th  of  August,  instead  of  the  first  of  June,  before  the  vessels  at  Erie 
could  leave  the  harbor  in  which  they  had  been  built 

Among  these  defensive  operations  of  the  spring  and  summer  of 
1813,  that  at  Fort  or  Camp  Meigs,  the  new  post  taken  by  Harrison 
at  the  Rapids,  and  that  at  Lower  Sandusky,  deserve  to  be  especially 
noticed.  It  had  been  anticipated  that,  with  the  opening  of  spring, 
the  British  would  attempt  the  conquest  of  the  position  on  the 
Maumee,  and  measures  had  been  taken  by  the  general  to  forward 
reinforcements,  which  were  detained,  however,  ab  usual,  by  the 
spring  freshets  and  the  bottomless  roads. 

As  had  been  expected,  on  the  28th  of  April,  the  English  forces 
began  the  investment  of  Harrison's  camp,  and  by  the  Ist  of  May 
had  completed  their  batteries ;  meantime,  the  Americans  behind 
their  teats  had  thrown  up  a  bank  of  earth  twelve  feet  high,  and 
upon  a  basis  of  twenty  feet,  behind  which  the  whole  garrison  with- 
drew the  moment  that  the  gunners  Of  the  enemy  were  prepared  to 
commence  operations.  tJpon  this  bank,  the  ammunition  of  his 
M^esty  was  wasted  in  vain,  and  down  to  the  5th,  nothing  was 
effected  by  either  party. 

On  that  day.  General  day,  with  twelve  hundred  additional 
troops,  came  down  the  Maumee  in  flatboats,  and,  in  accordance 
with  orders  received  from  Harrison,  detached  eight  hundred  men 
under  Colonel  Dudley,  to  attack  the  batteries  upon  the  left  bank  of 
the  river,  while,  with  the  remainder  of  his  forces,  he  landed  upon 
the  southern  shore,  and  after  some  loss  and  delay,  fought  his  way 
into  camp.    Dudley,  on  his  part,  succeeded  perfectly  in  captaring 


^Armstrong's  Notices,  i.  177,  Note. 


1818. 


lORT  MBIOS  BBUBOHD. 


«09 


the  batteries,  bat  instead  of  spiking  tbe  cannon,  and  then  instantly 
returning  to  bis  boats,  be  suffered  his  men  to  waste  their  time,  and 
skirmish  with  the  Indians,  until  Proctor  was  able  to  cut  them  off 
from  their  only  chance  of  retreat ;  taken  by  surprise,  and  in  disor- 
der, the  greater  part  of  the  detachment  became  an  easy  prey,  only 
one  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  eight  hundred  escaping  captivity  or 
death. 

This  sad  result  was  partially,  though  but  little,  alleviated  by  the 
Buccess  of  a  sortie  made  from  the  fort  by  Col.  Miller^  in  which  he  cap- 
tured  and  made  useless  the  batteries  that  had  been  erected  south  of 
the  Manmee.  The  result  of  the  day's  doings  had  been  sad  enough  for 
the  Americans,  but  still  the  British  general  saw  in  it  nothing  to 
encourage  him ;  his  cannon  had  done  nothing,  and  were  in  fact  no 
longer  of  value ;  his  Indian  allies  found  it  "  hard  to  fight  people 
who  lived  like  ground  hogs."  Kews  of  the  American  successes 
helow  had  been  received,  and  additional  troops  were  approaching 
from  Ohio  and  Kentucky. 

Proctor,  weighing  all  things,  determined  to  retreat,  and  upon  the 
9th  of  May,  returned  to  Maiden. 

Meanwhile,  the  work  of  ship  building  was  vigorously  going  on 
at  Erie.  "  The  northern  frontier  of  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio  was  at 
that  time  little  better  than  a  wilderness ;  supplies  and  artisans  had 
to  be  brought  from  the  Atlantic  coast,  and  the  timber  for  the 
larger  vessels  was  to  be  cut  fresh  from  the  forest."  The  rigging 
for  all  the  fleet  was  brought  from  Pittsburgh,  where  Commodore 
Perry  contracted  for  it  in  person,  with  John  Irwin  and  Boyle  Ir- 
win, who  carried  on  the  rope  making  separately  at  that  place. 

The  Allegheny  river  this  year  continued  in  good  keel  boat  order 
until  August,  a  circumstance  so  unusual,  that  it  seems  promdentialf 
and  thus  means  were  afforded  for  the  conveyance  of  the  manufac- 
tured rigging  to  Erie,  while,  if  the  river  had  receded  as  low  as 
usual,  the  fleet  could  not  have  been  rigged  in  time  for  the  glorious 
victory  that  was  to  follow. 

About  the  same  time,  the  followers  of  Proctor  again  approached 
Fort  Meigs,  around  which  they  remained  for  a  week,  effecting  noth- 
ing, though  very  numerous.  The  purpose  of  this  second  investment 
seems,  indeed,  rather  to  have  been  the  diversion  of  Harrison's  atten- 
tion from  Erie,  and  tbe  employment  of  the  immense  bands  of  Indi- 
ans which  the  English  had  gathered  at  Maiden,  than  any  serious 
blow ;  and  finding  no  progress  made.  Proctor  next  moved  toward 
Sandusl^,  into  the  neighborhood  of  the  commandor-in-chief.  The 
principal  stores  of  Harrison  were  at  Sandusky,  while  he  was  him- 


Me 


oboohan's  Dxtnrai  of  vobt  bthpainsok. 


1818. 


Mif  at  Seneca,  and  Migor  Oroghan  at  Fort  Stephenson,  or  Lower 
Sandoskj.  This  latter  post  being  deemed  indefensible  againat 
heavy  cannon^  and  it  being  supposed  that  Prootor  would  of  cotine 
bring  heavy  cannon,  if  he  attacked  it,  the  general,  and  a  council  of 
war  called  by  him,  thought  it  wisest  to  abandon  it ;  but  before  this 
oould  be  done,  after  the  final  determination  of  the  matter,  on  the 
Slst  of  July,  it  was  rendered  impossible  by  the  appearance  of  the 
enemy,  who  had  secretly  ascended  the  Sandusky  river,  in  open  row 
boats,  temporarily  constructed  for  the  purpose,  and  were  ready  for 
immediate  action. 

The  garrison  of  the  little  fort  was  composed  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  under  a  commander  just  past  his  twenty-first  year,  and 
with  a  single  piece  of  cannon,  while  the  investing  force,  including 
Teoumthe'a  Indians,  was,  it  is  said,  three  thousand  three  hundred 
■trong,  and  with  six  pieces  of  artillery,  all  of  them,  fortunately,  light 
ones.  Proctor  demanded  a  surrender,  and  told  the  unvarying  story 
of  the  danger  of  provoking  a  general  massacre  by  the  u\  >  <es,  unless 
the  fort  was  yielded;  to  all  which  the  representative  of  y "  «  'r(  ghan 
replied  by  saying  that  the  Indians  would  have  none  lext  o  • .: /is  lacre, 
if  the  British  conquered,  for  every  man  of  the  garrison  would  have 
died  at  his  post.  Proctor,  upon  this,  opened  his  fire,  which  being 
concentrated  upon  the  north-west  angle  of  the  fortj  led  the  com- 
mander to  think  that  it  was  meant  to  make  a  breach  there,  and 
carry  the  works  by  assault :  he,  therefore,  proceeded  to  strengthen 
that  point  by  bags  of  sand  and  flour,  while,  under  cover  of  night, 
her  placed  his  single  six  pounder  to  rake  the  angle  threatened,  and 
then,  having  charged  his  infant  battery  with  slugs,  and  hidden  it 
from  the  enemy,  he  waited  the  event  During  the  night  of  the  let 
<>f  Augui>t,  and  till  late  in  the  evening  of  the  2d,  the  firing  contin- 
ned  upon  the  devoted  north-west  corner ;  then,  under  cover  of  the 
smoke  and  gathering  darkness,  a  column  of  three  hundred  and  fifty 
men  approached  unseen,  to  within  twenty  paces  of  the  walls.  The 
musketry  opened  upon  them,  but  with  little  effect — the  ditch  was 
gained,  and  in  a  moment  filled  with  men :  at  that  instant,  the 
masked  cannon,  only  thirty  feet  distant,  and  so  directed  as  to  sweep 
the  ditch,  was  unmasked  and  fired,  killing  at  once  twenty-seven  of 
the  assailants.  The  eftect  was  decisive ;  the  column  recoiled,  and 
the  little  fort  was  saved  with  the  loss  of  one  man.  On  the  next 
morning,  the  British  and  their  allies,  having  the  fear  of  Harrison 
before  their  eyeii,  were  gone,  leaving  behind  them  in  their  baste, 
guns,  stores,  and  clothing. 

According  to  a  Briiiah  account  of  this  afifiiar,  the  number  engaged 


1818. 


VkVAL  AnuAMoan  PBiPAKnca  at  bbxx. 


90t 


on  their  side  is  said  to  be  t»'  below  tbftt  above  stated.  There  were, 
they  say,  only  fbar  hundre  re^lars  of  the  forty^first  regiment,  and 
three  hundred  Indians,  with  two  six-ponnd  cannon.  There  were 
oinety  to  ninety-three  killed  at  the  fort,  and  in  all  about  one  hun-' 
dred  men  lost. 

The  ship  ballding  going  forward  at  Erie  during  this  time  had 
not  been  unknown  to,  or  disregarded  by  the  English,  who  proposed 
all  in  good  time  to  destroy  the  vessels  upon  which  so  much  de- 
pended, and  to  appropriate  the  stores  of  the  republicans :  '*The 
ordnance  and  naval  stores  you  require,"  said  Sir  George  Prevostto 
General  Proctor,  "  must  be  taken  from  the  enemy,  whose  resources 
on  Lake  Erie  must  become  yours.  I  am  much  mistaken  if  you  do 
not  find  Oaptain  Barclay  disposed  to  play  that  game."  Captain 
Barclay  was  an  experienced,  brave,  and  able  seaman,  and  was  wait- 
ing anxiously  for  a  sufficieiit  body  of  troops  to  be  spared  him,  in 
order  to  attack  Erie  with  success.  A  sufficient  force  was  promised 
him  against  July,  at  which  time  the  British  fleet  went  down  the 
lake  to  reconnoiter,  and  if  it  were  wise,  to  make  the  proposed  at- 
tempt upon  the  Americans  at  Erie. 

Perry,  and  his  gallant  officers  and  men  were  prepared  to  make 
some  resistance,  even  before  the  vessels  were  built ;  but  his  main 
protection  was  from  the  north-western  Pennsylvania  militia,  whidi 
was  constantly  held  in  readiness  to  repel  any  attack  that  might  be 
made :  the  county  of  Brie  militia  particularly,  who  were  called  nearly 
every  week  during  June  and  July. 

Notwithstanding  all  this  watchfulness,  by  a  very  extraordinary 
and  happy  coincidence,  the  British  had  disappeared  from  the  vicin'- 
ity  of  the  harbor  at  the  very  time  when  Perry  was  ready  to  take 
hia  new  fleet  over  the  bar.  What  was  the  cause  of  their  absence 
has  never  been  satisfactorily  ascertained.  This,  and  the  unusual 
navigation  of  the  Allegheny  river,  may  be  considered  as  among  the 
first  circumstances  in  the  war,  after  a  series  of  reverses,  that  wew 
&vorable  to  the  Americans. 

On  the  2d  Of  August,  the  fleet  was  equipped,  bat  there  being 
difficulty  in  getting  some  of  the  vessels  over  the  bar,  it  requited 
two  days,  (until  the  4ti),)  to  get  tiiem  all  dear.  For  this  purpose 
it  was  necessary  to  dismount  most  of  the  gunsj  «id  to  proteot  the 
fleet  at  this  time,  when  it.  was  in  a  most  helpless  condition,  and 
might  otherwise  have  bectnae  a  prey  to  the  enemy,  had  he  been 
on  the  spot,  as  anticipated,  a  very  large  force  of  militia  was  col- 
lected in  the  vicinity,  whose  services,  however,  were  fortunately 
not  needed.  - 


902 


PBRRY  miT8  AND  ATTAOKS  TBE  BNBUT. 


1818. 


Having  sailed  on  the  4th  in  quest  of  the  enemy,  and  not  finding 
him,  Perry  retnrned  on  the  8th,  took  in  some  reinforcements,  and 
aailed  again  on  the  12th ;  on  the  15th  he  anchored  in  the  bay  of  San- 
das^.  After  receiving  some  farther  reinforcements  here,  he  again 
set  sail  in  quest  of  the  enemy,  and  after  cruising  oS  Maiden,  he 
retired  to  Put-in-Bay.  His  fleet  consisted  of  the  brig  Lawrence, 
his  flag  vessel,  of  twenty  guns ;  the  Niagara,  of  twenty ;  the  Tale- 
donia,  of  three;  the  schooner  Ariel,  of  four;  the  Scorpion,  o^.  two; 
the  Somers,  of  two  guns  and  two  swivels ;  the  sloop  Trippe,  and 
schooners  Tigress  and  Porcupine,  of  one  gun  each ;  amounting  in 
all  to  nine  vessels,  fifty-four  guns,  and  two  swivels.  The  British 
had  three  vessels  less  than  the  Americans,  but  their  superior  size, 
and  the  number  of  their  guns,  counterbalanced  this  advantage.* 

On  the  morning  of  the  10th  of  September,  our  commander  dis- 
covered the  enemy  bearing  down  upon  him,  and  immediately 
prepared  to  fight. 

Of  the  contest,  Perry's  own  account  is  submitted : 

■(     - 
"United  States  schooner  Ariel,  Put-in-Bay,  \ 

18th  September,  1818.     / 

"At  sunrise  on  the  morning  of  the  10th,  the  enemy's  vessels  were 
discovered  from  Put-in-Bay,  where  I  lay  at  anchor  with  the  squadron 
under  my  command. 

"We  got  under  weigh,  the  wind  light  at  S.  W.  and  stood  for 
them.  At  10,  A.  M.  the  wind  hauled  to  S.  E.  and  brought  us  to 
windward;  formed  the  line  and  brought  up.  At  fifteen  minates 
before  twelve,  the  enemy  commenced  firing;  at  five  minutes  before 
twelve,  the  action  commenced  on  our  part.  Finding  their  fire 
very  destructive,  owing  to  their  long  guns,  and  it  being  mostly 
directed  to  the  Lawrence,  I  made  sail,  and  directed  the  other 
vessels  to  follow,  for  the  purpose  of  closing  with  the  enemy.  Every 
brace  and  bow  line  being  shot  away,  she  became  unmanageable, 
notwithstanding  the  great  exertions  of  the  sailing  master. 

"In  this  situation  she  sustained  the  action  upward  of  twohonrs, 
within  canister  shot  distance,  until  every  gun  was  rendered  useless, 
and  a  greater  part  of  the  crew  either  killed  or  wounded.  Finding 
she  could  no  longer  annoy  the  enemy,  I  left  her  in  charge  of  Lieu- 
tenant Yarnall,  who,  I  was  convinced,  from  the  bravery  already 
displayed  by  him,  would  do  what  would  comport  with  the  honor 
of  the  flag. 


*Braokenridg«. 


1818. 


PBRRT  OONQUBftB  THB  SITBMT. 


908 


"At  half  past  two,  the  wind  springing  up,  Captain  Elliott  was 
enabled  to  bring  his  vessel,  the  Niagara,  gallantly  into  close  action; 
I  immediately  went  on  board  of  her,  when  he  anticipated  my  wish 
by  volunteering  to  bring  the  schooners  which  had  been  kept  astern 
by  the  lightness  of  the  wind,  into  close  action. 

"It  was  with  unspeakable  pain  that  I  saw,  soon  after  I  got  on 
board  the  Niagara,  the  flag  of  the  Lawrence  come  down,  although 
I  was  perfectly  sensible  that  she  had  been  defended  to  the  last,  and 
that  to  have  continued  to  make  a  show  of  resistance  would  have 
been  a  wanton  sacrifice  of  the  remains  of  her  brave  crew.  But  the 
enemy  was  not  able  to  take  possession  of  her,  and  circumstances 
goon  permitted  her  flag  to  be  hoisted. 

"At  forty-five  minutes  past  two,  the  signal  was  made  for  'close 
action.'  The  Niagara  being  very  little  injured,  I  determined  to 
pass  through  the  enemy's  line,  bore  up  and  passed  ahead  of  their 
two  ships  and  a  brig,  giving  a  raking  fire  to  them  from  the  star- 
board guns,  and  to  a  large  schooner  and  sloop,  from  the  larboard 
side,  at  half  pistol  shot  distance. 

"The  smaller  vessels  at  this  time  having  got  within  grape  and 
canister  distance,  under  the  direction  of  Captain  Elliott,  and  keep- 
ing up  a  well  directed  fire,  the  two  ships,  a  brig,  and  a  schooner, 
Burrendeiv;d,  a  schooner  and  sloop  making  a  vain  attempt  to 
escape. 

"Those  ofiicers  and  men  who  were  immediately  nnder  my  ob- 
servation evinced  the  greatest  gallantry,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that 
all  others  conducted  themselves  as  became  American  officers  and 
seamen."* 

Meanwhile  the  American  army  had  received  its  reinforcement!^ 
and  was  only  waiting  the  expected  victory  of  the  fleet  to  embark. 

On  the  27th  of  September,  it  set  sail  for  the  shore  of  Canada^ 
and  in  a  few  hours  stood  around  the  ruins  of  the  deserted  and 
wasted  Maiden,  from  which  Proctor  had  retreated  to  Sandwich, 
intending  to  make  his  way  to  the  heart  of  Canada,  by  the  valley 
of  the  Tbames.f  On  the  29th,  Harrison  was  at  Sandwich,  and 
McArthur  took  possession  of  Detroit  and  the  territory  of  Michigan. 
At  this  point  Colonel  Johnson's  mounted  rifle  regiment,  which 
had  gone  up  the  west  side  of  the  river,  rejoined  the  main  army. 

On  the  2d  of  October,  the  Americans  began  their  march  in 


'American  State  Papers,  xiv.  206.  For  Pony's  Letters  see  Niles'  Register,  t.  60  to  02. 
tSee  official  aooounts  in  Niles'  Begister,  t.  117. 


•04 


KA9^«  99  «ip  •mAum 


WW, 


pQiraH  of  Pyo9tor,  wliom  lihey  o^artook  i9p<ni  the  fitih.  He  had 
podted  bit  furmy  with  its  left  reatiog  upon  the  riy«r,  while  the  right 
fltnk  was  de&nded  by  a  manh ;  the  fipmaDd  between  the  liver  and 
the  marsh  was  divided  lengthwise  by  a  smaller  swamp,  so  as  to 
make  two  distinct  fields  in  whioh  the  troops  were  to  operate.  The 
Brilisb  were  in  two  lines,  oooapying  tiie  field  betweon  the  river 
•nd  small  swamp ;  the  Indians  extended  ikom  the  small  to  the  laige 
morass, -the  ground  bei<ig  snili^ble  to  their  mode  of  wnrfare,  and 
vnfiivorable  for  eftvaby. 

Harrison  at  first  ordered  the  mounted  Eentnckians  to  the  left  of 
the  Amerioan  itfmy,  that  is,  to  tho  field  ftirthest  from  the  river,  in 
order  to  act  against  the  Indians,  W(Ule  wi^  his  infantry  formed  in 
tfanee  lines  and  strongly  |»»tected  on  ^e  left  fiank  to  secareit 
against  ^e  savages,  be  proposed  to  meet  the  British  troops  them- 
selves. Before  the  battle  commenced,  however,  he  learned  two 
Acts,  which  induced  him  to  change  his  plans ;  one  was  the  had 
nature  of  the  ground  on  his  left  for  the  operations  of  horee;  the 
other  was  the  open  order  of  the  English  r^^Ms,  which  nutde 
fhem  liftble  to  •  fatal  attack  by  cavalry.  Learning  these  things, 
Harrison,  but  wbether  upon  his  own  suggestion  or  not,  is  un- 
known, oidered  Colonel  Johnston  with  his  mounted  m^i  to  chaige, 
imd  try  to  break  the  regular  troops,  by  pasdng  through  their 
ranks  and  forming  in  their  rear.  In  arranging  to  do  this,  Johnson 
Ibnnd  the  space  between  the  river  and  small  swamp  too  narrow  for 
•11  his  men  to  act  in  with  eflSect;  so,  dividing  tbem^  he  gave  the 
right  band  body  opposite  the  regulars  in  chaige  to  his  brother 
James,  while  crossing  the  swamp  with  the  remainder,  he  himself 
led  the  way  against  Tecumtbe  •nd  bis  jayage  followers.  The 
cbaige  (^  James  Johnson  was  perfectly  successful ;  the  Kentncki- 
ans  received  the  fire  oil^e  British,  broke  through  their  ranks,  and 
Ibnning, beyond  them,  pioduced  such  a  panic  by  the  novelty  of  thi 
attack,  tiiat  the  wbole  body  oi  troops  yielded  at  onoe. 

On  the  left  tilie  Indimw  fought  more  ohstiAately,.and  the  hone> 
men  w«re  forced  to  dismvoant,  but  in  ten  minutes  Tecumthe  ww 
deiid,*  and  his  followers,  who  had  learned  the  &te  of  their  allies, 
noon  gave  up  the  contei^  Jn  half  an  hour  all  was  over,  excefrt 
the  powiit  of  Prpctor,  vriio  bad  fled  at  the  onset.  The  whole  num- 
ber in  ^bothaimisi  was  .#bout  j^e  :(bonsimd,  tiie  whole  number 
killed,  less  than  forty,  so  entirely  was  th^  affidr  decided  by  panic 


•Ai  to  who  UUed  Toenmtho,  sw  prako's  life  <rf  ai%t  ohieT,  p.  199  to  S19. 


1818. 


BAtna  or  fii  vhaiim; 


905 


.W 


To  ibis  ootline  of  the  buttle  of  tb#  Tbiunefi  is  added  »  part  of  Ha^ 
rison's  official  •tatement  i 

«  The  troops  at  my  disposal  consisted  of  abont  one  bnndred  and 
twenty  regnlars  of  tbe  twenty-seventh  regiment,  five  brigades  of 
KentnokyTolanteer  militia  infantry,  under  his  Exoellenoy,  Oorer* 
nor  Shelby^  iaveraging  less  than  five  hundred  itlien,  and  Ooldnel 
Johnson's  regiment  of  mounted  infantry,  making  in  the  whole  an 
aggregate  something  above  three  thousand. 

"No  dii^fKMitiOn  of  an  army,  opposed  to  an  Indian  force,  can  be 
safe  nuless  it  is  seonred  on  the  flanks,  and  in  the  rear.  I  had, 
therefore,  no  difflonlty  in  arranging  the  in&ntry  conformably  to  my 
general  order  of  battle. 

« General  Trotter's  brigade  of  five  hundred  men,  formed  the 
fiont  line,  his  right  upon  the  road,  and  his  left  upon  the  swamp, 
tieneml  King's  brigade  as  a  sel^ohd  line,  one  hundred  and  fifty 
yards  in  the  rear  of  Trotter's,  and  Ohiles'  brigade  as  a  corps  of  re- 
serve, in  the  rear  of  it  These  three  brigades  fbrmed  the  command 
of  Migor-General  Henry ;  the  whole  of  General  Desha's  division, 
conusting  of  two  brigades,  were  formed  m  poUnee  upon  the  left  of 
Trotter. 

"Whilst  I  was  engaged  in  forming  the  infantry,  I  had  directed 
Gol(mel  Johnson's  regpiment,  which  was  still  in  front,  to  be  iormed 
in  two  lines  opposite  to  the  eneniy,  and  upon  the  advance  of  the 
infimtry,  to  take  ground  to  the  left,  and  forming  upon  that  flank, 
to  endeavor  to  turn  the  right  of  the  Indians. 
.  "A  moment's  reflection,  however,  convinced  me  that  from  the 
tUckness  of  the.  woods,  and  swampiness  of  the  ground,  they  wonld 
be  Unable  to  do  anything  on  horseback,  and  there  was  no  time  to 
diimoont  them,  and  place  their  horses  in  security;  I  therefore  de- 
termined to  refuse  my  left  to  the  Indians,  and  to  break  the  British 
lines  at  once,  by  a  charge  of  the  mounted  infantry :  the  measure 
was  not  sanctioned  by  any  thing  that  I  had  seen  or  heard  of,  but  I 
was  fally  convinced  that  it  would  succeed. 

"The  American  backwoodsmen  ride  better  in  the  woods  than  any 
other  ^.aople.  A  musket  or  rifle  is  no  impediment  to  them,  being 
accastomed  to  carry  them  on  horseback  from  their  earliest  youth. 
I WS8  persuaded,  too,  that  the  enemy  would  be  quite  unprepared 
for  the  shook,  and  that  they  could  not  resist  it.  Conformably  to 
tMs  idea,  I  directed  the  regiment  to  be  drawn  up  in  close  column, 
wi&  its  right  at  the  distance  of  fifty  yards  Arom  the  road,  (that  it 
might  be  in  some  measure  protected  by  the  trees  from  the  artil- 
68 


906 


BiRU  or  n»  THAVM. 


1818. 


leiy,)  its  left  tipon  the  Bwamp,  and  to  ohnye  at  flill  ipMd  m  soon 
M  the  enemy  deliTered  their  flnr. 

**  The  ftw  regoler  tfoepe  of  the  twentyHMrenth  regiment,  nndcir 
their  Colonel  (Pinll,)  ooeii|ned,  in  eolmnn  of  Mctioni  of  fonr,  the 
Braali  epMo  betweeii>  the  roied  and  the  rirer,  for  the  |Hifpoae  of  mis. 
ing  the  enemy'e  arttileiy,  and  some  ten  or  twelve  Mend^  Indisni 
were  difeoled  to  more  under  the  hank.  The  eroehet  formed  by 
tlio  tiront  line,  and  General  Desha's  divisioD,  was  an  important 
point  At  that  place,  the  Tenerable  governor  of  Kentncky  was 
posted,  who,  at  the  age  of  sixty-six,  preserres  all  the  vigor  of  youth, 
the  ardoit  seal  winch  distingnwhed  him  in  the  Bevolationaiy 
war,  and  the  nndaanted  bravery  which  he  manifested  «t  King's 
Monntain. 

**  With  my  idds-de-oamp^  the  aotiug  assistant  Acyntant-Genertl, 
Captnn  Bntler,  my  gallant  friend  Ck>mmodore  Perry,  who  did  me 
the  honor  to  serve  as  my  volanteer  ud-de-oamp,  and  Brigadie^ 
Ctonersl  Cass,  who  having  no  conmiaiid,  tendered  me  his  assii. 
tance,  I  placed  n^jnself  at  the  head  of  the  front  line  of  infiintiy,  to 
direct  the  movements  of  the  cavalry^  and  give  them  the  necessaiy 
support 

**The  army  had  moved  on  in  this  order  bat  a  short  distance, 
when  the  monnted  men  received  the  fire  of  the  Britiih  line,  and 
weroordered  to  ohaige;  the  horseein  fiont  of  the  oolnmn  recoiled 
foora  the  fire ;  another  was  given  by  the  enemy,  and  our  column  at 
length  getting  in  motion,  broke  throngh  the  enemy  with  irreris- 
tiibla forces  In  one  minate  the  contest  in  front  was  over;  the  Bri* 
lish  officers  seeing  no  hopes  of  reducing  their  disordered  ranke  to 
order,  and  our  mounted  men  wheeling  upon  them,  and  pouring  in 
a  destmotive  fire,  immediately  surrendered.  It  is  certun  that  three 
only  of  our  troops  were  wounded  in  this  ohai|;e.  Upon  the  left, 
however^  the  contest  was  more  severe  with  the  Indians. 

''Colonel  Johnson,  who  commanded  on  that  flank  of  his  re^ment, 
received  a  most  galling  fire  from  them,  which  was  returned  with 
great  effiBct  The  Indians  still  fiirther  to  the  right  advanced,  and 
fell  in  with  our.front  lineof  infiuitry,  near  its  junction  with  Desha's 
division^  and  for  a  moment  made  an  impression  upon  it 

**  His  Excellen<7j  Governor  ^lelby,  however,  brought  up  a  regi- 
ment to  its  supptMrt,  and  tiie  enan^  receiving  a  severe  fire  in  front, 
and  ftpart  of  Johnson's  regiment  having  gained  their  rear,  retreated 
with  jpreoiintatioB^  Their  loss  was  very  eonsidexable  in  tiie  action, 
and  many  were  killed -in  their  retreat" 


ins. 


BLO0X-ir«vn8  wnvi  tm  uiumafn. 


m 


thoM  who  idbb  to  ie*  t  ftiller  aoeonnt,  sra  raferMd  to  the 

Mthorities  below,  nuuiy  of  which  are  ea^lj  aceewible.* 

-  'i  ■ '  •    ■ 

The  rate  of  the  Britiih  orer  the  lower  pmbauJn  of  Michigan, 
which  had  lasted  from  Aagait,  1812,  to  October,  1818,  was  now  at 
an  end,  and  the  American  eagle  again  floated  oirer  the  territory  and 
the  lakes  in  the  mi^estlo  conscioasness  of  his  power.  TMs  for  the 
present  closes  the  CTents  of  the  war  in  the  North-West,  which, 
daring  the  year  under  consideration,  were  fhraght  with  interest, 
and  embraced  some  of  the  most  important  incidents  in  the  history 
of  the  Union. 

Tet  there  was  another  seotf on  of  eonntty  that  now  deserves 
tttentiion.  This  is  the  region  of  the  ITpper  Mississippi,  above  its 
janctttre  with  the  Ohio  riyer,  which  was  <A«n  called  the  <*Far 
West^"  and  which,  if  its  wild  pnUries,  noble  waters  and  mijestic 
forests  were  indeed  as  yet,  little  more  than  a  wilderness  almost 
nareclaimed-^the  hannts  oif  wild  animals  and  wilder  savages— was 
yet  even  then  resounding  with  the  woodsman's  axe,  that,  like  a 
prophet's  vMce,  proclaimed  its  fhtnre  destiny,  of  speedily  rising 
into  significance  and  importance,  till  now  it  is  the  <*  Far  West"  no 
longer,  but  is  becoming  more  and  more  nearly  the  center  of  civili- 
sation in  onr  Union. 

The  year  1818  opened  with  gloomy  prospects  for  these  £uS<yiF 
and  exposed  territories.  There  were  steps  taken  to  protect  the 
feeble  settlements  about  the  juncture  of  the  three  great  rivers,  (the 
Mississippi,  the  Missouri  and  Illinois,)  from  the  depredations  of 
the  savages.  The  following  items,  taken  from  the  Missouri  Qaaette, 
of  8t.  Louis,  which  was  the  first  newspaper  ever  published  west  of 
the  Misdsstppi,  will  show  what  these  were : 

"We  have  now  neariy  finished  twenty-two  fiunily  forts,  (sta- 
tions,) extencUng  from  the  Mississippi,  nearly  opposite  Bellefon^ 
tune,  (mouth  of  the  Missouri,)  to  the  Siaskaskia  river,  a  distance 
of  about  sevenly-five  miles.  Between  each  fort,  spies  are  to  pass 
and  repass  duly,  and  communicate  throughout  the  whole  line, 
which  mil  be  extended  to  the  United  States  Saline,  and  from 
thence  to  tiie  mouth  oi  tiie  Ohio. 

"Bangers  and  mounted  militia,  to  the  amount  of  five  hundred 
men,  constantiy  scour  the  country  fttnn  twenty  to  fifty  miles  in 
advance  of  our  settlements,  so  that  wefeel  perfectly  easy  as  to  an 


•  miM'  B«i^irtw,  DftWMB'i  Ut»  of  Huiisw,  Dnkc't  TMubUm,  Ite. ' 


m 


PBIOIVOIT  1  AI7AftB  Ml  VIMIMIPPI. 


1818. 


atUdt  jQrom  oar  'red  brethren,'  m  Mr.  Jeffenon  very  lovingly  oaUi 
them." 

Notwithstanding  these  meMares,  predatory  warfiure  from  ezcnr- 
sion  of  Indians  was  carried  on  thronghoot  all  of  this  and  the  next 
yeiur,  oyer  this  whole  rei^on  of  oonntry. 

«*  About  this  time,  Benjamin  Howard,  GoTomor  of  Missouri  Ter. 
ritoiy,  resigned  the  office,  and  aooepted  the  eommission  of  Briga- 
die^Oeneral,  to  command  the  rangers  of  both  territories." 

"Fort  Madison,  i^bove  the  lower  rapids  of  Mih  issippi,  was  subject 
to  repeated  attacks  from  the  Sacs,  Foxes  and  Winnebagoes. 

<*0n  the  16th  of  July,  the  enemy  carried  a  block  house,  lately 
erected,  to  command  a  ravine  in  whioh  the  Indians  had  taken  ad- 
vantage in  all  their  attacks  upon  this  place;  they  kept  up  a  fire  on 
tUe  garrison  for  about  two  hours.  This  is  the  ninth  or  tenth  ren< 
contre  that  has  taken  place  on  oar  frontier,  between  the  4th  and 
17th  of  thu  month." 

Amongst  the  British  traders  that  had  great  influence  over  the 
northern  Indians,  was  an  individual  named  Dickson,  who,  previous 
to  this  period,  had  stationed  himself  at  Prairie  du  Ohien,  and  fiir- 
nished  the  savages  with  large  supplies  of  goods  and  munitions  of 
war.  Dickson  had  the  manners  and  a|^aranoe  of  a  gentleman, 
but  doubtless,  as  did  many  other  Brituh  subjects,  who  anticipated 
a  war  between  Oreat  Britain  and  the  United  States,  felt  himself 
authorized  to  enlist  Indians  as  partisans. 

An  editoriiil  in  the  same  paper  gives  some  important  &ct8  con- 
cerning Prairie  du  Chien,  and  the  resoarc«)s  at.  the  trading  posts 
in  Wisconsin,  for  supplying  both  British  and  Indians  in  their  hos- 
tilities. 

''Last  winter  we  endeavored  to  turn  the  attention  of  govern- 
ment toward  Prairie  du  Chien,  a  position  which  we  ought  to 
occupy,  by  establishing  a  military  post  at  the  village,  or  on  the 
Oui^consin,  four  miles  below. 

"For  several  months  we  have  not  been  able  to  procure  any  other 
than  Indian  iuformati  >n  from  the  Prairie,  the  enemy  having  cut 
off  all  communication  with  us;  but  we  are  persuaded  that  perma- 
nent subsistence  can  be  obtained  for  one  thousand  regular  troops 
in  the  upper  lake  country. 

"  At  Prairie  du  Chien  Uiere  are  about  fifty  (bmilies,  most  of  whom 
are  engaged  in  agriculture;  their  common  field  is  four  miles  long, 
by  half  a  mile  in  breadth.  Besides  this  field  they  have  thr-^c  sepa- 
rate &rms  of  considerable  extent,  an'^  twelve  horse  mills  to  maun- 
fscture  their  produoe. 


1818. 


oniBAt  BOWAiD't  nnDRioir. 


909 


« At  the  Tillage  of  L'abn  Oroohe,  m  Immenie  qiutntity  of  ooni 
ig  nlMd;  Arom  thence  to  Mil#aiilde,  on  Lake  Michigan,  there  are 
•eyeral  ▼illagee  where  com  if  grown  extehiively.  These  luppliea, 
added  to  the  fine  fish  which  abound  in  the  lakes  and  rivers,  #111 
femish  the  enemy's  garrison  with  provisions  in  abnndance. 

<*Onr  little  garriB<Hi  on  the  Mississippi,  half  way  up  to  the 
Prairie,  (now  Bellevne,  Iowa,)  has  tangfat  the  Indians  a  few  lessons 
on  pmdence.  With  abont  thirty  effective  men,  those  brave  and 
meritorious  soldiers,  Lieatenant  Hamilton  anu  Yasqnea,  in  a 
wretched  pen,  improperiy  called  a  fort,  beat  off  five  handred  sav- 
ages of  the  North-West" 

The  following  items  are  qnoted  firom  the  Hon.  John  Reynolds : 

"During  the  campaign  in  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1818,  all 
the  companies  of  rangers  Arom  Illinois  and  Missouri  were  under 
the  commatid  of  General  Howard.  Large  parties  of  hostile  Indi- 
ans were  known  to  have  collected  about  Peoria,  and  scouting  par- 
ties traversed  the  district  between  the  Hlinou  and  Mississippi  rivers, 
then  an  entire  wilderness. 

"It  was  firom  these  marauding  parties  that  the  frontier  settle- 
ments  of  nUnois  and  Missouri  were  harassed.  It  became  an 
object  of  no  small  Importance,  to  penetrate  the  country  over  which 
they  ranged,  and  establish  a  fort  at  Peoria,  and  then  drive  them  to 
the  northern  wilderness. 

"The  rendezvous  for  the  Illinois  regiment  was* Gamp  Russel,' 
two  miles  north  of  Edwardsville.  Thence  they  removed  a  short 
march,  and  encamped  on  the  Mississippi,  near  the  mouth  of  Plasa, 
opposite  Portage  des  Sioux.  Here  they  remained  three  weeks, 
waiting  the  arrival  of  the  Missouri  troops,  who  crossed  the  river 
from  Fort  Mason.  The  baggage  and  men  of  this  party  were  trans- 
ported in'  canoes,  and  the  horses  made  to  swim.  The  whole  force 
from  the  two  territories,  when  collected,  made  up  of  the  rangers, 
volonteers,  and  militia,  amounted  to  about  fourteen  hundred  men. 

"After  the  middle  of  September,  they  commenced  the  march, 
snd  swam  their  horses  over  the  niinois  river,  about  two  miles  above 
the  mouth.  On  the  high  ground  in  Calhoun  county,  they  had  a 
ddrmiah  with  a  party  of  Indians. 

<*The  army  marched  for  a  number  of  days  along  the  Mississippi 
bottom.  On  or  near  the  site  of  Quincy,  was  a  large  Sac  village, 
and  an  encampment  that  must  have  contained  several  hundred 
warriors.    It  appeared  to  have  been  deserted  but  a  short  period. 

"  The  army  continued  its  march  near  the  Mississippi,  some  dis- 
tsnce  above  the  Lower  Rapids,  and  then  struck  across  the  prairies 


MO 


■•nipuL  lowAiA't  pirapitioir. 


181S. 


for  th«  IlUnoit  riTer,  which  <hij  NMhed  bftl<m  <h«  nontb 
of  Spoon  river.  And  mnrobed  to  Peoria  village.  Here  wee  •  enMill 
•tochade,  oommanded  bj  Oolonel  Nioholaii  of  the  United  Stain 
army. 

**  Two  days  previoot,  the  Indiane  had  made  an  attack  on  the  fort, 
and  were  repalaed.  The  annj,  on  its  maroh  ftom  the  Miiiiwippi 
to  the  niinoie  river,  found  nomerooe  fireeh  tnUle,  all  paiaiiig 
northward,  which  indieated  that  the  lavagee  were  fleeing  in  thit 
direction. 

**Nezt  morning  the  genend  marohed  hie  tioope  to  the  Senatchwiae, 
a  short  distance  above  the  head  of  Peoria  lilce,  where  was  an  old 
Indum  town,  called  Qomo's  vilh^  Here  they  £mum1  the  enemj 
had  taken  water,  and  ascended  the  Illino^  This,  and  two  other 
villages,  were  burnt 

"Finding  no  enemy  to  fight,  the  army  was  marohed  back  to  Ps* 
oria,  to  assist  the  regular  troops  in  building  Fort  Olark,  so  denom- 
inated in  memory  of  the  old  hero  of  1778;  and  Mi^r  Christy,  with 
a  party,  was  ordered  to  ascend  the  river  with  two  keel  boats,  dalj 
armed  and  protected,  to  the  foot  of  the  n^ids,  and  break  up  snj 
Indian  establishments  that  might  be  in  that  quarter.  Mi^r  Boone, 
with  a  detachment,  was  dispatched  to  scour  the  country  on  Spooo 
river,  in  the  direction  of  Bock  river. 

**The  rangers  and  militia  passed  to  the  east  side  of  the  Illinois, 
cut  timber,  which  they  hauled  on  truck-wheels,  by  drag  ropes,  to 
the  lake,  and  rafted  it  across.  The  fort  was  erected  by  the  regular 
troops,  under  Captain  Phillips.  In  preparing  the  timber,  the  nm- 
gers  and  militia  were  engaged  about  two  weeks. 

"  Miyor  Christy  and  the  boats  returned  from  the  rapids  without 
any  discovery,  except  additional  prooft  of  the  alarm  and  fright  (rf 
the  enemy,  and  Mi\jor  Bo<me  returned  with  his  force  with  the  same 
observations. 

"  It  was  the  plan  of  General  Howard  to  return  by  a  tour  through 
the  Rock  river  valley,  but  the  cold  weather  set  in  unusually  early. 
)By  the  middle  of  October  it  w^s  intensely  cold,  the  troops  had  no 
clothing  for  a  winter  campaign,  and  their  horses  would,  in  all  prob- 
ability, fail.  The  Indians  had  evidently  fled  a  long  distance  in  the 
interior,  so  that,  all  things  considered,  he  resolved  to  return  the 
direct  rpute  to  Camp  Russell,  where  the  militia  and  volunteen 
were  disbanded,  on  the  22d  of  October.  Supplies  of  provisious, 
and  munitions  of  war  bad  been  sent  to  Peoiia  in  boats,  which  had 
reached  there  a  few  days  previous  to  the  army. 

"  It  may  seem  to  those  who  delight  in  tales  of  fighting  and  bloo4- 


1814. 


tOBM  BVILf  0«  U»FI1  MIMttSim. 


911 


•h«d,  that  thU  •xptfdMon  wm  »  frj  iudgaftmmt  iAdr.  Very  few 
IndiMU  wvre  kHltd,  ▼•17  little  figbttng  done,  but  one  or  two  of  the 
army  were  loct,  Mid  yet  m  »  meaneof  proleotlof  the  ftontief  eettle- 
meiite  of  tkeie  territoriee,  it  wm  moet  eAeient,  Mid  ipiTe  at  least  eiz 
monthii  q«iet  to  the  people.  After  thii»  the  InditaaehoOk  their 
heads  and  laid,  <  White  men  like  the  learee  in  the  foreat— like  the 
graei  in  the  prairiea—they  grow  eveiywhere.' 

The  following  additional  itema  are  taken  from  the  ICiisonri 
1814.]    Qaaette: 

"Daring  (Akhi  fleasot  itrennons  effort?  weM  made  by  the  small 
ibroe  at  oommand,  to  fl-\  nt  fcrts  aloikg  tlie  Upper  Mississippi.  The 
general  lendesvons  was  at  Oape  an  Qris,  an  old  French  hamlet  on 
tiie  toft  bank  of  the  Mississf|>|)i,  a  fdw  miles  abote  the  month  of 
the  Illinois  river.  Armed  boat'^  were  r  3d  fo-  the  purpose  of 
transporting  the  necessary  materials,  men  .nd  stores. 

"About  the  1st  of  May,  Qovemor  C<;»rk  fitted  out  five  baiges, 
with  fifty  regnlar droops  and  on«  !>nndred  and  for^  /  volnnteers,  and 
left  St  Louis  on  an  expedition  cu  I'ndrie  du  Oliien.  On  the  18th 
of  June,  the  Ctovemor,  with  several  gentlemen  who  accr  mrr*nied 
him,  returned  with  one  of  the  barges,  having  left  the  officers  and 
troops  to  erect  Fort  Shelby  and  mrUntain  the  position. 

"Ko  Indians  molested  the  party  till  theyr«M&hed  Rock  river, 
where  they  had  a  skirmish  wit'  wme  hostile  Sauks.  The  Foxos 
resided  at  Dubuque,  and  professed  to  be  peaceable,  and  promised 
to  fight  on  the  American  side. 

"Twenty  days  before  the  ezpedidon  reached  Prairie  du  Gbien, 
the  British  trader,  Dickson,  left  that  place  for  Mackinac,  with 
eighty  Winnebagoes,  one  hundred  and  twenty  Follsavoine,  and  one 
hnndred  Sioux,  proh  ji>*/  as  reentUa  for  the  British  army  along  the 
lake  country.  He  n&d  gained  information  of  the  expedition  df 
Qovemor  Olark  from  bis  Indian  spies,  and  had  left  Captain  Deade 
with  a  body  of  Mackinac  fencibles,  with  ordeita  to  pr^  i'Hst  the 
pbice. 

"The  Bionx  and  Renards,  (Foxes,)  having  refused  to  fight  the 
Americans,  Deace  and  his  soldiers  fled.  The  inhabitants  also  fied 
into  the  country,  but  returned  as,  soon  as  they  learned  they  were 
not  to  be  injured.  A  temporary  defense  was  immediately  erect- 
ed. Lieutenant  Perkins,  with  sixty  rank  and  file  from  Miyor  Z. 
Taylor's  company  of  the  7th  regiment,  took  possession  of  the  house 
occupied  by  the  Mackinac  Far  Company,  in  which  they  found  nirlo 
ortentrunka  of  Dickson's  property,  with  his  papers  and  cort<  4- 
pondence. 


912 


OAMPBBLL'B  DI8A8TBB  AT  BOqK  ISLAND. 


1814. 


**  The  farms  of  Prairie  du  Chien  are  in  high  cultivation ;  between 
two  and  three  hundred  barrels  of  flour  may  be  manufactured  there 
this  season,  besides  a  vast  quantity  of  corn. 

"Two  of  the  largest  boats  were  left  in  command  of  Aidde-Camp 
Kennerly,  anJ  Captains  Sullivan  and  Yeizer,  whose  united  forcto 
amount  to  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  men.  The  regulars,  under 
command  of  Lieutenant  Perkins,  are  stationed  on  shore,  and  are 
assisted  by  the  volunteers  in  building  the  new  fort. 
,  "About  the  last  of  June,  Captain  John  Sullivan,  with  a  com- 
pany of  militia,  and  some  volunteers  whose  term  of  service  had 
expired,  returned  from  Prairie  du  Chien,  and  reported  that  the  fort 
was  finished,  the  boats  well  manned  and  barricaded;  that  the 
Indians  were  hovering  around,  and  had  taken  prisoner  a  French- 
man while  hunting  his  horses.  The  boats  employed,  carried  sue 
pounder  on  their  main  decks,  and  several  howitzers  on  the  quarters 
and  gangways.  The  men  were  protected  by  a  musket  proof  barri- 
cade. 

**  Soon  after  the  return  of  Governor  Clark  from  Prairie  du  Chien, 
it  was  thought  (Expedient  by  General  Howard  to  send  up  a  force 
to  relieve  the  volunteer  troops,  and  strengthen  that  remote  post. 
He  therefore  sent  Lieutenant  Campbell,  (who  was  acting  as  Brigade 
Major,)  and  three  keel  boAts,  with  forty- two  regulars,  and  sixty-six 
rangers;  and  including  the  sutler's  establishment,  boatmen  and 
women,  making  one  hundred  and  thirty-three  persons.  They 
reached  Rock  river  without  difficulty,  but  at  the  foot  of  the  rapids, 
they  were  visited  by  large  numbers  of  Sauks  and  Foxes,  pretend- 
ing to  be  friendly,  and  some  of  them  bearing  letters  from  the  gar- 
rison above  to  St.  Louis.  In  a  short  time  the  contractors  and 
sutler's  boats  had  reached  the  head  of  the  rupids;  the  two  barges 
with  the  rangers  followed,  and  were  about  two  miles  ahead  of  the 
commander's  barge.  Here  a  gale  of  wind  arose  and  the  barge 
drifted  against  the  shore ;  therefore  he  thought  proper  to  lie  by 
until  the  wind  abated ;  sentries  were  stationed  at  pr3per  distances, 
and  the  men  were  on  the  shore  cooking,  when  the  Report  of  several 
guns  announced  the  attack. 

"The  savages  were  seen  on  shore  in  quick  motion ;  canoes  filled 
with  Indians  passed  from  an  opposite  island;  and  in  a  few  moments 
they  found  themselves  nearly  surrounded  with  five  or  six  hundred 
Indians,  who  gave  the  vr;»r-whoop  and  poured  upon  them  a  galling 
fire.  The  barges  ahead,  commanded  by  Captains  Rector  and 
Riggs,  attempted  to  return,  but  one  got  stranded  on  the  rapids; 
the  other,  to  prevent  a  similar  disaster,  let  go  an  anchor.    The 


1814. 


BRITISH  TAKH  VOBT  S&BLBT. 


m 


langera  fix>m  both  these  barges  opened  a  brisk  fire  on  the  Indians. 
The  uneqnal  contest  was  kept  up  for  more  than  an  honr;  the 
Indians  firing  from  the  island  and  the  shore  under  cover,  when  the 
commander's  barge  took  fire.  Captain  Rector  cat  his  cable,  fell 
to  windward,  and  took  oat  the  survivors.  Captain  Biggs  soon 
after  followed  with  his  barge,  and  all  returned  to  St.  Louis. 

"There  were  three  regulars,  four  rangers,  ond  woman  and  one 
child,  killed ;  and  sixteen  wounded,  among  whom  were  Mi^or 
Campbell  and  Dr.  Stewart,  severely." 

On  the  6th  of  August,  the  Gazette,  (the  aitthority  for  these 
details,)  states : 

"Just  as  we  had  put  our  paper  to  press.  Lieutenant  Perkins, 
with  the  troops  which  composed  the  garrison  at  Prairie  du  Chien, 
arrived  here.  Lieutenant  Perkins  fought  the  combined  force  of 
British  and  Indians  three  days  and  nights,  until  they  approached  the 
pickets  by  mining;  provisions,  ammunition  and  water  were  expen- 
ded, when  he  capitulated.  The  officers  to  keep  their  private  pro- 
perty, and  the  whole  not  to  serve  until  duly  exchanged.  Five  of 
oar  troops  were  wounded  during  the  siege." 

In  a  letter  from  Captain  Teizer,  to  Qovernor  Clark,  dated,  St 
Loois,  July  28th,  1814,  is  found  the  following  statement : 

"Captain  Y.  commanded  one  of  the  gun-boats,  a  keel-boat  fitted  up 
in  the  manner  heretofore  described.  On  the  17th  July,  at  half  past 
one  o'clock,  from  twelve  to  fifteen  hundred  British  and  Indians, 
marched  up  in  full  view  of  the  fort  and  the  town,  and  demanded  a 
sorrender,  *  which  demand  was  posiUvely  refused.' 

"  They  attacked  Mr.  Yeizer's  boat  at  three  o'clock,  at  long-shot 
distance.  He  returned  the  compliment  by  firing  round-shot  from 
his  six  pounder,  which  made  them  change  their  position  to  a  smaL 
mound  nearer  the  boat.  At  the  same  time  the  Indians  were  firing 
from  behind  the  houses  and  pickets.  The  boat  then  moved  up  the 
river  to  the  head  of  the  village;  keeping  up  a  constant  discharge  of 
fire-arms  and  artillery,  which  was  answeied  by  the  enemy  from  the 
shore. 

"The  enemy's  boats  then  crossed  the  river  below,  to  attack  the 
Americans  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  A  galling  fire 
from  opposite  points  was  now  kept  up  by  the  enemy,  on  this  boat, 
nntil  the  only  alternative  was  left  for  Captain  Yeizer  to  run  the 
boat  through  the  enemy's  lines  to  a  point  five  miles  below ;  keep- 
mg  up  a  brisk  fire. 

"In  the  meantime,  another  gun-boat  that  lay  on  shore,  was  fired 
on  until  it  took  tire  and  was  burnt.  In  Captain  Yeizer's  boat,  two 
officers  and  four  privates  were  wounded,  and  one  private  killed. 


9M 


TATIAB  DWIAXID  AS  VPPBK  KAPIDS. 


1814. 


"The  British  and  Indians  were  commanded  by  Oolonel  McCay, 
(or  Maokay,)  who  came  in  boats  from  Mackinac,  by  Green  Bay 
and  the  Wisconsin,  with  artillery.  Their  report  gives  from  one 
hundred  and  six<y  to  two  hundred  regulars,  and  *  Michigan  fenci< 
bles,'  and  about  eight  hundred  Indians.  They  landed  their  artil. 
lery  below  the  town  and  fort,  and  formed  a  battery;  attacking  the 
forts  and  the  boats  at  the  same  time. 

"After  Captain  Yeizer's  boat  had  been  driven  from  its  anchor, 
age,  sappers  and  miners  began  operations  in  the  bank,  one  hundred 
and  fifty  yards  from  the  fort  Lieutenant  Perkins  held  out  while 
hope  lasted.  In  the  fort  were  George  and  James  Kennerly— the 
former  an  aid  to  Governor  Clark;  the  latter  a  Lieutenant  in  the 
miUtia,"  • 

"A  detachment,  under  command  of  Major  Taylor,  left  Cape  aa 
Gris,  on  the  28d  of  August,  in  boats,  for  the  Indian  town  at  Rook 
river.  The  detachment  consisted  of  three  hundred  and  thirty-four 
effective  men,  officers,  non-commissioned  officers,  and  privates.  A 
report  from  the  commanding  officer  to  General  Howard,  dated  from 
Fort  Madison,  September  6th,  and  published  in  the  *  Misauari  Qa- 
zette'  of  the  17th,  gives  the  details  of  the  expedition. 

"  They  met  with  no  opposition  until  they  reached  Bock  Island, 
where  Indian  villages  were  situated  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  above 
and  below  the  rapids.  The  object  was  to  destroy  these  villages 
and  the  fields  of  com.  They  continued  up  the  rapids  to  Campbell's 
Island,  so  named  from  the  commander  of  one  of  the  boats— from 
Bome  hard  fighting  his  detachment  had  with  the  Indians.  The 
policy  of  the  commanding  officer  was  to  commence  with  the  upper 
villages,  and  sweep  both  sides  of  the  river. 

"But  the  policy  was  interrupted  by  a  party  of  British,  and  more 
than  a  thousand  Indians,  with  a  six  and  a  three  pounder,  as  was 
believed,  brought  from  Prairie  du  Chien.  Captains  Whiteside  and 
Rector,  and  the  men  under  their  charge,  with  Lieutenant  Edward 
Hempstead,  who  commanded  a  boat,  fought  the  enemy  bravely  for 
several  hours  as  they  descended  the  rapids.  The  danger  consisted 
in  the  enemy's  shot  sinking  the  boats,  and  they  were  compelled  to 
fiUl  down  below  the  rapids  to  repair. 

"  I  then  called  the  officers  together,  and  put  to  them  the  follow- 
ing question  :  'Are  we  able,  three  hundred  and  thirty-four  effective 
men,  to  fight  the  enemy,  with  any  prospect  of  success  and  effect, 
which  is  to  destroy  their  villages  and  com  ? '  They  were  of  opinion 
the  enemy  was  at  least  three  men  to  one,  and  that  it  was  not  prao- 
Hcable  to  efifect  either  object 


1814. 


lOBf  MADIIOV  BVBMT. 


915 


«<  I  then  determined  to  drop  down  the  river  to  the  Dee  Moines, 
without  del«7,  as  some  of  the  officers  of  the  rangers  informed  me 
their  men  were  short  of  provisions,  and  execute  the  principal  object 
of  tbe  expedition,  in  erecting  a  fort  to  command  the  river. 

'  In  the  affiiir  at  Rook  river,  I  had  eleven  men  badly  wounded, 
fbree  mortally,  of  whom  one  has  since  died. 

"I  am  much  indebted  to  the  officers  for  their  prompt  obedience 
to  orders,  nor  do  I  believe  a  braver  set  of  <  men  could  have  been 
collected,  than  those  who  compose  this  detachment  But,  sir,  I 
conceive  it  would  have  been  madness  in  me,  as  well  as  in  direct 
violation  of  my  orders,  to  have  risked  the  detachment  without  a 
prospect  of  success. 

"  I  believe  I  would  have  been  fhUy  able  to  have  accomplished 
your  views,  if  the  enemy  had  not  been  supplied  with  artillery,  and 
BO  advantageously  posted,  as  to  render  it  impossible  for  us  to  have 
dislodged  him,  without  imminent  danger  of  the  loss  of  the  whole 
detachment' 

"Had  M^jor  Taylor  known  the  real  strength  of  the  enemy,  he 
would  not  have  retreated,  as  it  was  soon  afterward  discovered  that 
there  were  only  three  individual  Britons  present,  with  one  small 
field  piece. 

"Fort  Madison,  after  sustaining  repeated  attacks  from  the  Indi- 
ans, was  evacuated  and  burnt.  And  in  the  month  of  October,  the 
people  of  St  Louis  were  astounded  with  the  intelligence  that  the 
troops  stationed  in  Fort  Johnston,  had  burnt  the  block-houses,  de- 
stroyed the  works,  and  retreated  down  the  river  to  Gape  au  Grus* 
The  officer  in  command,  (Migor  Taylor  having  previously  left  thai 
post,)  reported  they  were  out  of  provisions,  and  could  not  sustain 
the  position.  It  should  be  here  noticed,  that  the  defeat  of  the  In- 
dians in  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  drove  back  a  large  force  of  hos- 
tile savages  to  the  Mississippi. 

"Fort  Johnston,  a  rough  stockade  with  block-houses  of  round 
logs,  was  then  erected  on  the  present  site  of  the  town  of  Warsaw, 
opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Des  Momes. 

"On  the  18th  of  September,  General  Benjamin  Howard,  whose 
military  district  extended  from  the  interior  of  Indiana  to  the  fron- 
tier of  Mexico,  died  in  St  Louis. 

"The  Boone's  Lick  settlement,  near  and  about  the  Missouri 
river,  at  the  commencement  of  the  war  with  Great  Britain,  num- 
bered about  one  hundred  and  fifty  families.  The  governor  of  the 
territory  considered  them  beyond  the  organized  jurisdiction  of  any 
eoanty,  and  for  about  four  years  the  only  authority  over  them  was 


916 


BliraiBS  OH  MI880VKX  BIVBB. 


1814. 


pfttriarobal.  The  state  of  society  was  orderly,  and  the  habits  of  the 
people  back-woods  fashion,  "neighbor-like.**  The  force  of  public 
sentiment  regulated  society. 

"The  peopV  erected  five  stockade  temporary  forts,  at  as  many 
different  locations,  calonlated  to  repel  the  prowling  savages,  and 
secure  their  own  safety.  When  immediate  danger  was  appro- 
hended,  the  families  repaired  to  theae  stockades,  but  the  citizen 
soldiers,  besides  ranging  in  advance  of  the  forts  after  the  enemy, 
■load  to  hunt  game  for  provisions,  aud  cultivate  the  land  for  corn. 
As  .much  of  their  stock  was  killed  or  driven  off  by  the  early  inoa^ 
sions  of  the  enemy,  the  terms  'bear  bacon,'  and  'hog-meat,'  wero 
inserted  in  contracts  for  provisions  in  those  days. 

<*  Large  enclosures  near  the  forts  were  occupied  for  corn-fields,  in 
'^mmon;  and  frequently  sentinels  stood  on  the  borders  of  the  field, 
while  their  neighbors  turned  the  furrow.  Skirmishes  with  parties 
of  Indians  were  frequent 

"If  they  threatened  the  fort  while  the  detachments  were  in  the 
corn-field,  or  on  the  hunting  range,  the  sound  of  the  horn  was  the 
rallying  signaL 

"At  the  village  of  Cote  Sans  Dessein,  the  Oreok  IVetbch  and 
Americans  together  erected  a  block-house  and  pallisade  enclosure, 
to  protect  the  families.  The  principal  person  in  command  Tvas  a 
resolute  Frenchman,  by  the  name  of  Baptiste  Louis  Boy.  The  fort 
was  assailed  by  a  large  party  of  Indians,  when  only  two  men  be- 
sides Captain  Roy,  with  many  women  and  children,  were  in  it 

"The  women  cast  bullets,  cut  patches,  loaded  rifles,  and  famished 
refreshments,  while  Roy  and  his  two  soldiers  defended  the  post, 
until  fourteen  braves  were  numbered  as  slain.  The  Indiana  at- 
tempted to  set  the  house  on  fire,  by  shooting  arrows  armed  with 
combustible  materials,  but  the  resolute  women  put  out  the  fire. 
The  defense  proved  successful,  and  M.  Roy,  at  a  period  subsequent 
to  the  war,  received  a  costly  rifle  from  the  young  men  at  St.  Louis 
for  his  gallant  behavior. 

"After  about  ♦  to  years  of  hard  fighting,  *on  their  own  hook,'  to 
use  a  westerii  i  vu/e,  application  was  r  .ade  to  the  governor,  and  a 
detachment  ot  rangers  under  General  Henry  Dodge,  was  sent  to 
their  relief.  The  mounted  men,  (rangers,)  included  the  companies 
of  Captain  John  Thompson,  of  St.  Louis,  Captain  Daugberty,  of 
Cape  Girardeau,  and  Captain  Cooper,  of  the  Boone's  Lick  settle- 
ment, with  fifty  Shawanese  and  Delaware  Indians;  the  whole 
amounting  to  three  hundred  men. 

"  They  marched  to  the  village  of  the  Miamies,  took  about  foar 


*M'ArM,441to' 


1814. 


ATTKMPT  TO  TAKI  MAOKIKAO. 


^m 


handred  men,  women  and  children  prisonera,  and  sent  them  to 
their  nation,  on  the  Wahash." 


As  before  told,  the  battle  of  the  Thames  practically  dosed  the 
1814.]  war  in  the  North-West.  The  nominal  operations  of  this 
year  were  as  follows : 

First,  was  undertaken  an  expedition  into  Canada,  in  Febmaiy, 
by  Captain  Holmes,  a  gallant  young  officer,  whose  career  closed 
goon  i^r.  In  the  previous  month  the  enemy  had  taken  post  again 
upon  the  Thames,  not  far  above  the  field  of  Proctor's  defeat 
Holmes  directed  his  movements  against  this  point. 

Before  he  reached  it,  however,  he  learned  that  a  much  stronger 
force  than  his  own  was  advancing  to  meet  him,  and  taking  up  an 
eligible  position  upon  a  hill,  he  proceeded  to  fortify  his  camp,  and 
waited  their  approach.  They  surrounded  and  attacked  his  en- 
trenchments with  great  spirit,  but  being  met  with  an  obstinacy  and 
courage  equal  to  their  own,  and  losing  very  largely  from  the  well, 
directed  fire  of  the  unexposed  Americans,  the  British  were  forced  to 
retreat  again,  without  any  result  of  consequence  to  either  party.* 

Second,  a  fruitless  attempt  was  made  by  the  Americans  to  retake 
Mackinac.  It  had  been  proposed  to  do  this  in  the  autumn  of 
1813,  after  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  but  one  of  the  storms,  which 
at  that  season  are  so  often  met  with  upon  the  lakes — ^by  obliging 
tlie  vessels  that  were  bringing  stores  from  below  to  throw  over  the 
baggage  and  provisions,  defeated  the  undertaking.  Early  in  the 
following  April,  the  expedition  up  Lake  Huron  was  once  more 
talked  of;  the  purpose  being  twofold,  to  capture  Mackinac,  and  to 
destroy  certain  vessels  which  it  was  said  the  English  were  building 
in  Gloucester  bay,  at  the  south-east  extremity  of  the  lake.  This 
plan,  however,  was  also  abandoned;  in  part,  from  the  want  of 
men;  in  part,  from  a  belief  that  Great  Britain  did  not,  as  had  been 
■apposed,  intend  to  make  an  effort  to  regain  the  command  of  the 
upper  lakes ;  and  also,  in  part,  from  a  misunderstanding  between 
deneral  Harrison  and  Colonel  Croghan,  who  commanded  at 
Detroit,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Secretary  of  War  on  the  other. 
General  Armstrong  had  seen  fit  to  pass  by  both  the  officers 
named,  and  to  direct  his  communications  to  Migor  Holmes,  their 
janior,  a  breach  of  military  etiquette  that  offended  them  both,  and 
in  connection  with  other  matters  of  a  similar  kind,  led  General 


*  M'AfM,  441  to  444.— Holmw'  own  Mwonnt  is  in  NiJeB'  Begiiter,  tL  116. 


M8 


MAJOR  HOLMM  KILLBD  AT  MAOKIVAO. 


ISM. 


^rriaon  to  resign  his  post*  No  sooner,  however,  had  the  plan 
of  April  been  abandoned,  than  it  was  revived  again,  in  consequence 
of  new  .information  as  to  the  establishment  at  Gloucester  bay,  or 
properly,  at  Mackadaeh* 

In  conseqaence  of  the  orders  issued  upon  the  2d  of  June,  Boven 
hundred  and  fifty  men,  under  Colonel  Groghan,  embarked  in  the 
American  squadron,  commanded  by  Sinclair,  and  upon  the  12th  of 
July,  entered  Lake  Huron.  After  spending  a  week  in  a  vain  effort 
to  get  into  Mackadash,  in  order  to  destroy  the  imaginary  vessels 
there  building,  the  fleet  sailed  to  St  Joseph's,  which  was  found  de- 
serted ;  thence  a  small  party  was  sent  to  St  Mary's  falls,  while  the 
remainder  of  the  forces  steered  for  Mackinac. 

At  the  former  point  the  trading  house  was  destroyed,  and  the 
goods  seized ;  at  Mackinac,  the  result  was  far  difierent  The  troops 
landed  upon  the  west  of  the  island,  upon  the  4th  of  August,  bat 
after  a  severe  action,  in  which  Migor  Holmes  and  eleven  others 
were  killed,  still  found  themselves  so  situated  as  to  lead  Croghan 
to  abandon  the  attempt  to  prosecute  the  attack;  and  Mackinac  was 
left  in  possession  of  the  enemy. 

Having  failed  in  this  effort  it  was  determined  by  the  American 
leaders  to  make  an  attempt  to  capture  the  schooner  Nancy,  which 
was  conveying  supplies  to  the  island  fortress.  In  this,  or  rather 
in  effecting  the  destruction  of  the  vessel,  they  succeeded,  and  hrn- 
ing  left  Lieutenant  Turner,  to  prevent  any  other  provisions  fifom 
Canada  reaching  Mackinac,  the  body  of  the  fleet  sailed  for  Detroit, 
which  it  reached,  shattered  and  thinned  by  tempests. 

Meanwhile  the  crew  of  the  Nancy,  who  had  escaped,  passed  over 
ta  Mackinac  in  a  boat  which  they  found,  and  an  expedition  was  at 
once  arranged  by  Lieutenant  Worsley,  who  had  commanded  them, 
for  frustrating  all  the  plans  of  Croghan  and  Sinclair.  Taking  with 
him  seventy  or  eighty  men  in  boats,  he  first  attacked  and  captnred 
the  Tigress,  an  American  vessel  lying  off  St  Joseph's;  the  next, 
sailing  down  the  lake  in  the  craft  thus  taken,  easily  made  the  three 
vessels  under  Turner,  his  own.  In  this  enterprise,  therefore,  the 
Americans  failed  signally,  at  every  pointf 

In  the  third  place,  an  attempt  was  made  to  control  the  tribes  of  the 
Upper  Mississippi  by  founding  a  fort  at  Prairie  du  Chien.  Early 
iU'  May,  Governor  Clark,  of  Missouri,  was  sent  thither,  and  there 
commenced  Fort  Shelby,  without  opposition.    By  the  middle  of 


•  M'AfM,  il4, 422.— HtniMm'a  raaignation  U  on  419. 

t  M' Af««,  422  to  M7.    Tho  offioM  Meoonte  sre  in  Nnes*  Bogitter,  ya.  4,  fto.,  H  i^ 


1814. 


m'akthuk'b  ixpiDniov. 


919 


July,  however,  British  and  Indian  forces  sent  from  Maokinao,  sur- 
rounded the  post,  and  Lieutenant  Perkins,  having  but  sixty  men 
to  oppose  to  twelve  hundred,  and  being  also  scant  of  ammunition, 
after  a  defense  of  some  da;  s,  was  forced  to  capitulate :  so  that 
there  again  the  United  States  were  disappointed  and  defeated. 

A  fourth  expedition  was  led  by  Qeneral  MoArthur,  first  against 
Bome  bands  of  Indians  which  he  could  not  find ;  and  then  across 
the  peninsula  of  Upper  Canada  to  the  relief  of  General  Brown  at 
Fort  Erie.  The  object  of  the  last  movement  was  either  to  join 
General  Brown,  or  to  destroy  certain  mills  on  Grand  river,  from 
which  it  was  known  that  the  English  forces  obtained  their  supplies 
of  flour. 

On  the  26th  of  October,  McArthur,  with  seven  hundred  and 
twoDty  mounted  men,  left  Detroit,  and  on  the  4th  of  November 
was  at  Oxford:  from  this  point  he  proceeded  to  Burford,  and 
leftrning  that  the  road  to  Burlington  was  strongly  defended,  he 
gave  up  the  idea  of  joining  Brown,  and  turned  toward  the  lake  by 
the  Long  Point  road,  defeated  a  body  of  militia  who  opposed  him, 
destroyed  the  mills,  five  or  six  in  number,  and  managing  to  secure 
a  retreat  along  the  lake  shore,  although  pursued  by  a  regiment  of 
regular  troops  nearly  double  his  own  men  in  number— on  the  17th 
reached  Sandwich  again  with  the  loss  of  but  one  man. 

This  march,  though  productive  of  no  very  marked  results,  was  of 
consequence,  from  the  vigor  and  skill  displayed  both  by  the  com- 
mander and  his  troops.  Had  the  summer  campaign  of  1812  been 
conducted  with  equal  spirit,  Michigan  would  not  have  needed  to 
be  retaken,  and  the  labors  of  Perry  and  Harrison  would  have  been 
QDcalled  for  in  the  North- West 

With  McArthur's  march  through  Upper  Oanada  the  annals  of 
war  in  the  North-West  closed. 

Meanwhile,  upon  the  22d  of  July,  a  treaty  had  been  formed  at 
Greenville,  under  the  direction  of  General  Harrison  and  Governor 
Cass,  by  which  the  United  States  and  the  faithful  Wyandots,  Dela- 
wares,  Shawanese,  and  Senecas,  gave  peace  to  the  Miamies,  Weas, 
and  Gel  river  Indians,  and  to  certain  of  the  Pottawattamies,  Otta* 
was  and  Eicki^poos;  and  all  the  Indiats  engaged  to  aid  the  Ameri- 
cans should  the  war  with  Great  Britain  continue.*  But  such, 
liappily,  was  not  to  be  the  case,  and  on  the  24th  of  December  the^ 
treaty  of  Ghent  was  signed  by  the  representatives  of  England  and 


•  ABMrieu  BUI*  P»p«n,  ▼.  626-886.    Citt*i  MlMtUugr. 


920 


INDIAK  OOVNOIL  At  POATAOI  Dl«  BIOUX. 


1810. 


fhe  United  States.  This  treaty  during  the  next  year  was  followed 
by  traaties  with  the  various  Indian  tribes  of  the  west  and  north* 
west)  giving  quiet  and  security  to  the  frontiers  onoe  more. 

About  the  middle  of  July,  1815,  a  large  number  of  Indians,  as 
1815.]  deputies  fVom  the  nations  and  tribes  of  the  North-West, 
assembled  at  Portage  des  Sioux,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Miasfg- 
sippi,  a  few  miles  above  the  month  of  the  Missouri,  to  negotiate 
treaties  of  peace  with  the  United  States.  The  commissionerg  were 
the  Governor  of  Missouri,  and  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affitin 
west  of  the  Mississippi,  the  Governor  and  Superintendent  of  Indian 
Afiairs  in  Illinois,  and  Auguste  Chouteau,  of  St.  Louis.  Robert 
Wash,  was  secretary  to  the  commission.  Colonel  Dodge,  with  a 
strong  military  force  was  present,  ,to  prevent  any  collision  or  mi- 
prise. 

The  first  in  order  was  with  the  PattauoaHamies.  Every  injury  or 
act  of  hostility  by  either  party  against  the  other,  was  to  be  mutually 
forgiven;  all  prisoners  to  be  delivered  up;  and  "in  sincerity  and 
mutual  friendship,"  every  treaty,  contract,  and  agreement,  hereto- 
fore  made  between  the  United  States  and  the  Pottawattamie  nation 
to  be  recognized,  re-established,  and  confirmed.  The  same  day  a 
similar  treaty  was  made  with  the  Piankeshaws, 

On  the  19th  of  July,  a  series  of  treaties  were  made  sepnTateJ^ 
with  severaL  tribeJB  of  the  ^max  or  Dakotah  nation.  Similar 
terms  were  granted  as  to  the  Pottawattamies,  and  these  branches 
of  the  Sioux  nation  acknowledged  themselves  under  the  protection 
of  the  United  Stotes. 

On  the  20th,  a  similar  treaty  was  made  with  the  MahaSf  from  the 
Upper  Missouri. 

The  next  in  order  was  with  the  Kkkapoos^  on  the  2d  of 
September,  and  the  conditions  exactly  similar  to  those  of  the  Pot- 
tawattamies. 

On,  the  18th  of  September,  a  treaty  was  made  with  that  portion 
of  the  Sac  naUon  of  Indians,  then  residing  on  the  Missouri  river, 
represented  by  twelve  obiefs. 

They  affirmed  that  they  had  endeavored  to  fulfill  the  treaty  made 
at.  St  Louis,  on  the  8d  day  of  IN'ovember,  1804,  in  perfect  good 
faith ;  and  for  that  purpose  had  been  compelled  to  separate  them- 
selves from  the  rest  of  their  nation,  and  remove  to  the  Missouri 
river,  where  they  had  continued  to  give  proofs  of  their  friendship 
and  fidelity;  they  propose  to  confirm  and  re-establish  the  treaty  of 
1804;  that  they  ^\^  eontinud  to  live  separate  and  distinct  from  the 


1815. 


nroiAN  OOUVOIL  at  PORTAOB  DKS  SIOUX. 


931 


Sacs  of  Rook  rivar,  and  give  them  no  ud,  until  peaoe  shall  he  oon- 
daded  between  them  and  the  United  States. 

The  United  States  on  their  part  promise  to  allow  the  Sacs  of  the 
Missoari  river,  all  the  rights  and  privileges  secured  to  them  by  the 
treaty  at  St  Loais. 

The  next  day,  September  14th,  a  treaty  was  made  with  the  Fox 
tribe  of  Indians.  The  conditions  place  these  Indians  on  the  same 
footing  they  wore  before  the  war,  and  they  also  re-establish  and 
confirm  the  treaty  of  St  Lonis,  of  1804.  On  the  12th  of  Septem- 
ber, treaties  were  made  with  the  Oreat  and  Little  Osage  nations,  in 
which  every  act  of  hostility  by  either  of  the  contracting  parties 
against  the  other,  was  to  be  mutually  forgiven  and  foigot  The 
treaty  of  1808,  made  at "  Fort  Olark,"  on  the  Missouri,  was  re-con* 
firmed. 

On  the  16th  of  September,  a  treaty  was  made  with  the  lotoay  In- 
dians, on  the  same  conditions  as  with  the  other  hostile  tribes. 

On  the  28th  day  of  October,  a  treaty  was  made  with  the  Kansas 
nation,  on  the  same  terms. 

The  Sacs  of  Rock  river,  led  by  the  noted  brave.  Black  Hawk, 
even  now  and  subsequently  refused  to  attend  the  treaty,  proclaimed 
themselves  to  be  British  subjects,  and  went  to  Canada  to  receive 


A  careful  examination  of  these,  and  all  other  Indian  treaties, 
since  the  great  council  of  Greenville,  in  1795,  with  full  and  correct 
knowledge  of  the  historical  events,  will  enable  every  unprejudiced 
person  to  perceive  that  the  course  of  procedure  on  the  part  of  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  with  the  aborigines  of  the 
northern  portion  of  our  country,  has  been  highly  paternal,  beneficent 
and  liberal.  The  conduct  of  Great  Britain  cannot  be  brought  in 
(KMnparison.  In  justice  and  equity,  the  United  States  might  have 
made  and  enforced  remuneration  in  lands  as  a  penalty  for  the  hos- 
tilities committed,  but  the  language  in  each  treaty  is,  "that  every 
ii^ury  or  act  of  hostility,  shall  be  forgiven  and  forgot." 

The  war  being  over,  and  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  North-West  be- 
ing deprived  of  their  distinguished  British  ally,  and  having  con- 
Bented  to  be  at  peace,  confidence  was  restored  to  the  frontier 
Bettlements,  and  emigration  again  began  to  push  into  the'forests 
and  prairies. 

The  campaigns  of  the  rangers  and  mounted  volunteers,  who  had 
traversed  the  groves  and  prairies  of  Indiana,  Illinois,  Missouri,  and 
Michigan,  served  as  explorations  of  new  and  fertile  countries,  and 
69 


922 


ALLEOniNT  OOLLEOB  FOVNDED  AT  MBADVILLl. 


1816. 


opened  the  way  for  thousands  of  hardy  pioneers,  and  the  formation 
of  settlements. 

The  rich  and  delightful  lands  along  the  waters  of  the  Wahash, 
the  Kaskaskia,  the  Sangamon,  and  the  Illinois  rivers,  had  filled 
thoir  hearts  with  enthusiasm,  and  the  very  men,  who  in  hostile 
array  had  traversed  the  country,  began  to  advance  with  their  fam- 
ilies in  the  peaceful  character  of  husbandmen,  and  to  plant  new 
settlements  in  all  this  region. 

The  first  steamboat  that  made  a  trip  from  New  Orleans  to  Louis- 
ville, Ky.,  was  the  Enterprise.  This  boat  left  New  Orleans  on  the 
(j'U  of  May,  1815,  and  arrived  at  Louisville  on  the  81st  of  thesarne 
month,  making  the  passage  in  twenty-Jive  days.  This  was  then  re- 
garded as  quite  an  achievement  in  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi 
and  Ohio  with  steam. 

On  the  20th  of  June,  in  this  year,  the  citizens  of  Meadville, 
Crawford  county,  Pennsylvania^  held  a  public  meeting,  at  which 
they  resolved  upon  the  establishment  of  an  educational  institution 
in  their  vicinity,  to  which  was  given  the  name  of  Allegheny  College. 
The  work  was  at  once  pushed  on  with  a  vigor  and  an  enterprise 
that  does  honor  to  the  public  spirit  of  the  citizens,  and  on  the  4th 
of  July,  1816,  the  new  college  was  opened.  With  the  Rev.  Timothy 
Alden,  an  able  and  di.itinguished  divine,  as  its  president,  and  the 
Rev.  Robert  Johnson,  as  vice  president.  On  the  24th  of  March, 
1817,  it  was  duly  incorporated,  and  has  since  then  continued  in  its 
course  of  usefulness,  having  in  the  meanwhile  received  some  very 
rich  and  valuable  endowments.  Among  these  was  the  contribu- 
tion by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Bentley,  of  Salem,  Mass.,  of  a  very  rare  col- 
lection of  theological  works,  said  to  be  the  best  in  the  countr}. 
One  of  the  buildings  of  the  college  has,  .u  gratitude  to  the  donor, 
been  named  Bentley  Hall. 

For  some  years  after  its  establishment,  it  was  not  in  a  very  flour- 
ishing condition.  Not  only  was  the  surrounding  country  as  yet 
too  thinly  settled  for  an  institution  of  this  kind  to  thrive,  but  the 
establishment  of  several  rival  colleges,  that  entered  into  competi- 
tion with  it,  served  to  its  injury. 

These  difficulties  have  been  long  since  overcome,  and  Allegheny 
College  is  now  one  of  the  first  and  most  flourishing  institutions  in 
the  West.  The  growth  of  its  prosperity  may  best  be  judged,  when 
it  is  known,  that  in  1842  there  were  one  hundred  and  fifty  pupils 
in  the  institution,  and  in  1855,  there  were  three  hundred  and  twen- 
ty •eight,  including  males  and  females. 


1816. 


INDIANA  BBOOMBB  A  BTATB. 


028 


On  the  18th  of  March,  in  this  year,  Pittsburgh  was  incorporated  as 
1816.]  a  city;  it  had  boon  incorporated  as  a  borough,  on  the 
22dof  April,  1794. 

In  the  Territory  of  Michigan,  a  much  larger  portion  of  the  soil 
remained  in  possession  of  the  aborigines  than  further  south.  Pre- 
vious to  the  war,  but  fow  settlements  were  made  beyond  the 
vicinity  of  Detroit,  and  along  the  river  Raisin.  These,  to  a  great 
extent,  had  been  broken  up  by  the  savages  and  their  English  allies 
during  the  war.  It  was  not  until  a  later  period  that  the  emigrants 
penetrated  the  interior  of  that  territory.  But  Indiana,  Illinois  and 
Missouri,  from  1816,  to  1820,  received  a  continuous  succession  of 
immigrants;  particularly  Kentucky,  Carolina  and  Tennessee,  sent 
out  vast  numbers  to  those  new  regions,  where  land  was  abundant, 
cheap,  and  productive. 

In  the  early  part  of  1816,  Congress  having  previously  granted 
authority,  a  convention  was  elected  in  Indiana,  and  assembled  to 
form  a  State  Government.  A  constitution  was  adopted  and  re- 
ported to  Congress.  It  was  approved  by  that  body,  and  the  new 
Stute  received  admission  into  tho  Union. 

The  constitution  having  boon  made  at  a  time  when  there  was, 
as  it  were,  a  lull  of  party  violence,  produced  by  the  late  war,  and 
when  a  general  spirit  of  political  conciliation  and  good  fooling  pre- 
vailed throughout,  was  framed  with  a  great  deal  of  care  and 
wisdom.  It  was  more  conservative  than  perhaps  that  of  any  other 
State  made  out  of  a  North-Western  Territory. 

The  new  State  Government  went  into  operation  by  the  election 
of  the  Hon.  Jonathan  Jennings,  Governor,  who  had  represented 
the  territory  as  Delegate  in  Congress,  since  1809.  The  General 
Assembly  discharged  its  duties  in  the  formation  of  the  various 
.  departments,  agreeably  to  the  provisions  of  the  constitution,  and 
chauging  the  territorial  laws  in  accordance  with  its  position  as  a 
State. 

So  much  apprehension  was  excited  at  this  time  in  the  minds  of 
the  people,  in  relation  to  the  spurious  currency  that  had  been  im- 
posed upon  them,  that  a  clause  in  the  constitution,  restricted  the 
banking  system  in  the  new  State,  to  the  charter  of  a  single  State 
bank  with  branches. 

For  not  only  had  the  States  of  Ohio  and  Kentucky  been  sub- 
merged with  depreciated  bank  notes,  but  the  new  territories  had 
in  like  manner  been  flooded  with  worthless  paper. 
Yet,  notwithstanding  the  salutary  example  given  by  Indiana  as 


924 


FIRST  BAHKINO  LAW  IV  OHIO. 


1816. 


■howii  above,  a  gonoral  bankiug  law  was  passed  in  Ohio  immedi^ 
ately  afterward. 

A  ftill  history  of  banking  in  Ohio  would  as  much  exceed  the 
limits  of  this  work  as  it  woald  tire  the  patience  of  the  reader.  Bnt 
as  about  this  time  the  disposition  to  an  excess  in  the  creation  of 
such  institutions  was  plainly  manifested,  it  may  not  be  improper 
to  mention  the  leading  acts  of  the  legislature  in  reference  to  the 
sul)jout. 

The  earliest  bank  chartered  was  the  Miami  Exporting  Company 
of  Cincinnati,  the  bill  for  which  passed  in  April,  1808. 

Banking  was  with  this  company  a  secondary  object,  its  main 
purpose  being  to  &cilitate  trade,  ^en  much  depressed ;  nor  was 
it  till  1808,  that  the  first  bank,  strictly  speaking,  that  of  Marietta, 
was  chartered.  During  the  same  session  the  proposition  of  found* 
ing  a  State  Bank  was  considered,  and  reported  upon ;  it  resulted 
in  the  establishment  of  the  bank  of  GhilHcothe. 

From  that  time  charters  were  granted  to  similar  institutions  up 
to  the  year  1816,  when  the  great  banking  law  was  passed,  incorpo* 
rating  twelve  new  banks,  extending  the  charters  of  old  ones,  and 
making  the  State  a  party  in  the  profits  and  capital  of  the  inatitu- 
tions  thus  created  and  renewed,  without  any  advance  of  means  on 
her  part 

This  was  done  in  the  following  manner :  each  new  bank  was  at 
the  outset  to  set  apart  one  share  in  twenty-five  for  the  State,  with- 
out payment,  and  each  bank,  whose  charter  was  renewed,  was  to 
create,  for  the  State,  stock  in  the  same  proportion ;  each  bank,  new 
and  old,  was  yearly  to  set  apart  out  of  its  profits  a  sum  which 
would  make,  at  the  time  the  charter  expired,  a  sum  equal  to  one 
twenty-fifth  of  the  whole  stock,  which  was  to  belong  to  the  State; 
and  the  dividends  coming  to  the  State  were  to  be  invested  and  re- 
invested until  bne-sixth  of  the  stock  was  State  property: — the  last 
provision  was  subject  to  change  by  future  legislatures. 

This  interest  of  the  State  in  her  banks  continued  until  1825, 
when  the  law  was  so  amended  as  to  change  her  stock  into  a  tax  of 
two  per  cent,  upon  all  dividends  made  up  to  that  time,  and  fonr 
per  cent,  upon  all  made  thereafter.  But  before  the  law  of  1816, 
in  February,  1815,  Ohio  had  begun  to  raise  a  revenue  firom  her 
banking  institutions,  levying  upon  their  dividends  a  tax  of  foar 
per  cent 

This  law,  however,  was  made  null  with  regard  to  such  banks  as 
aeeepted  the  terms  of  the  Uw  of  1816.    jAiter  1825,  no  change  was 


1817. 


llOftTR>WMT  OHIO  PUROBAMD  flOM  IHDIAMS. 


925 


mado  until  Mwoh,  1881,  when  tho  tax  wm  inoreaiod  to  Ato  per 
oeni 

Two  important  acts  have  heen  more  lately  paaeed  by  the  legiala- 
tare,  to  which  we  can  here  only  refer.  In  1889,  a  law  was  enacted, 
appointing  bank  oommiBgionem,  who  were  to  examine  the  varioni 
institutions  and  report  upon  their  condition.  This  inquisition  was 
resisted  by  some  of  the  banks,  and  much  controversy  followed, 
both  in  and  out  of  the  Qeneral  Assembly.  In  1846,  a  new  system 
of  banking  was  adopted,  embracing  both  the  State  Bank  with 
branches,  and  independent  banks. 

Oolumbos  was  this  year  (1816,)  made  permanently  the  oapitol  of 
Ohio. 

On  the  28th  of  December,  1816,  the  Bank  of  Shawaneetown, 
Illinois,  was  incorporated  for  twenty  years,  with  a  capital  of  three 
hundred  thousand  dollars. 


Oongress  having  previously  granted  to  Michigan  Territory  a  town- 
1817.]  ship  of  land,  for  the  support  of  a  college,  in  this  year  the 
University  of  Michigan  was  established  by  the  governor  and 
judges. 

During  1817,  an  effort  was  made  to  extinguish  the  Indian  title 
within  the  State  of  Ohio,  and  had  the  Miamies  attended  the  coun- 
cil held  at  the  Bapids  of  the  Maumee,  in  September,  it  probably 
would  have  been  done.  As  it  was,  Oass  and  M' Arthur  purchased 
of  the  othei^  tribes>  nearly  the  whole  north-west  of  the  State  of  Ohio. 
The  number  of.  acres,  exclnsive  of  reservations,  being  estimated  at 
three  million  six  hundred  and  ninety-four  thousand  five  hundred 
and  forty,  for  which  were  paid  one  hundred  and  forty  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  ninety-three  dollars,  being  thi.M^  cents  and  eight 
mills  an  acre. 

In  this  year  was  commenced  the  building  of  bridges  across  the 
Monongahela  and  Allegheny  rivers  at  Pittsburgh,  Pennsylvania,  to 
which  the  State  had  liberally  contributed. 

According  to  a  census  taken,  this  city  then  contained  five  glass 
hoases,  four  air  furnaces,  one  hundred  and  nine  stores,  eight  steam 
engines  in  mills,  one  thousand  three  hundred  and  three  houses, 
eight  thousand  people,  and  there  were  four  hundred  tons  of  nails 
manufactured  by  steam. 

Among  l^e  glass  houses,  was  one  established  about  the  year 
1809,  by  William  Eichbaum,  Sr.,  a  German,  who  had  been  formerly 
glass-cutter  to  Louis  XVI,  king  of  France,  and  who,  having  left 
that  country  after  the  downfall  of  that  tlnhappy  monarch,  had 


926 


ILLINOIS  BECOMES  A  STATE. 


1818. 


finally  come  to  America^  and  established  himself  at  Pittsburgh.  He 
furnished  some  very  fine  work,  and  among  the  first  articles  made 
by  him,  was  a  splendid  six-light  chandelier,  with  prisms,  very  beau- 
tifully cut  and  finished,  for  the  first  Presbyterian  church  of  Pitts- 
burgh. This  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  article  of  the  kind  ever 
made  in  the  United  States. 

The  same  enterprisin^e^  gentleman,  a  year  or  so  later,  erected  a 
mill  for  the  /nanufactory  of  wire  in  the  same  city. 


The  first  steamboat  that  ascended  the  Mississippi,  above  the 
mouth  of  the  Ohio,  was  the  General  IHke^  which  reached  St.  Louis 
the  2d  of  August,  1817.  It  was  commanded  by  Oaptain  Jacob 
Reed,  who  subsequently  became  a  citizen  of  that  place,  and  died 
there.  The  second  steamboat  was  the  Coristitutiony  which  arrived 
on  the  2d  of  October,  in  the  same  year.  During  1818,  there  were 
several  arrivals. 


On  the  18th  of  April,  Congress  authorized  the  people  of  Illinoia  to 
1818.]  form  a  State  constitution.  The  northern  boundary  of  the 
State,  as  fixed  by  Congress,  was  latitude  42°  30'. 

Bopresentatives  to  the  convention  to  form  a  State  constitution 
were  chosen. 

This  body  assembled  at  Kaskaskia,  in  July,  and  closed  their  la- 
bors by  signing  the  constitution  they  had  framed,  on  the  26th  day 
of  August. 

The  election  for  the  first  legislature  was  appointed  to  be  held  on 
the  third  Thursday,  and  the  two  following  days  in  September,  and  all 
white  male  inhabitants  above  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  who  were 
actual  residents  of  the  State  at  the  time  of  signing  of  the  constitution, 
had  the  right  of  sufiPrage.  The  first  session  of  the  General  Assem- 
bly waa  to  commence  at  Easkaskia,  on  the  firsc  Monday  in  October 
following,  but  all  subsequent  sessions  on  the  first  Monday  in  De- 
cember thereafter.  The  constitution  was  not  referred  to  the  people 
for  adoption .  In  general,  the  latter  were  satisfied  with  the  labors  of 
their  servants. 

Members  to  the  General  Assemblv  were  elected,  met  at  the  time 
appointed,  and  set  in  operation  the  new  machinery  of  government. 
Shadrach  Bond,  of  Kaskaskia,  had  been  duly  elected  governor,  and 
Pierre  Menard,  of  the  same  place,  lieutenant-governor.  Tlieir 
terms  of  service  were  from  1818  to  1822.  Governor  Bond,  in  bis 
brief  inaugural  address,  called  the  early  attention  of  the  General 
Assembly  to  a  survey,  preparatory  to  opening  a  canal  between  the 
Illinois  river  and  Lake  Michigan. 


1819. 


FIRST   flTEAMBOAT  ON  THE  LAKBS. 


927 


The  second  session  commenced  about  the  Ist  of  February,  1819, 
and  continued  until  the  20th.  During  this  period  they  revised  and 
re-enacted  the  territorial  laws,  so  far  as  applicable  to  the  State, 
with  such  additional  laws  as  the  public  exigencies  seemed  to 
require. 

As  has  been  said  before,  a  very  redundant  currency  had  obtained 
since  the  war  with  Great  Britain,  and  the  Western  country  more 
especially  was  flooded  with  this  worthless  paper,  issued  mostly  by 
banks,  ostensibly  solvent  at  first,  and  often  by  individuals,  most  of 
whom,  especially  the  former,  failed  to  redeem  their  issues. 

In  1818,  a  reaction  commenced ;  the  notes  of  such  banks  as  the 
TreasuryDepartment  had  selected  as  depositories  of  the  government 
funds,  were  current  in  the  land  offices.  The  rapid  influx  of  immi- 
gration, and  the  demands  for  land,  absorbed  a  large  proportion  of 
this  class  of  notes,  while  the  other  floating  paper  depreciated,  until 
it  was  no  longer  current. 

All  the  territory  north  of  the  new  State  of  Illinois,  was  attached 
to  Michigan. 

Great  emigration  took  place  to  Michigan,  in  consequence  of  the 
sale  of  large  quantities  of  public  lands. 

By  various  treaties,  the  Indian  title  in  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  the 
North- West,  was  still  further  extinguished. 


The  Walk-in-the-Water,  the  first  steamboat  in  tho  upper  lakes, 
1819.]  (Erie,  Huron,  and  Michigan,)  began  her  trips,  going  once 
as  far  as  Mackinac. 

The  Independence^  from  Louisville,  Kentucky,  was  the  pioneer 
boat  in  the  navigation  of  the  more  difiicult  channel  of  the  Mis- 
souri river.  This  was  in  the  month  of  May,  1819.  She  left  St. 
Louis  on  the  13th,  was  at  St.  Charles  on  the  15th,  and  reached  the 
town  of  Franklin,  opposite  Booneville,  on  tho  26th  of  that  month. 
The  banks  of  the  river  were  visited  by  crowds  of  people,  as  the 
boat  came  in  sight  of  the  towns. 

It  was  the  first  boat  that  ever  attempted  to  overcome  the  strong 
current  of  the  Missouri,  and  find  its  way  amidst  the  shifting  sand- 
bars. Besides  a  large  number  of  passengers,  this  boat  carried  up 
a  cargo  of  flour,  whisky,  sugar,  coffee,  iron,  castings,  and  other 
goods.  The  question,  long  agitated  and  much  doubted,  "  can  the 
Missouri  be  navigated  by  steamboats?"  was  fully  solved. 

A  new  era  in  Missouri  annals  had  opened.  Boats  now  ascend 
this  river  daily,  and  to  the  remotest  settlements ;  and  repeatedly 
have  boats  gone  up  to  the  mouth  of  the  Yellow  Stone,  about 


928 


FIRST  BTBAMBOAT  ON  MISSOURI  RIVBR. 


1819. 


eighteen  hundred  miles  above  St.  Louis.  Even  before  1844,  the 
Assineboine  went  several  hundred  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the 
Tellow  Btone,  into  a  gorge  of  the  Rocky  mountains. 

Th^Independence  returned  to  St  Louis,  on  the  5th  of  June,  and 
took  fneight  for  Louisville,  Kentucky. 

On  the  8th  of  June,  1819,  the  United  States  steamboat  Western 
Engineery  under  command  of  Mcgor  S.  H.  Long,  went  on  an  explo- 
ring expedition  up  the  Missouri,  having  on  board  several  gentle- 
men  attached  to  the  department  of  Topographical  Engineers. 

This  corps  were  on  a  tour  of  observation  to  the  Yellow  Stone, 
or  at  least  the  Mandan  villages.  They  left  St  Louis  on  the  2l8t  of 
June.  The  boat  was  a  small  one  with  a  stern  wheel,  and  an  escape 
pipe  so  contrived  as  to  emit  a  torrent  of  smoke  and  steam  through 
the  head  of  a  serpent,  with  a  red,  forked  tongue,  projecting  from 
the  bow. 

It  was  understood  that  this  contrivance  was  intended  to  make 
an  impression  on  the  Indians,  as  the  boat  had  the  appearance  of 
being  carried  by  a  monstrous  serpent,  vomiting  fire  and  smoke, 
and  lashing  the  water  into  foam  with  his  tail. 

Tradition  says  the  aborigines  were  panic  struck,  and  fled ;  im- 
agining that  the ''pale  faces"  had  sent  a  " maniteau  "  into  their 
country  to  destroy  them. 

A  military  expedition  left  Bellefontaine  and  St  Louis,  early  in 
June,  under  tlie  command  of  Colonel  Atkinson,  to  establish  a 
military  post  at  Council  Blufife,  then  far  in  advance  of  the  Ameri- 
can settlements. 

The  expedition  consisted  of  three  steamboats,  of  heavy  con- 
struction, the  Expedition,  the  Jefferson,  and  the  Johnacn,  and  nine 
keel-boats.  Several  of  this  last  description  of  boats  were  prepared 
to  be  propelled  with  sails  and  wheels. 

Colonel  James  Johnson,  who,  it  was  understood,  had  the  con- 
tract from  the  War  Department,  to  transport  supplies  and  mani- 
tions  for  the  new  post,  wor  one  of  tlie  expedition.  Another  boat 
called  the  ^^Oalhoun"  wm  cpnnected  with  the  enterprise. 

It  was  understood  at  the  time  that  liberal  encouragement  had 
been  given  by  the  War  Department  to  aid  these  boats,  that,  inci- 
dentally the  great  question  might  be  solved,  whether  the  Missouri 
river  could  be  navigated  by  steam. 

The  scientific  corps  under  Major  Long,  returned  from  their  tour 
of  exploration  up  the  Missouri  to  the  Yellow  Stone,  to  St  Louis, 
in  the  latter  part  of  October. 

According  to  a  report  made  to  the  House  of  Representatives 


1819. 


LAROB  LAND  PUBOHASH  VBOM  INDIANS. 


9£9 


by  the  oommittee  on  Military  Affitira,  the  following  winter,  it  was 
contemplated  by  the  adminiBtration  to  establish  a  post  at  the 
Mandan  villages ;  that  the  expense  of  the  Yellow  Stone  expedi« 
tioD,  "  over  and  above  what  the  troops  would  have  cost  had  they 
remained  in  their  former  positions,"  was  estimated  at  sixty-four 
thousand  two  hundred  and  twenty-six  dollars.  This,  it  is  supposed, 
included  the  steamboct  effort  'to  the  Council  Bluffs,  which  proved 
a  ftulure. 

One  boat  reached  the.  vicinity  of  Cote  Sans  Dessein;  another  lay 
by  at  Old  Franklin,  and  a  third  ascended  to  the  mouth  of  Grand 
river.  In  the  end,  the  military  stores  were  transported  on  keel- 
boats,  which  returned  to  St  Louis  in  the  spring  of  1820. 

The  expenses  were  heavy.  A  member  of  the  committee  on 
Military  Affairs,  at  the  sessions  of  1819-20,  stated  that  the  claims 
for  detention  of  the  boats,  and  the  losses,  exceeded  a  million  of 
dollars.  The  Secretary  of  the  War  Department  had  projected  the 
establishment  of  a  military  post  at  or  below  the  mouth '  of  the 
Tellow  Stone,  and  a  series  of  military  roads  to  connect  that  post 
by  St.  Peters  and  the  northern  lakes,  which  Congress  refused  to 
eanction,  by  withholding  the  necessary  appropriations. 

On  the  24th  of  September,  Lewis  Cass  concluded  at  Saginaw,  a 
treaty  with  the  Chippewas,  by  which  another  large  part  of  Michi- 
gan was  ceded  to  the  United  States. 

On  the  20th  of  August,  Benjamin  Parke,  for  the  United  States, 
bought  at  Fort  Harrisoil,  of  the  Kickapoos  of  Vermillion  river,  all 
their  lands  upon  the  Wabash ;  while  on  the  80th  of  July,  at  Ed- 
wardsville,  Illinois,  Anguste  Chouteau  and  Benjamin  Stephenson, 
bought  of  the  main  body  of  the  same  tribe,  the  claims  upon  the 
same  waters,  together  with  other  lands  reaching  west,  to  the  mouth 
of  Illinois  river. 

In  this  year  the  United  States  appropriated  ten  thouHand  dollars 
annually,  toward  the  civilization  of  the  Indians,  but  no  part  was  at 
first  expended,  as  the  best  modes  of  effecting  the  object  were  not 
apparent. 

During  1819,  also,  a  report  was  made  to  Congress  upon  the  Mis- 
souri fur  trade,  exhibiting  its  condition  at  that  time,  and  tracing 
its  history.  It  may  be  found  in  the  6th  volume  of  the  American 
State  Papers,  p.  201. 

The  second  United  States  bank  wm  chartered  in  1816.  On  the 
28th  of  January,  1817,  this  bank  opened  a  branch  at  Cincinnati ; 
and  on  the  18tb.  of  October  following,  another  b*  anch  at  Chilli- 
cothe,  which  d\d  not  commence  banking,  however,  until  the  next 
spring. 


980 


OHIO  SBIZBS  BANK  PBOPBRTT. 


1819. 


These  branches  Ohio  claimed  the  right  to  tax,  and  passed  a  law 
by  which,  should  they  continue  to  transact  business  after  the  15th 
of  September,  1819,  they  were  to  be  taxed  fifty  thousand  dollara 
each,  and  the  State  Auditor  was  authorized  to  issue  his  warrant  for 
the  collection  of  such  tax. 

This  law  was  passed  with  great  deliberation,  apparently,  and  by 
a  full  vote.  The  branches  not  ceasing  their  business,  the  authori- 
ties of  the  State  prepared  to  collect  their  dues ;  this,  however,  the 
bank  intended  to  prevent,  and  for  the  purpose  of  prevention,  filed 
a  bill  in  Chancery,  in  the  United  States  Circuit  Court,  asking  an 
injunction  upon  Kalph  Osborn,  Auditor  of  State,  to  prevent  his 
proceeding  in  the  act  of  collection.  Osborn,  by  legal  advice,  re- 
fused to  appear  upon  the  4th  of  September,  the  day  named  in  the 
writ,  and  in  his  absence,  the  court  allowed  the  injunction,  though 
it  required  bonds  of  the  bank,  at  the  same  time,  to  the  extent  of 
one  hundred  thousand  dollars — which  bonds  were  given. 

On  Tuesday,  the  14th  of  September,  as  the  day  for  collection 
drew  nigh,  the  bank  sent  an  agent  to  Columbus,  who  served  upon 
the  Auditor  a  copy  of  the  petition  for  injunction,  and  a  subpcena 
to  appear  before  the  court  upon  the  first  Monday  in  the  following 
January,  but  who  had  no  copy  of  the  writ  of  injunction  which  had 
been  allowed.  The  petition  and  subpoena  Osborn  enclosed  to  the 
Secretary  of  State,  who  was  then  at  Chillicothe,  together  with  his 
warrant  for  levying  the  tax,  requesting  the  Secretary  to  take  legal 
advice,  and  if  the  papers  did  not  amount  to  an  injunction,  to  have 
the  warrant  executed ;  but  if  they  did,  to  retain  it. 

The  lawyers  advised  ihat  the  papers  were  not  equivalent  to  an 
injunction,  and  thereupon  the  State  writ  for  collectior  '.as  given  to 
John  L.  Harper,  with  directions  to  enter  the  banking  house,  and 
demand  payment  of  the  tax ;  and  upon  refusal,  to  enter  the  vault 
and  levy  the  amouat  required.  He  was  told  to  offer  no  violence 
and  if  opposed  hy  force,  to  go  at  once  before  a  proper  magistrate, 
and  depose  to  that  fact. 

Harper,  taking  with  him  T.  Orr  and  J.  M'Collister,  on  Friday, 
September  ITth,  went  to  the  bank,  and  first  securing  access  to  the 
vault,  demanded  the  tax.  The  payment  was  refused,  and  notice 
given  of  the  injunction  which  had  been  granted ;  but  the  officer, 
disregarding  this  notice,  entered  the  vault,  and  seized  in  gold,  sil- 
ver, and  notes,  ninety-eight  thounand  dollars,  which,  en  the  20th, 
he  paid  over  to  the  State  Treasurer,  H.  M.  Curry. 

The  ofiicers  concerned  in  this  collection  were  arrested  and  im- 
prisoned by  the  United  States  Circuit  Court,  for  a  contempt  of  the 


1819. 


NULLIFICATION  IN  OHIO. 


981 


injunction  granted,  and  the  money  taken  was  returned  to  tbebcnk. 
The  decision  of  the  Circuit  Court  was  in  February,  1824,  tried  be- 
fore the  Supreme  Court,  and  its  decree  affirmed,  whereupon  the 
State  submitted.  Meantime,  however,  in  December,  1820,  and 
January,  1821,  the  Legislature  of  Ohio  had  passed  the  following 
resolutions : 

"  That,  in  respect  to  the  powers  of  the  governments  of  the  sev- 
eral States  that  compose  the  American  Union,  and  the  powers  of 
the  Federal  Qovernment,  this  General  Assembly  do  recognize  and 
approve  the  doctrines  asserted  by  the  Legislatures  of  Kentucky  and 
Virginia,  in  their  resolutions  of  November  and  December,  1798, 
and  January,  1800,  and  do  consider  that  their  principles  have  been 
recognized  and  adopted  by  a  majority  of  the  American  people. 

"That  this  General  Assembly  do  assert,  and  will  maintain,  by 
all  legal  and  couBtitutional  means,  the  right  of  the  State  to 
tax  the  business  and  property  of  any  private  corporation  of  trade, 
incorporated  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  located  to 
transact  its  corporate  business  within  any  State. 

"  That  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  is  a  private  corporation  of 
trade,  the  capital  and  business  of  which  may  be  legally  taxed  in  any 
State  where  they  may  be  found. 

"That  this  General  Assembly  do  protest  against  the  doctrine  that 
the  political  rights  of  the  separate  States  that  compose  the  Ameri- 
can Union,  and  their  powers  as  sovereign  States,  may  be  settled 
and  determined  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  so  as 
to  conclude  and  bind  them  in  cases  contrived  between  individuals, 
and  where  they  are,  no  one  of  them,  parties  direct." 

In  accordance  with  these  resolves,  the  bank  was,  for  a  time,  de- 
prived of  the  aid  of  the  State  laws  in  the  collection  of  its  debts,  and 
the  protec'tni  »f  Its  rights ;  and  an  attempt  was  made,  though  in 
vain,  to  efftct  :\  cliau^'e  in  the  Federal  Constitution,  which  would 
talje  the  case  »ut  c^  t};e  United  States  tribunals. 


It  will  be  rernon^^.'ved  that  the  vast  country  known  as  Louisiana, 
and  transferred  by  j^'rance  'o  the  United  States  in  1803,  was  divided 
into  the  Territory  of  Orleans,  and  District  of  Louisiana.  In  March, 
1805,  the  District  of  Louisiana  became  the  Territory  of  Louisiana, 
under  its  own  territorial  government.  In  June,  1812,  this  became 
the  Territory  of  Missouri,  having  then,  for  the  first  time,  a  General 
Asseivibiy.  Thus  it  continued  until  1819,  when  application  was 
"lade  10   admission  into  the  Union. 

A  bill  was  aceoj'dingly  prepared  in  Congress  during  the  session 


% 


982 


HIS80UBIAN8  PETITION  FOA  A  BTATB  QOVKRNMBNT. 


1819. 


of  1818-19,  in  the  accustomed  form,  aathorizing  the  people  to 
elect  delegates  in  the  several  counties,  to  constitute  a  convention 
for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  constitution.  While  under  progregg, 
an  amendment  in  the  form  of  a^  proviso,  was  introduced  by  Mr, 
Talmadge,  of  New  York,  in  the  following  words : 

"  That  the  further  introduction  of  slavery,  or  involuntary  servi- 
tude, he  prohibited,  except  for  the  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof 
the  party  shall  have  been  felly  convicted ;  and  that  all  children 
born  within  the  said  State,  after  the  admission  thereof  into  the 
Union,  shall  be  free  at  the  age  of  twenty  years."     - 

This  proviso,  after  a  brief  discussion,  passed  the  House  of  Hep- 
resentativcij,  on  the  loth  of  February,  1819.  This  unexpected 
movement  brought  up  what  has  since  been  called  the  "Miesouri 
Question ;"  caused  a  protracted  discussion,  and  raised  one  of  those 
political  storms,  which  threatened  to  endanger,  if  not  dissolve  the 
National  Union.  It  not  only  agitated  Oongress,  but  the  Union 
from  one  extreme  to  the  other,  for  eighteen  months.  Amongst 
the  people  in  this  territory,  the  excitement  was  intense ;  the  ab- 
sorbing idea  that  prevailed  was,  that  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  a  body  limited  in  constitutional  power,  was  about  to  deprive 
the  people  of  Missouri  of  their  just  rights,  in  forming  a  conBtito- 
tion  in  accordance  with  the  treaty  of  cession,  and  as  they  might 
judge  the  best  calculated  to  promote  their  interests. 

At  that  period  not  one-fourth  of  the  citizens  owned  or  held 
slaves ;  many  were  opposed  to  slavery  as  a  measure  of  State  policy, 
but  with  few  exceptions,  all  were  led  to  believe  that  Congress  was 
assuming  an  unconstitutional  power  to  oppress  them.  With  the 
people  of  Missouri,  it  became  an  absorbing  question  of  political 
rights. 

The  discussions  in  Congress  continued  during  the  session,  and 
the  bill  was  lost  with  other  unfinished  business. 

On  the  opening  of  the  next  Congress,  Mr.  Scott,  delegate  from 
Missouri,  and  chairman  of  the  committee  on  the  "  Memorial  from 
Missouri,"  reported  a  bill  "  to  authorize  the  people  of  that  territory 
to  form  a  Constitution  and  State  Government,  on  an  equal  footing 
with  the  original  States."  The  bill  was  twice  read  and  referred  to 
the  committee  of  the  whole  House.  This  was  on  the  9th  of 
December,  1819.  On  the  14th,  Mr.  Taylor,  of  New  York,  offered 
a  resolution  for  the  appointment  of  a  committee  "  to  inquire  into 
the  expediency  of  prohibiting  by  law,  the  introduction  of  slaves 
into  the  territories  of  the  United  States,  west  of  the  Mississippi" 


PERIOD    VIII. 
1820—18561; 

The  great  question  of  **  slavery  or  no  slavery  in  Missouri/' 
having  been  made  the  order  of  the  day  for  the  second  Monday  in 
January,  1820,  it  was  then  accordingly  taken  up,  and  discussed 
with  a  warmth  that  had  rarely  been  equaled  in  Congress.  The 
absorbing  interests  attached  to  this  question,  not  only  as  regards 
MisBouri  and  the  Western  States,  but  with  respect  to  the  whole 
Union,  has  rendered  it  of  so  much  importance,  that  it  has  become 
more  or  less  interwoven  with  the  whole  subsequent  political  his- 
tory of  our  country,  and  a  full  knowledge  of  it  is  therefore  essen- 
tial to  a  clear  understanding  of  much  that  is  to  follow. 

The  discussion,  having  opened  as  stated,  continued  during  the 
Bession.  Various  amendments  to  the  resolutions  as  offered,  were 
proposed  in  both  Houses,  but  lost. 

Application  had  been  made  by  the  people  of  Maine,  with  the 
consent  ot  Massachusetts,  to  form  a  State  Government  and  be  ad- 
mitted into  the  Union.  This  proposition,  for  a  period,  became 
coupled  with  the  Missouri  Question. 

In  the  Senate,  on  the  8d  of  February,  a  senator  from  Illinois, 
offered  an  amendment  to  the  Missouri  branch  of  the  bill,  in  the 
following  words: 

"That  in  all  that  territory  ceded  by  France  to  the  United  States, 
ander  the  name  of  Louisiana,  which  lies  north  of  thirty-six  degrees 
and  thirty  minutes  north  latitude,  excepting  only  such  part  thereof 
as  is  included  within  the  limits  of  the  State  contemplated  by  this 
act,  elavery  and  involuntary  servitude,  otherwise  than  in  the  pun  • 
ishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convic- 
ted, shall  be,  and  is  hereby  forever  prohibited :  Frovided,  alwaySy 
That  any  person  escaping  into  the  same,  from  whom  labor  or  ser- 
vice is  lawMly  claimed  in  any  State  or  Territory  of  the  United 
States,  such  fugitive  may  be  lawfully  reclaimed,  and  conveyed  to 
the  person  claiming  his  or  her  labor  or  service,  as  aforesaid." 

This  amendment  was  adopted  in  the  Senate  on  the  17th  of  Feb- 
nary,  and  subsequently  became  the  basis  of  the  "  Missouri  Com- 
promise." On  ordering  the  bill  to  a  third  reading  in  the  Senate, 
the  vote  was  in  the  affirmatiye. 


984 


OOMPROHISB  TO  REOBIVB  MISSOURI  AS  A  STATB. 


1820. 


On  the  8d  of  March,  the  hill  as  amended  and  passed  hy  the 
Senate,  was  sent  to  the  House.  Though  the  Journal  of  the  House 
is  silent  on  that  subject,  it  is  understood  as  a  historical  fact,  that  at 
tbis  crisis,  when  despair  sat  on  the  countenances  of  the  friends  of 
Missouri,  Mr.  Clay,  who  was  Speaker  of  the  House,  exercised  the 
office  of  peace-maker,  and  by  his  popularity  and  iuflueuce  with 
both  parties,  not  in  an  official  capacity,  but  as  an  individual,  healed 
the  waters  of  strife,  and  induced  a  minority  of  the  members  to  ac- 
cept the  compromise  of  the  Senate. 

The  clause  restricting  slavery  within  the  State  of  Missouri,  was 
stricken  out  by  a  small  minority.  On  the  final  vote,  for  inserting 
the  substitute  from  the  Senate,  it  was  decided  under  the  previous 
question,  in  favor.  So  the  House  concurred  in  the  amendments  of 
tiie  Senate  to  the  bill,  on  the  evening  of  the  8d  of  March. 

The  Act  provided  for  the  representation  of  each  county  in  the 
Convention ;  in  the  aggregate,  forty-one  members. 

The  boundaries  prescribed  for  Missouri  State  are  here  given : 

"  Beginning  in  the  middle  of  the  Mississippi  river,  on  the  paral- 
lel of  thirty-six  degrees  of  north  latitude ;  thence  west  along  that 
parallel  of  latitude,  to  the  St.  Francois  river ;  thence  up,  and  fol- 
lowing the  course  of  that  river,  in  the  middle  of  the  main  channel 
thereof,  to  the  parallel  of  latitude  of  thirty-six  degrees  and  thirty 
minutes ;  thence  west  along  the  same,  to  a  point  where  said  paral- 
lel is  interaected  by  a  meridian  line  passing  through  the  middle  of 
the  mouth  of  the  Kansas  river,  where  the  same  empties  into  the 
Missouri  river;  thence,  from  the  point  aforesaid,  north,  along  the 
said  meridian  line  to  the  intersection  to  the  parallel  of  latitude 
which  passes  through  the  rapids  of  the  river  Des  Moines,  making  the 
said  line  to  correspond  toith  the  Indian  boundary  line;  thence  east,  from 
the  point  of  intersection  last  aforesaid,  along  the  said  parallel  of 
latitude,  to  the  middle  of  the  channel  of  the  main  fork  of  the  said 
river  Des  Moines,  to  the  mouth  of  the  same,  where  it  empties  into 
the  Mississippi  river ;  thence,  due  east,  to  tho  middle  of  tlie  main 
channel  of  the  Mississippi  river ;  thence  down  and  following  the 
course  of  the  Mississippi  river,  in  the  middle  of  the  main  channel 
thereof,  to  the  place  of  beginning." 

In  this  work  the  boundary  has  been  given  in  full,  to  explain  the 
ground  of  a  dispute,  which  at  one  period  threatened  serious  colli- 
sion between  the  territory,  and  subsequently  the  State  of  Iowa,  and 
the  State  of  Missouri,  relative  to  boundaries  and  jurisdiction.  The 
words  in  italics  gave  rise  to  the  difference,  and  involved  the  ques- 


purposes,  and  th 


1820. 


UIS80UBI  FORMS  A  STATK  OOMSTITUTIOIT. 


985 


tions:  First,  what  was  meant  by  tVe  "rapids  of  the  river  Des 
Moines;"  Secondly,  what  Indian  boundary  line  was  intended? 

Missouri  contesded  for  certain  rapids,  or  ripples  in  the  river  Des 
Moines,  some  distance  up,  which  threw  the  line  some  ten  or  fifteen 
miles  further  north.  Iowa  contended  that  the  rapids  in  the  Missis- 
sippi, called  by  the  French  explorers,  La  rapides  la  riviere  Dea 
Moines,  was  the  point  meant. 

After  several  years  of  contested  jurisdiction,  during  which  a 
Rheriff  of  Missouri  was  imprisoned  in  Iowa,  and  military  force  was 
appealed  to,  both  States  consented  to  refer  the  question  of  bound- 
ary and  jurisdiction  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 
After  a  labored  investigation,  the  court  decided  in  favor  of  the  old 
boundary  line,  as  it  was  called,  and  the  rapids  of  the  Des  Moines  in 
the  French  sense  of  the  term. 

The  election  for  members  of  the  convention  was  held  on  the 
first  Monday,  and  two  succeeding  days  of  May,  1820.  The  only 
discassion  on  slavery  was,  whether  the  emancipation  of  slaves 
shoald  be  left  open  for  legislative  action  at  any  future  time,  or  re- 
stricted in  the  constitution.  The  objection  urged  against  this  pol- 
icy was,  that  slaves  were,  in  a  legal  sense,  property ;  that  property 
could  not  be  taken  from  its  owner  by  statute  law,  except  for  public 
purposes,  and  then  only  for  compensation  paid ;  that  were  the  Leg- 
islature at  any  time  to  pass  a  law  to  emancipate  slaves,  the  courts 
could  nullify  the  act;  and  that  when  the  people  desired  to  change 
the  policy  of  the  State,  they  could  reorganize  the  government  by  a 
now  constitution. 

The  convention  met  at  St.  Louis,  on  the  12th  day  of  June. 
Their  labors  were  finished  by  signing  the  constitution  on  the  19th 
day  of  July,  1820.  The  first  General  Assembly  were  required  to 
meet  on  the  third  Monday  in  September,  at  St.  Louis.  An  election 
for  a  governor,  lieutenant-governor,  a  representative  in  Congress 
for  the  residue  of  the  sixteenth  Congress,  a  representative  for  the 
seventeenth  Congress,  senators  and  representatives  to  the  General 
Assembly,  sherifi[B,  and  coroners,  was  held  on  the  fourth  Monday  in 
August.  The  apportionment  in  the  constitution  for  the  first  Gen- 
eral Assembly,  provided  fourteen  senators,  and  forty-three  repre- 
sentatives. 

Alexander  M'Nair  was  elected  governor,  and  William  H. 
Ashley,  lieutenant-governor,  and  John  Scott,  representative  to  Con- 
gress. No  provision  was  made  to  refer  the  adoption  of  the  consti- 
tution to  the  people,  and  it  took  eftect  tiom  the  authority  of  the 
convention. 


986 


OOirORESS  RIFUSIS  MISSOURI  OOKBTITUTIOir. 


1820. 


There  were  several  features  in  the  constittition  quite  objectiona- 
ble to  the  people.  These  were  the  officer  of  chancellor,  with  a 
salary  of  two  thouHaiid  dollars  per  annum ;  and  the  salaries  of  the 
governor  and  the  judges  of  the  supreme  and  circuit  courts  being 
fixed  at  not  less  than  two  thousand  dollars  per  annum  for  each 
officer. 

The  mode  provided  for  amending  the  constitution  was  by  a  vote 
of  two-thirds  of  each  House  of  the  Qeneral  Assembly  proposing 
amendments;  these  to  be  published  in  all  the  newspapers  in  the 
State  three  times,  at  least  twelve  months  before  the  next  general 
election ;  aiid.if,  at  the  first  session  of  the  next  General  Assembly 
after  such  general  election,  two-thirds  of  each  House,  by  yeas  and 
nays,  ratify  such  proposed  amendments,  after  thi-ee  separate  read- 
ings, on  three  several  days,  the  amendments  become  parts  of  the 
constitution. 

At  a  special  session  of  the  General  Assembly,  in  1821,  amend- 
ments were  proposed  to  remove  the  objectionable  features,  and 
passed  by  the  constitutional  minority.  The  next  General  Assembly 
at  its  first  session  ratified  them. 

At  the  first  session  of  the  General  Assembly  in  1820,  Thomas  H. 
Benton  and  David  Barton  were  elected  senators,  to  represent  the 
new  State  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  The  senators  and 
representative  were  at  Washington  city  at  the  opening  of  the  ses- 
sion, when,  on  presenting  the  constitution,  and  claiming  admit- 
tance as  a  State  into  the  Union,  they  met  a  repulse.  In  article 
third,  defining  the  legislative  power  of  the  General  Assembly,  was 
the  following  injunction : 

"It  shall  be  their  duty,  as  soon  as  may  be,  to  pass  such  laws  as 
may  be  necessary,  to  prevent  free  negroes  and  mulattoes  from 
coming  to,  and  settling  in  this  State,  under  any  pretext  whatso- 
ever." 

To  this  clause  objections  were  made  in  Congress,  the  State  was 
refused  admittance  into  the  Union,  and  another  discussion  fol- 
lowed. The  objection  was,  that  "free  negroes  and  mulattoes" 
were  citizens  of  some  of  the  States,  and  the  clause  infringed  on  the 
rights  of  such  as  were  guaranteed  in  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

The  words  of  the  constitution  are:  "The  citizens  of  each  State 
shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the 
several  States."  The  difficulty  was  increased  by  remonstrances 
from  the  legislatures  of  Vermont  and  New  York,  against  the  "Mis- 


1821. 


A  8B0OND  0OMPROMI8B  NB0BS8ART. 


987 


Boari  Compromise  "  of  the  preceding  session,  and  the  reception  of 
the  new  State  without  the  restriction  of  slavery. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  resolution  previously  intro- 
duced to  admit  that  State,  was  rejected. 

On  the  10th  of  February,  1821,  the  select  oommittee  to  whom 
the  constitution  was  referred,  made  an  elaborate  report,  and  recom- 
mended the  reception  of  the  State.  This  was  also  disagreed  to. 
On  a  subsequent  occasion  the  question  came  up  somewhat  modi- 
fied, and  was  lost  in  the  House.  This  vote  was  afterward  recon- 
sidered. 

Daring  the  .<.  a  the  whole  subject  was  discussed ;  the  rights 
of  the  South;  t  .  ;  balance  of  power;  the  rights  of  the  people  of 
Missouri,  and  the  mooted  question,  whether  "  free  negroes  "  were 
constitutionally,  citizens  in  all  the  States,  were  agitated  questions 
at  various  periods  of  the  session.  A  resolution  with  various  re- 
strictions, to  admit  Missouri,  finally  passed  the  House,  but  in  such 
a  form  as  it  would  not  be  likely  to  receive  the  support  of  the 
Senate. 

At  this  crisis,  (February  22d,)  Clay  proposed  a  joint  committee 
of  the  House  and  Senate,  which  was  carried.  He  then  reported 
from  the  joint  committee  on  the  subject,  the  formula  that  became 
incorporated  in  the  public  act,  to  be  found  in  the  Laws  of  Congress 
for  that  session,  and  in  the  "  Territorial  Laws  of  Missouri." 

The  substance  is  as  follows :  On  condition  that  the  Legislature  of 
Missouri,  by  a  solemn  act,  shall  declare  that  the  twenty-sixth  section 
of  the  third  article  of  the  constitution,  shall  never  be  construed  to 
authorize  the  passage  of  any  law  by  which  any  citizen  of  either  of 
tlie  States  of  the  Union,  shall  be  excluded  from  the  enjoyment  of 
any  of  the  privileges  to  which  such  citizen  is  entitled  under  the 
GoDstitution  of  the  United  States ;  and  shall  transmit  to  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  on  or  before  the  fourth  Monday  in 
November,  1821,  an  authentic  copy  of  said  act ; — ^upon  the  receipt 
thereof,  the  president,  by  proclamation,  shall  announce  the  fact, 
whereupon,  without  any  further  proceeding  on  the  part  of  Con- 
gress, the  admission  of  that  State  into  the  Union  shaU  be  consid- 
ered as  complete. 

To  carry  this  proviso  out,  it  became  necessary  for  the  governor 
to  convene  the  legislature  in  a  special  session,  which  was  held  in 
the  town  of  St.  Charles,  in  the  month  of  June,  and  the  Solemn 
Public  Act  was  passed;  guarded  by  explanations,  so  as  not  to 
appear  to  affect  constitutional  rights.  The  mooted  question 
whethp  "free  negroes  and  mulattoes"  are  "citizensj"  in  the 
60 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0     ^^  1^ 


I.I 


1^25  I  u  |L6 


FholDgraiM: 

Sdences 

Corporation 


23  WBT  MAIN  STRKT 

WnSTM,N.Y.  14SM 

(71«)l7a-4S03 


4^ 


A^-^ 


!.|^ 


989 


MI880UBI  VINAUT  AXOflTTID  INTO  TBI  TTNIOK. 


1821. 


•ense  of  the  CoDstitutioa  of  the  Uoited  States,  remains  aa  it  wai 
before  the  action  of  Congress  and  the  Legislature  of  Missouri. 

Id  the  month  qf  August,  the  president  having  received  an  an- 
thentio  copy  of  the  "Solemn  Pablio  Act,"  made  proclamation  that 
the  reception  of  Missonri  was  complete.  Daring  the  preceding 
session  of  Oongress,  the  Senators  and  Representatives  of  this 
3tate  had  no  seat  in  Congress,  and  the  votes  for  president  were  not 
counted. 

As  the  admission  of  Missouri  to  become  a  sovereign  State,  was  a 
subject  which  excited  more  than  ordinary  interest,  the  account 
here  given  is  soniewhat  elaborated;  especially  that  the  ^reader  may 
learn  that  there  were  two  questions  and  two  compromises^  and  here> 
after  not  confound  the  events  nor  their  dates,  as  many  have  done 
heretofore. 

In  November,  of  the  previous  year,  Governor  Cass  had  written 
to  the  War  Department,  proposing  a  tour  along  the  Southern  shore 
of  Lake  Superior,  and  toward  the  heads  of  the  Mississippi ;  the' 
purposes  being  to  ascertaiu  the  state  of  the  fur  trade,  to  examine 
the  copper  region,  and  especially  to  f(Mvi  acquaintance  and  con- 
nections with  the  various  Indian  tribes.  In  the  following  Januaiy, 
the  Secretary  of  War  wrote,  approving  the  plan ;  and  in  May,  the 
expedition  started.  A  full  accouwt  of  it  by  Mr.  Schoolcraft,*  is 
easily  accessible,  and  we  need  only  say  that  it  was  attended  with 
as  much  snccesa  as  could  have,  been  hoped  for. 

During  this  year,  and  from  this  time  forward,  treaties  were  made 
with  the  Western  and  North- Western  tribes  extinguishing  by 
degrees  their  title  throughout  a  great  part  of  the  ori^nal  north- 
western territory:-— of  these  treaties  we  shall  not,  hereafter,  spesk 
particnlwrly,  excepting  as  for  as  they  stand  connected  with  the 
Blade  fiawJc  war  of  1882. 

"In  the  ordinance  of  Congress  authorizing  the  formation  of  a 
State  Constitution  for  Indiana,  four  sections,  containing  two  thou- 
sand five  hundred  and  sixty  acres  <^  land  were  donated  for  the 
permanen;t  seat  of  government.  Commissioners  on  the  part  of  the 
State  were  appointed  in  1820,  to  make  the  selection,  and  in  1821 
the  town  of  Indiani^plis  was  laid  ont."ti 


*  flehootersfV  voL  L  pablishtd  at  Albuj,  ia  1821. 


flndiMm  GaiettMr. 


1822. 


BARLT  HIBtOftT  OF  0A5AL8. 


989 


TJpoii  the  diet  of  January,  the  Ohio  Assembly  passed  a  lat^ 
1822.]  "  aathorizing  an  examination  into  the  praotioability  of  con- 
necting Lake  Erie  with  the  Ohio  river,  by  a  canal." 

This  act  grew  out  of  events,  a  sicetch  of  which  it  may  be  worth 
while  to  present  to  the  reader  of  these  pages.    .    , 

One  of  the  earliest  of  modern  navigable  canals  was  made  in  Lorn- 
hardy,  in  1271;  it  connected  Milan  with  the  Tesino.  About  the 
same  time,  or  perhaps  earlier,  similar  works  were  commenced  in 
Holland.  It  was  not,  however,  till  1755,  that  any  enterprise  of 
the  kind  was  undertaken  in  England;  this  was  followed,  three 
years  later,  by  the  Duke  of  Bridgewater's  first  canal,  constructed 
by  Brindley. 

In  1765,  an  act  of  Parliament  anthorizsed  the  great  work  by  which 
Brindley  and  his  patron  proposed  to  unite  Hull  and  Liyerpool-^the 
Trent  and  the  Mersey.  This  great  undertaking  was  completed  in 
1777.  The  idea  thus  carried  into  effect  in  Great  Britain  was  soon 
■borne  across  the  Atlantic. 

•  f  The  great  New  York  canal  was  suggested  by  Govemeur  Morris, 
in  1777 ;  but,  as  eariy  as  1774,  Wiuihington  said  he  had  thought  of 
a  system  of  improvements  by  which  to  connect  the  Atlantic  with 
the  Ohio ;  which  system,  ten  years  later,  he  tried  most  perseveringly 
to  induce  Virginia  to  act  upon  with  eneigy. 

In  a  letter  to  Governor  Harrison,  written  October  10th,  1784,  ho 
also  suggests  that  an  examination  be  made  as  to  the  facilities  for 
opening  a  communication,  through  the  Cuyahoga,  and  Muskin- 
gum or  Scioto,  between  Lake  Erie  and  the  Ohio.  Such  a  commu- 
nication had  been  previously  mentioned  by  Jefferson,  in  March, 
1784;  he  even  proposed  a  canal  to  connect  the  Cuyahoga  and  Big 
Beaver. 

Three  years  later,  Washington  attempted  to  interest  the  federal 
government  in  his  views,  and  exerted  himself,  by  all  the  means  in  his 
power,  to  learn  the  exact  state  of  the  country  about  the  sources  of 
the  Muskingum  and  Cuyahoga.  After  he  was  called  to  the  presi- 
dency, his  mind  was  employed  on  other  subjects;  but  the  whites, 
who  had  meantime  began  to  people  the  West,  used  the  course 
which  he  had  suggested,  (as  the  Indians  had  done  before  them,}  to 
carry  goods  firom  the  lakes  to  the  settlements  on  the  Ohio ;  so  that 
it  was  so<>n  known  definitely,  that  upon  the  summit  level  were 
ponds,  through  which,  in  a  wet  season,  a  complete  water  conne<^ 
tion  was  fi>mied  between  the  Cuyahoga  and  Mnskingnm. 

From  this  time  the  public  mind  underwent  various  ohangM^ 
moqkand  more  persons  becoming  convinced  that  a  canal  between 


d40 


HIBTOBT  OF  CANALS  IN  NIW  TOBX. 


1822. 


the  heads  of  two  rivers,  was  £&r  less  desirable,  in  every  point  of 
view,  than  a  complete  canal  commanication  from  place  to  place,  fol* 
lowing  the  valleys  of  the  rivers,  and  drawing  water  from  them. 

In  1815,  Dr.  Drake,  of  Cincinnati,  proposed  a  canal  from  some 
point  on  the  Great  Miami,  to  the  city  in  which  he  resided;  and  in 
January,  1818,  Mr.,  afterward  Qovernor  Brown,  writes  thus:  "Ex- 
perience, the  best  guide,  has  tested  the  infinite  superiority  of  this 
mode  of  commercial  intercourse  over  the  best  roads,  or  any  nari- 
gation  of  the  beds  of  small  rivers.  In  comparing  it  with  the  latter, 
I  believe  you  will  find  the  concurrent  testimony  of  the  most 
skillful  and  experienced  eogineerS'Of  France  and  England,  against 
the  river,  and  in  favor  of  the  canal,  for  very  numerous  reasons." 

Meanwhile,  along  the  Atlantic,  various  experiments  had  been 
tried,  both  in  regard  to  improving  rivers  and  digging  canals.  In 
October,  1784,  Virginia,  acting  under  the  instigation  of  Washing- 
ton, passed  a  law  **  for  clearing  and  improving  the  navigation  of 
James  river."  I^  March,  1792,  New  York  established  two  compa- 
nies for  "Inland  Lock  Navigation ; "  the  one  to  connect  the  End- 
son  with  Lake  Cbamplain,  the  other  to  unite  it  with  Lake 
Ontario,  whence  another  canal  was  to  rise  round  the  Great  Falls 
to  Erie. 

These  enterprises,  and  various  others,  were  presented  to  Congress 
by  Mr.  Gallatin,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  an  elaborate  report, 
made  April  4th,  1808.  Subsequent  to  this  report,  in  April,  1811, 
the  General  Assembly  of  New  York  passed  a  law  for  the  great  Erie 
canal,  and  at  the  head  of  the  commissioners  was  Governeur  Morris, 
who  had  proposed  the  plan  thirty-four  years  previous. 

To  her  aid  in  this  vast  work.  New  York  asked  the  power  of  the 
federal  government,  and  Ohio  passed  resolutions  in  favor  of  the 
aid  being  given.  No  great  help,  however,  was  given ;  and  New 
York,  with  the  strength  imparted  by  the  energy  of  Clinton,  carried 
through  her  vast  work ;  and  when  Ohio  began  to  speak  of  similar 
e^rts,  through  the  same  voice  that  had  encouraged  her  during 
her  labors,  the  Empire  State  spoke  encouragement  to  her  younger 
sifcter. 

When^  therefore.  Governor  Brown,  in  his  inaugural  address  of  De- 
cember 14th,  1818,  referred  to  the  necessity  of  providing  cheaper  wsys 
to  market  for  the  &rmers  of  Ohio,  he  spoke  to  a  people  not  unpre- 
pared to  respond  favorably.  In  accordance  with  the  governor's 
suggestion,  Mr.  Sill,  on  the  7th  of  January,  1819,  moved  that  a 
committee  be  appointed  to  report  on  the  expediency  of  a  canal 
from  the  lake  to  the  Ohio.    This  was  followed,  on  the  next  day^by 


1822. 


OBIO  IiXaiSLATUBB  RKPORTS  VOU  OANALS. 


941 


a  farther  eommnnication  from  Qovemor  Brown,  and  the  subject 
was  discuBBed  through  the  winter. 

In  the  following  December,  the  ezecative  again  pressed  the 
matter,  and  in  Janaary,  1820,  made  a  fall  statement  of  facts  rela- 
ting to  routes,  so  far  as  they  could  be  ascertained.  Further  infor- 
mation Was  communicated  in  February,  and  on  the  20th  of  that 
month,  an  act  passed,  appointing  commissioners  to  determine  the 
course  of  the  proposed  canal,  provided  Congress  would  aid  in  its 
construction,  and  seeking  aid  from  Congress. 

That  aid  not  having  been  given,  nothing  was  done  during  1820 
or  1821,  except  to  excite  and  extend  an  interest  in  the  subjecl^  but 
upon  the  8d  of  January,  1822,  Micajah  T.  Williams,  chairman  of  a 
committee  to  conuder  that  part  of  the  governor's  message  relating 
to  internal  improvements,  offered  an  elaborate  report  upon  the 
subject;  and  brought  in  the  bill  already  referred  to  as  having  been 
passed  upon  the  Blst  of  the  last  mentioned  month. 

The  examination  authorized  by  that  law  was  at  once  commen- 
ced, Mr.  James  Geddes  being  the  engineer. 

Upon  the  same  day,  (December  6th,  1821,)  on  which  Mr.  Wil- 
liams moved  for  a  comm^Uee  on  canals,  Caleb  Atwater  moved  for 
one  upon  schools ;  and  on  the  same  day  that  the  law  above  referred 
to  was  passed,  ond  was  also  passed  authorizing  the  appointment  of 
commissioners  to  report  to  the  next  le^slature  a  plan  for  estab- 
lishing  a  complete  system  of  common  schools.  To  the  history  of 
that  subject  the  reader's  attention  is  next  invited. 

The  ordinance  of  1T87  provided,  that  "religion,  morality,  and 
knowledge  being  necessaiy  to  good  government  and  the  happiness 
of  mankind,  schools  and  the  means  of  education  shall  be  forever 
encouraged."  In  the  previous  ordinance  of  1785,  regulating  the 
Bale  of  lands  in  the  west,  section  No.  16  of  every  township  was 
reserved  "for  the  maintenance  of  public  schools  within  the  said 
township." 

And  the  Constitution  of  Ohio,  using  the  words  of  the  ordinance 
of  1787,  says,  that  "schools  and  the  means  of  instruction  shall  for- 
ever be  encouraged  by  legislative  provision."  In  accordance  with 
tbe  feelings  shown  in  these  several  clauses  the  Governors  of  Ohio 
always  mentioned  the  subject  of  education  with  great  respect  in 
their  messages;  but  nothing  was  done  to  make  it  general. 

It  was  supposed,  that  people  would  not  willingly  be  taxed  to 
educate  the  children  of  their  poor  neighbors ;  not  so  much  because 
they  foiled  to  perceive  the  necessity  that  exists  for  all  to  be  erluoa- 
ted,  in  order  that  the  commonwealth  may  be  safe  and  prosperous ; 


942 


OHIO  UaiSLATURI  RBF0BT8  OANAL  B0U7U. 


1828. 


biit  beoKue  a  vast  number,  that  lived  in  Ohio,  •till  doubted 
whether  Ohio  would  be  their  ultimate  abiding  place. 

They  came  to  the  West  to  make  money  rather  than  to  find  a 
home,  utd  did  not  can  to  help  educate  those  whose  want  of  eda> 
cation  thiyr  inight  never  feel. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  until  rbout  the  year  1816,  at  which 
time  several  persons  in  Cincinnati,  who  knew  the  benefits  of  a  free. 
school  syMem,  united,  and  commenced  a  correspondence  with  dif- 
ferent portions  of  the  State. 

,f  Their  ideas  being  warmly  responded  to,  by  the  dwellers  in  the 
<r)hio  Company's  purchase,  and  the  Western  Reserve  more  partica- 
larly,  committees  of  correspondence  were  appointed  in  the  difieN 
ent  sections,  and  various  means  were  resorted  to,  to  call  the  atten- 
tion of  the  public  to  the  subject ;  among  the  moi^i,  efficient  of  which 
was  the  pnblicatiou  of  an  .Education  Almanac  at  Cincinnati. 

This  work  was  edited  by  Nathan  Guilford,  a  lawyer  of  that 
place,  who  had  from  the  first  taken  a  deep  interest  in  the  matter. 
For  several  years  this  gentleman  and  his  associates  labored  silently 
and  ceaselessly  to  diffuse  their  sentiments,  one  attempt  only  being 
made  to  bring  the  subject  into  the  legislature:  this  was  in  Decern- 
ber,  1819,  when  Ephraim  Cutler,  of  Washington  county,  brought 
in  a  bill  for  establishing  common  schools,  which  was  lost  in  the 
Senate. 

At  length,  in  1821,  it  having  been  clearly  ascertained  that  a 
strong  feeling  existed  in  £avor  of  a  common  school  system  throagh 
the  eastern  and  north-eastern  parts  of  the  State,  and  it  being  also 
known  that  the  western  men,  who  were  then  about  to  bring 
forward  their  canal  schemes,  wished  to  secure  the  assistance  of 
their  less  immediately  benefited  fellow-citizens,  it  was  thought  to 
be  a  &vorable  time  to  bring  the  free-school  proposition  forward; 
which,  as  before  mentioned,  was  done  by  Mr.  Atwater. 


On  the  8d  of  January,  1828,  Mr.  Worthington,  on  behalf  of  the 
1828.]  canal  commissioners,  presented  a  report  upon  the  best 
route  for  a  canal  through  the  State,  and  a  further  examination  was 
agreed  upon ;  which  was  made  during  the  year. 

The  friends  of  the  common  school  system  continued  their  efforts, 
and  although  they  did  not  succeed  in  procuring  an  assembly  fa- 
vorable to  their  views,  they  diffused  information  and  brought  oat 
inquiry. 

Michigan  during  this  year  was  invested  with  a  new  form  of  ter- 
ritorial government;  Congress  having  authorized  the  appointment 


1828. 


riBST  AJIIBXOAir  MUrZVO  ON  VPPBtt  MISSISBIPPI. 


UB 


of  a  Legblfttive  Oonncil  of  nine  memben,  to  be  ohoeen  by  the 
president  from  eighteen  oandidAtee  elected  by  the  people. 

The  riohoit  mines  of  lead,  were  discovered  on  the  Upper  Miseis* 
sippi,  at  Galena,  on  the  eastern  side,  and  at  Dnbuqne,  on  the  west 
They  have  yielded  fW>m  eighty  to  ninety  pbt  odnt  of  pure  lead. 

xtt  1786,  Jolien  Dabuqae,  an  enterprising  Canadian,  visited  this 
region,  explored  its  mineral  wealth,  returned  two  year«  after,  and, 
at  a  oonncil  held  with  the  Indians  in  1788,  obtuned  from  them  a 
grant  of  a  large  tract  of  land,  amounting  to  one  hundred  and  forty 
thoaeand  acres,  beginning  on  the  west  side  of  the  Misaissippi. 

Here  he  resided  and  obtained  great  wealth  in  mining  and 
trading  with  the  Indians,  and  died  in  1810.  His  grave  is  about 
one  mile  below  the  city  of  Dnbaque,  in  the  State  of  Iowa. 

The  mines  of  the  Upper  Mississippi,  are  between  Bock  and 
Wisconsin  rivers  on  the  east,  and  about  the  same  parallel  on  the 
west  side  of  that  river. 

For  many  years  the  Indians  and  some  of  the  French  couriers 
du  boiSf  had  been  accustomed  to  dig  lead  in  the  mineral  region 
about  Galena.  But  they  never  penetrated  much  below  the  surface, 
though  they  obtained  considerable  quantities  of  mineral. 

In  1828,  the  late  Ck>1onel  James  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  obtained 
a  lease  from  the  United  States  government,  to  prosecute  the  busi- 
ness of  mining  and  smelting,  which  he  did  with  a  strong  force  and 
much  enterprise.  This  movement  attActed  the  attention  of  enter* 
prising  men  in  Hlinois,  Missouri,  and  other  States. 

Some  went  on  in  1826,  more  following  in  1827,  and  in  1828,  the 
eoontry  was  almost  literally  filled  with  miners,  smelters,  merchants, 
speculatoia,  gamblers,  and  every  description  of  character.  Intelli- 
gence,  enterprise,  and  virtue,  were  thrown  in  the  midst  of  dissipa- 
tion, gambling,  and  every  species  of  vice. 

Such  was  the  crowd  of  adventurers  in  1829,  to  this  hitherto 
almost  unknown  and  desolate  region,  that  the  lead  business  wai 
greatly  overdone,  and  the  market  for  a  while  nearly  destroyed. 
Fortunes  were  made  almost  upon  a  turn  of  a  spade,  and  lost  with 
equal  facility. 

The  business  is  still  prosecuted  to  a  great  extent.  Exhanstless 
quantities  of  mineral  exist  here,  over  a  tract  of  country  two  hundred 
miles  in  extent 

From  1821,  to  September,  182S,  the  amount  of  lead  made  in  the 
vicinity  of  Galena,  Illinois,  wac  three  hundred  and  thirty-five  thou" 


'vm% 


•lUKIBIC  tlTTLBIilllT  OV  PIMBXHA. 


1828. 


jand  one  Itundrad  and  thirty  pooads.    DtiHng  the  next  laooeeding 
ten  yean,  the  •ggregata  was  ftbout  aerenty  millions  of  poands. 

The  avenge  number  of  miners  daring  the  year  1826,  was  one 
hundred;  }n  1826»  four  hundred;  and  in  1827,  one  thousand  six 
hundred. .  ICany  oitizens  of  IlUnois,  fit>m  the  counties  of  St.  Clair, 
Madison,  fta,  wmt  up  tbe  river  with  sapplies  of  provision  in  the 
spring,  to  proseente  minung,  and  returned  downward  and  home- 
ward at  Ibe  approach  of  winter.  From  this  trifling  incident,  a 
misebifTOtM  wag  from  "Tankeedom,"  yoleped  the  people  of  Illi. 
nois,  **8iUokers,"  from  these  migratory  miners. 

In  1811,  the  Hudson's  Bi^  Gomp  my,  made  a  grant  to  Lord 
Selkirk,  a  Scotch  nobleman,  and  influential  member  of  the  com- 
pany, of  a  laige  tract  of  land,  including  Red  river  up  to  Red  Foik. 
This  nobleman,  having  extinguished  the  Indian  title,  at  once  set 
to  work  vigorously  to  establish  a  colony,  in  the  interests  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company,  and  in  1812,  settlers  were  procured  from 
the  highlands  of  Scotland,  from  Switzerland,  England,  and  other 
parts  of  Europle,  and  two  settlements  were  formed;  one  at  Pem- 
bina, about  two  miles  below  the  Pembina  river ;  the  other  at  Fort 
Douglass,  about  sixty  miles  below  Pembina,  near  the  confluence  of 
the  Assiniboin  and  Red  rivers. 

At  this  period  the  rivalry  between  the  North-West  (Fur)  Com- 
pany, which  was  started  by  John  Jacob  Astor,  of  New  York,  in 
1809,  and  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  was  very  great,  and  the 
new  settlers  had  among  other  difficulties,  many  strifes  with  the 
agents  of  the  rival  company.  In  1815,  they  were  even  dispersed. 
But  in  1816,  they  returned,  and  Lord  Selkirk,  acted  so  vigorously 
in  maintaining  the  commercial  and  territorial  rights  of  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company,  that  he  succeeded  in  reducing  the  trading  posts  of 
the  other,  and  in  1821,  the  two  were  conjoined,  and  thus  an  end 
put  to  all  further  strife. 

The  settlements  which  he  had  founded  continued  in  existence, 
and  Pembina  proving  afterward  to  be  below  the  49th  degree  of 
latitude,  it  fell  within  the  boundary  of  the  United  States.  In 
1828,  M^jor  Long  was  sent  upon  an  expedition  to  tbe  source  of 
St.  Peter's  river,  Lake  Winnepeck,  Lake  of  the  "Woods,  &c.,  for 
the  purpose  of  topographically  exploring  those  regions ;  and  the 
following  account  of  the  settlement  of  Pembina,  is  taken  from  Mr. 
Kcating's  account  of  that  expedition: 

"  Pembina  constituted  tbe  upper  settlement  made  on  the  tract 
of  land  granted  to  the  late  Lord  Selkirk,  by  the  Hudson's  Bay 


1828. 


LOHa  AHIK  XlATZNtt'B  AOOOmiT  OV  miBIKA. 


«?» 


Oompauy.    It  may  be  w«li  to  observe,  that  by  virtae  of  a  du^rter 
firom  Obarleathe  Second,  granted  in  16T0,  to  Prince  Bnpert  and 
others,  oonstitating  the  *  honorable  Hndson't  Bay  Oompauy,'  the 
whole  of  the  British  dominions  lying  contignons  to  Hudson's  Bay 
or  its  tributaries, -has  been  claimed  by  that  oompany,  not  only^as 
regards  the  monopoly  of  the  ftir  trade,  bat  also  jfm  respects  the  right 
to  the  soil,  and  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  country.    About  the  year 
1818,  Lord  Selkiric,  who  was  one  of  the  principal  partners,  obtained 
from  the  oompany  a  grant  of  a  oonsiderable  traet  of  land,  including 
both  banks  of  Red  river,  up  to  the  Red  or  Grand  Fork.  To  this  he 
extinguished  the  Indian  title,  by  the  payment  of  a  certain  amount, 
sod  the  promise  of  an  annuity  to  the  Indians.  'He  then  opened  the 
lands  for  settlement,  inviting  a  number  of  British  subjoins  to  go 
and  reside  upon  them,  and  with  a  view  to  strengthen  his  infant 
colony,  he  engaged  reoruite  fh>m  Switzerland  and  other  countries, 
md  especially  increased  it  by  a  number  of  soldiers  belonging  to  the 
de  Meuron  and  de  Watteville  regiments,  two  foreign  corps  that 
were  in  the  pay  of  England  daring  the  late  war,  and  that  were  dis- 
banded in  Canada,  in  the  year  1815.    Two  principal  settiements 
were  formed,  one  at  Fort  Douglas,  which  is  at  the  confluence  of  the 
Assiniboin  and  Red  rivers,  and  the  other  one  hundred  and  twenty 
miles  by  water  above  that,  and  near  the  mouth  of  a  small  stiream, 
named  by  the  Ghippewas,  Anepeminan  sipi,  so  called  from  a  small 
red  berry,  termed  by  them  anepeminan,  which  name  has  been 
shortened  and  corrupted  into  Pembina,  (Viburnum  oxycoccos.) 

<'  The  Hudson's  Bay  Company  had  a  fort  here,  until  th^  spring 
of  1828,  when  observations,  made  by  their  own  astron  n^crs,  led 
them  to  suspect  that  it  was  south  of  the  boundary  line,  a;  i  they 
therefore  abandoned  it,  removing  all  that  could  be  sent  down  the 
river  with  advantage.  The  Catholic  clergyman,  who  had  been  sup- 
ported at  this  place,  was  at  the  same  time  removed  to  Fort  Doug- 
las; and  a  large  and  neat  chapel  built  by  the  settlers  for  their 
accommodation,  is  now  fiut  going  to  decay.  The  settlement  con- 
Bists  of  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  souls,  residing  in  sixty  log 
houses  or  cabins;  they  do  not  appear  to  possess  the  qualifications 
for  good  settiers;  few  of  them  are  farmers;  most  of  them  are  half- 
breeds,  who,  having  been  educated  by  their  Indian  mothers,  have 
imbibed  the  roving,  unsettled,  and  indolent  habits  of  the  Indians. 
Accustomed  from  their  early  infancy  to  the  arts  of  the  fur  trade, 
which  may  be  considered  as  one  of  the  worst  schools  for  morals, 
they  have  acquired  no  small  share  of  cunning  and  artifice.  These 
form  at  least  two-thirds  of  the  male  inhabitants.    The  rest  consist 


M6 


mnoTMnrr  or  thb  ufHAHtrAins. 


182S. 


of  Q/tjhkMnd  Scotch  Mttt^ ;  moat  of  4he-A|^er  are  old  toldiera,  u 
untfw  s^aUfiM  iKMttili.M  the  balf-biMds  themselves.  The 
only  lood  «dlo#ll  «M  the  Bootob^llrbo  liftve  broaght  over  with 
them;  m.  OMiil^ibtlritoady  babite,  ■lA^their  indefbtigable  peraeve. 
imnoe.  JkAongh  the  MJU  abovt  Peimbinft  ie  very  good,  and  will, 
wftim  widft  ouHiiittil,  ^eld  a  plentifbl  retnm,  yet,  ftom  the 
oharaoter  of  the  |i|^nlai|te,  ai  weH  m  iW)m  the  iniiuit  state  of 
the  (poloDjEi  it  do«a  noMit  pre8oal<^eld  saffioient  produce  to  support 
thellmlwi^  wh<vilm»fore,  devote  macb  of  their  time  to  bunting; 
this,  wUflb  perhaps  In  the  oMgin  was  the  effect  of  an  imperfSect 
state  of  agriculture,  soon  acted  as  a  cause ;  for  experience  shows, 
that  men  addicted  to  hunting  never  can  make  good  &rmers.  At 
the  tim%  when  we  arrived  at  the  colony,  most  of  the  settlers  had 
gone  from  home,  taking  with  them  their  fietmilies,  horses,  &o.  Tbej 
were  then  chasing  the  buffiilo  in  the  prairies,  and  bad  been  absent 
forty-five  days  without  being  heard  from.  The  settlement  was  in 
the  greatest  need  of  provisions ;  fortunately  for  us,  who  were  like* 
wise  destitute,  they  arrived  next  day.  Their  retnm  afforded  as  s 
view  of  what  was  really  a  novel  and  interesting  spectacle;  their  march 
was  a  triumphant  one,  and  presented  a  much  greater  conooarse  of 
men,  women,  and  children,  than  we  had  expected  to  meet  on  those 
distant  pndries.  The  procession  consisted  of  one  hundred  and  fif* 
teen  carts,  each  loaded  with  about  eight  hundred  pounds  of  the 
finest  buffitlo  meat ;  there  were  three  hundred  persons,  indading 
the  women.  The  number  of  their  horses,  some  of  which  were 
very  good,  was  not  onder  two  hundred.  Twenty  hunters,  mounted 
on  their  best  steeds,  rode  in  abreast ;  having  heard  of  our  arrival, 
they  fired  a  salute  as  they  passed  our  camp.  These  men  receive 
here  the  name  of  GensWtreSj  or  Freemen,  to  distinguish  them  from 
the  servants  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  who  are  called  En^ 
gageea.  Those  that  are  partly  of  Indian  extraction,  are  nick-named 
Bois  brule^  (Burnt  wood,)  from  their  dark  complexion. 

"A  swift  horse  is  held  by  them  to  be  the  most  valuable  property; 
they  are  good  judges  of  horses,  particularly  of  racers,  with  which 
they  may  chase  the  bufiSftlo.  Their  horses  are  procured  from  oar 
southern  prairies,  or  from  the  internal  provinces  of  New  Spain, 
whence  they  are  stolen  by  the  Indians,  and  traded  o;  re-etolen 
throughout  the  whole  distance,  until  they  get  into  the  possession  of 
these  men.  Their  dress  is  singular,  but  not  deficient  in  beauty;  it 
is  a  mixture  of  tl^  European  and  Indian  habits.  All  of  them  have 
a  blue  capote  with  a  hood,  which  they  use  only  in  bad  weather; 
the  capote  is  secured  round  their  waist  by  a  military  sash ;  they 


1828. 


PXOUUlft  OBAIUOTIK  Of  tBM  IHHABITA1IT8. 


M7 


wear  ft  shirk  of  calico  ipr  painted  moaliii^  moocadns,  and  liliiher 
leggings  fiutened  round  the  legs  by  00»Wt  «Riftitiiente4!>witk  V&ada, 
ftc  The  Bois  brales  biftan  mpen^t  witi^  »  bfti ;  ^hen  thtyhaye 
one,  it  is  generally  variegated |n  the  Indian  manner,  irith  tether^, 
gilt  lace,  and  other  tawdiy  ornaments. 

"The  character  of  the  Bois  brale  conntenan«^.it  pecnliar.  Thib 
eyes  are  small,  black,  and  piercing  v  thetl  hair  generally  long,  not 
onfrequontly  curled,  and  of  the  ^pest  blaaik ;  tiaeir  nojw  is  short 
and  tnmed  np;*their  month  wide;  their  teflpli  i^ood;  Ijheir  oom- 
plexion  of  a  deep  olive,  which  varies  ilcool#ittg  to  the  qiillitity  of 
Indian  blood  which  they  have  in  them.  They  are  smart,  active, 
excellent  runners.  One  of  them,  we  were  told,  often  chased  the 
buffalo  on  foot ;  we  did  not,  however,  see  him  do  it  This  man  had 
a  handsome,  well-proportioned  figore,  of  which  Mr.  Seymour  took 
a  sketch.  He  was  very  strong,  and  was  known  to  have  three  times 
discharged,  from  his  bow,  an  arrow  which,  after  perforating  one 
boffiilo,  had  killed  a  second ;  an  achievement  which  u  sometimes 
performed  by  Indians,  though  it  is  rare,  as  it  requires  great  muscur 
lar  strength.  Their  countenance  is  full  of  expression,  which  par. 
takes  of  canning  and  malice.  When  angry,  it  assumes  all  the  force 
of  the  Indian  features,  and  denotes  perhaps  more  of  the  demoniac 
spirit  than  is  generally  met  with,  even  in  the  countenance  of  the 
aborigines. 

"The  great  mixtare  of  nations,  which  consist  of  English,  Scotch, 
French,  Italians,  Germans,  Swiss,  united  with  Indians  of  di£forent 
tribes,  viz:  Ohippewas,  Crees,  Dacotahs,  &o.,  has  been  unfavorable 
to  the  state  of  tiieir  morals ;  for,  as  is  generally  the  casc^  they  have 
been  more  prone  to  imitate  the  vices  than  the  virtues  of  each  stock; 
we  can  therefore  ascribe  to  this  combination  of  heterogeneous  in- 
gredients,  but  a  very  low  rank  in  the  scale  of  civilization.  They 
are  but  litlie  superior  to  the  Indians  themselves.'  Their  cabins  are 
bailt,  however,  with  a  little  more  art ;  they  cultivate  small  fields  of 
wheat,  maize,  barley,  potatoes,  turnips,  tobacco,  &c.  A  few  of  the 
more  respectable  inhabitants  keep  cows,  and  attend  to  agriculture, 
bat  we  saw  neither  a  plough  nor  a  yoke  of  oxen  in  use,  in  the 
whole  of  the  upper  settlement.  Considering  the  high  latitude  of 
Pembina,  the  above-mentioned  plants  thrive  well.  Maize  yields 
tolerable  crops ;  so  does  tobacco,  which  even  yields  seed.  The 
wheat,  which  is  in  the  greatest  repute  here,  is  the  bearded  wheat. 
The  price  of  ag;ricnltural  produce  is  apparently  very  high." 

The  same  writer  gives  a  spirited  acooant  of  the  manner  of  deter- 
mining the  forty-ninth  degree  of  latitude,  which  had  been  the  main 
object  of  the  party  in  visiting  the  place.    It  waa  at  once  found  that 


M8 


VORTT-imiTB  DBOBIl  OF  LATITUDB  UTABLimo. 


182S. 


the  Mttlement  ttood  oIom  upon  that  line,  »nd  on  the  8th  of  August, 
the  precise  honndary  line  waa  found,  and  a  flag  was  raised  npon  the 
staff  at  the  point ;  when,  after  the  firing  of  a  salute,  Mi^or  Long  made 
proolamation  that,  **hy  virtue  of  the  authority  vested  in  him  by 
the  president  of  the  United  States,  the  country  situated  upon  Red 
river,  ahove  that  p<rfnt,  was  declared  to  be  within  the  territory  of 
the  United  States." 

The  inhabitants,  who  had  been  all  collected  together  for  the  pur- 
pose, heard  the  declaration  with  satisfaction.  "  While  fixing  the 
posts,"  says  Mr.  Keating,  "the  colonists  requested  that  they  might 
be  shown  how  the  line  would  run ;  when  this  was  done,  the  first 
observation  they  made  was,  that  all  the  bufiklo  would  be  on  our 
side  of  the  line ;  this  remark  shows  the  great  interest  they  talce  in 
this  animal,  to  which  all  their  thoughts  recur." 

The  people  of  Pembina  have,  however,  improved  greatly  in  en- 
terprise and  refinement;  they  have  made  improvements  in  the  arts 
of  agriculture,  and  have  become  traders  to  a  very  considerable 
extent. 

Their  chief  article  of  trade  is  still  bufiblo  robes  and  buffalo 
tongues.  These  they  formerly  brought  to  the  States  by  a  tedious 
route  overland,  but  since  1849  and  1860,  the  cities  of  St.  Paul's  and 
St  Anthony  having  sprung  into  magnitude  and  importance,  the 
Pembinaens  chiefly  cany  their  trade  up  the  Red  river,  then  by  a 
short  overland  route  to  the  St  Peter's  river,  and  down  that  river  to 
St  Paul's  and  St  Anthony,  and  so  often  do  they  make  their  ap- 
pearance in  these  cities,  that  they  may  be  reckoned  among  their 
regular  traders. 

By  the  census  of  1849,  there  were  in  the  settlement  two  hundred 
and  ninety-five  males,  and  three  hundred  and  forty-two  females, 
making  a  total  of  six  hundred  and  thirty-seven  persons.  The 
population  at  this  time  (1856)  is  probably  two  thousand. 

A  writer  in  an  old  number  of  the  "Dubuque  Herald,"  gives  the 
following  account  of  the  climate  of  Pembina : 

"  The  cold  is  sometimes  excessive  in  the  settlement  Mercury 
freezes  once  or  twice  every  year,  and  sometimes  the  spirit  ther- 
mometer indicates  a  temperature  as  low  as  fifty-two  degrees  below 
zero.  When  such  a  low  temperature  occurs,  there  is  a  pervading 
haze  or  smoky  appearance  in  the  atmosphere,  resembling  a  general 
dififiised  yellow  smoke,  and  the  sun  looks  red  as  in  a  sultry  even- 
ing. As  the  sun  rises,  so  does  the  thermometer,  and  when  the 
mercury  thaws  out  and  stands  at  ten  or  fifteen  below,  a  breeze  sets 
in,  and  pleasant  weather  follows — that  is,  as  pleasant  as  can  be, 
while  the  inercnry  keeps  below  zero. 


1824. 


XMPnOVIMUfT  FARTT  lUOOIIDS  IN  OIIIO. 


049 


«*For  weeks,  sometimei,  the  wind  will  blow  flrom  the  north — toni' 
pereture  My  flroiu  five  to  ten  below-nroddenly  it  ehifti  into  the 
loatb,  and  for  six  houn  the  thermometer  will  oontinne  to  fall, 
t  phenomena  which  roeteorologiste,  perhaps,  can  account  for. 
Another:  when,  in  eummer,  the  wind  blows  a  length  of  time  Arom 
the  north,  it  drives  the  water  back,  and  Red  riVer  will  have  ita 
banks  fhll  in  the  dryest  seasons.  The  same  thing  occars  when  the 
wind  blows  from  the  same  direction  in  winter,  although  the  sea  and 
river  are  fh>sen  unbrokenly  ten  feet  thick  to  the  north  pole." 

In  1824,  the  friends  of  canals,  and  those  of  fl<ee  common  schools, 
1824.]  in  Ohio,  finding  a  strong  opposition  still  existing  to  the 
great  plans  of  improvement  offered  to  the  people,  during  this  year 
itrvined  every  nerve  to  secure  an  Assembly  in  which,  by  anion, 
both  measures  might  be  carried.  Information  was  diffused,  and  in* 
terest  excited  by  every  means  that  could  be  suggested,  and  the 
aotamn  elections  were  in  consequence  such  as  to  insure  the  success 
of  the  two  bills  which  were  to  lay  the  foundation  of  so  much  phys- 
icftl  and  intellectual  good  to  Ohio. 

The  subject  of  civilising  the  Insane  was  taken  up  as  early  as 
July,  1789,  and  was  kept  constantly  in  view  by  the  United  States 
government  from  that  time  forward;  in  1819,  ten  thousand  dollars 
iDDaally  were  appropriated  by  Oongress  to  that  purpose,  and  great 
pains  were  taken  to  see  that  they  were  wisely  expended.  In  March 
of  this  year,  (1824,)  a  report  was  made  by  Mr.  M'Lean,  of  Ohio, 
npoQ  the  proposition  to  stop  the  appropriation  above  named;  against 
this  proposition  he  reported  decidedly,  and  gave  a  favorable  view 
of  what  had  been  done,  and  what  might  be  hoped  for. 

African  slavery,  as  may  be  seen  on  page  88  in  this  work,  was  in- 
troduced into  Illinois  as  early  as  1720. 

As  slavery  obtained  throughout  all  the  colonies,  the  conquest  of  i 
New  France  by  England  did  not  afi'ect  the  institution. 

The  surrender  of  the  country  to  Olark,  in  1778,  brought  the  sub- 
ject under  the  jurisdiction  of  Vir^nia,  and  in  its  transfer  to  the- 
Continental  Oongress,  in  1784,  the  same  relationship  of  property . 
was  secured. 

The  ordinance  of  1787  was  prospective,  and  has  been  so  decided  > 
by  the  courts.    The  question  whether  the  descendants  of  those' 
who  were  sUves  in  1787,  could  be  held  in  servitude,  on  the  ground 
of  a  <' vested  ri^t>"  remuned  opened  until  1845,  when,  by  a  d»>< 
ciuon  of  the  Supreme  Oourt  of  Illinois,  it  was  declared  they  werer 
free. 


060 


SLAYIRT  DI80VS8I0K  IN  INDIANA. 


1824. 


The  operation  of  the  ordinance  of  1787,  prohibiting  slavery  Id 
the  Korth- Western  Territory,  was  a  subject  of  complaint  by  a  ve^ 
few  interested  personfn,  who,  by  memorials  to  Congress,  made 
efforts  to  obtain  a  removal  of  the  restriction  for  a  limited  period. 
The  first  petition  was  fh>m  four  persons  in  Easkaskia,  in  1796,  ask- 
ing that  slavery  miight  be  tolerated  there. 

In  1804,  a  convention  was  held  on  the  subject  at  Yincennes,  to 
deliberate  on  "territorial  interests"  of  which  Governor  Harrison  was 
president.  One  object  was  to  obtain  a  modification  of  the  organic 
law.  A  memorial  was  sent  to  Congress,  which  was  referred  to  a 
committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  who  recommended  that 
the  sixth  article  of  the  ordinance  of  1787  be  suspended,  in  a  quali- 
fied manner,  for  ten  years,  so  as  to  permit  the  introduction  of  slaves, 
(bom  in  the  United  States,)  into  the  territory  of  Indiana,  wbich 
then  included  Illinois.   This  resolution  was  lost 

At  the  secsion  of  the  Territorial  legislature  of  1806-7,  a  series  of 
resolutions  were  adopted,  and  reported  to  Congress.  One  strong 
resolution  was  reported  by  the  committee  to  which  they  were  re- 
ferred, in  favor  of  a  suspension  of  the  sixth  article  of  the  ordi- 
nance for  ten  years,  and  was  lost  in  the  House. 

This  movement  produced  a  political  reaction  in  the  territoiy. 
The  opponents  of  the  measure  brought  out  as  a  candidate  for  Con- 
gress, Jonathan  Jennings,  and  elected  him  over  the  opposite  candi- 
date, and  continued  him  by  successive  re-elections,  until  the  State 
govemoMnt  was  formed. 

To  avoid  the  restriction  in  the  oi^nio  law,  the  Territory  of  Indi- 
ana passed  an  act,  (September  17, 1807,)  entitled  **An  act  concerning 
tlie  iniroducUm  of  negroes  and  rmdattoes  into  this  Territory."  It  legal- 
ized the  introduction  of  that  class  of  persons,  (who  were  slaves  in 
the  States  or  territories,)  into  that  territory,  by  requiring  the  owner 
or  possessor  to  enter  into  indentures  with  his  slave,  to  serve 
for  a  stipulated  period  as  an  indentured  servant,  and  then  become 
free. 

A  record  of  this  roust  be  made  in  the  court  of  common  pleas, 
witiiin  thirty  days  after  the  introduction  of  the  slave  or  slaves. 
C9iildren  under  fifteen  years  of  age,  were  required  to  serve  their 
former  owner  or  possessor — males,  until  thirty-five  years  of  age, 
and  females,  until  thirty4wo  yean  of  age.  This  class  was  termed 
**  indentured  ■ervanta.'" 

Many  slaveholders  from  Vuginia,  Kentucky,  and  other  States, 
n^o  deirfred  to  reUeve  themselves  from  the  ownership  of  slaves, 
migrated  and  availed  theiptselves  of  this  law.    This  form  of  servi- 


•        ♦■• 


1824. 


SLATIRT  DISOUflBION  IN  XLLIVOIS. 


951 


tude  has  been  removed  by  judicial  deciiione  in  ludiana,  and  by  the 
new  constitution  in  Illinois* 

For  several  years  after  the  war,  persons  migrated  t6  Illinois,  with 
the  view  of  emancipating  their  slaves.  Among  these  was  Edward 
Coles,  a  native  of  Virginia,  who  had  been  educated  at  William  and 
Mary  College,  under  the  tuition  of  Bishop  Madison,  where  he  r»> 
ceived  the  conviction  of  the  wrong  and  impolicy  of  negro  slavery; 
and  he  then  formed  the  resolution,  that  should  he  come  in  posses- 
Bion  of  this  species  of  property,  he  would  immediately  emancipate 
them.  Mr.  Ooles  became  Private  Secretary  for  President  Madison, 
and  remained  six  years  an  inmate  of  his  family^  He  was  then  sent 
on  a  special  mission  to  Russia,  as  the  bearer  of  dispatches  to  the 
American  minister,  the  late  J.  Q.  Adams,  during  which  time  hie 
made  the  tour  of  Europe.  On  his  return,  he  effected  a  sale  of  his 
plantation,  and  removed  his  slaves  to  Illinois ;  in  1819,  purchased 
one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  land  for  each  family,  and  superin- 
tended their  settlement.  Soon  after,  he  was  appointed  by  Presi- 
dent Monroe,  register  of  the  land  office  at  Edwardsville.  He  was 
elected  governor  of  the  State  in  1822,  and,  as  it  turned  out,  at  a 
most  important  crisis. 

"The  election  took  place  not  long  after  the  settlement  of  the 
great  Missouri  question.  The  Illinois  Senators  in  Congress  had 
voted  for  the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the  Union  as  a  slave 
State,  without  restriction,  whilst  Mr.  Cook,  the  only  representative 
in  the  lower  House,  voted  against  it.  This  helped  to  keep  alive 
some  questions  for,  or  against,  the  introduction  of  slavery. 

"About  this  time  also,  a  tide  of  immigration  was  pouring  into 
Missouri,  through  Illinois,  from  Kentucky  and  Virginia.  In  the 
fall  of  the  year,  every  great  road  was  crowded,  tind  tall  (f  them, 
all  bound  for  Missouri,  with  money,  and  long  trains  of  teams  and 
black  and  mulatto  slaves.  Some  of  these  were  the  most  wealthy 
and  best  educated  people  from  the  Slave  States.  Many  of  the 
IHinois  people  who  had  land  and  fSirms  to  sell,  looked  upon  the 
Kood  fortune  of  Miseouri  with  envy ;  whilst  the  loidly  immignuity 
M  he  passed  along  with  his  money  and  droves  of  servants,  took  a 
malicions  pleasure  in  increasing  it,  by  pretending  to  regret  the 
BhorUstghted  policy  of  Illinois,  whuih  exoladed  him  from  purohasf 
ing  land  and  making  settlement  there.  In  this  mode,  a  desire  to 
make  Illinois  a  Slave  State  became  quite  prevalent  Notwithstaud. 
ing  the  defeat  of  the  slavery  party  at  this  election,  they  were  not 
annihilated;  they  had  only  been  beaten  for  governor  by  a  division 
in  their  own  ranks,  whilst  they  had  elected  a  large  minority  in 


062 


SLATSRT  BISOUBBION  IN  ILLXK0I8. 


1824. 


each  House  of  the  Assembly,  and  were  npw  determined  to  make  a 
vigorous  effort  to  carry  their  measures  at  the  session  of  the  legisla- 
ture to  be  held  in  1821^28. 

"Governor  Ooles,  in  his  first  message,  recommended  the  emanci. 
'pation  of  the  French  slaves.  This  served  as  the  spark  to  kindle 
into  activity  all  the  elements  in  favor  of  slavery."  * 

Henceforth  the  question  assumed  an  alarming  attitude  in  poli< 
tics. 

The  old  constitution  provided  for  alterations  only  in  one  mode. 
A  vote  of  two-thirds  of  the  General  Assembly  could  authorize  the 
people  to  vote  for  or  against  a  convention,  at  the  next  election. 
K  a  majority  of  votes  was  in  favor,  the  subsequent  legislature  was 
required  to  order  an  election  for  members  to  the  convention,  and 
i^point  the  time  of  meeting,  the  apportionment  to  be  in  ratio  to 
the  members  in  both  Houses  of  the  General  Assembly. 

At  that  period,  the  progress  of  the  population  northward,  had 
rendered  this  apportionment  peculiarly  unequal,  and  the  strong 
hold  of  the  advocates  of  slavery  was  in  the  counties  near  the  Ohio 
river;  and  in  the  old  French  settlements. 

It  was  demonstrated,  that  on  a  contingency,  one-fourth  of  the 
votes  of  the  people  could  elect  a  minority  in  a  convention,  and  that 
minority  might  probably  be  in  fovor  of  opening  the  State  for  sla- 
very. Hence  it  became  a  paramount  object  of  the  opponents  of 
the  measure,  to  defeat  the  convention. 

After  several  efforts,  it  was  found  that  the  constitutional  minority 
in  the  legislature  was  lacking  by  one  vote.  A  contested  election,  of 
a  perplexing  and  complicated  character,  had  come  from  Pike 
county,  then  including  all  the  territory  north  and  west  of  the  Illi- 
nois river,  and,  at  the  early  part  of  the  session,  was  decided  in 
&vor  of  Mr.  Hanson;  but  some  members  who  were  opposed  to  a 
convention,  conscientiously  gave  their  votes  for  the  contestant,  Mr. 
Shaw. 

After  a  stormy  session  of  about  ten  weeks,  the  convention  party 
adopted  the  desperate  alternative  of  a  re-consideration,  and  tamed 
oat  Hanson,  and  put  in  Shaw.  This  turned  the  scale,  and  the  vote 
recommending  the  people  to  vote  for  or  against  a  convention,  was 
ciirried.  A  number  of  the  members  of  both  Houses  entered  their 
solemn  protest  against  both  the  object  and  the  measures  to  ob- 
tain it. 


•  ronfa  Hiatorj  of  Ullnoii. 


1824. 


SLATEET  DISCUSSION  IN  ILLINOIS. 


OSS 


The  resolution  passed  bo.th  Houses  bui  a  short  time  before  tlie 
A^oummenty  February,  1828.  Only  oue  of  the  four  papers  in  the 
State— -the  "Edwardsvillo  Spectator,"  by  Hooper  Warren — at  tliat 
time  took  a  decided  stand  against  slavery  and  a  convention. 

Elections  were  biennial,  and  the  question  could  not  be  deeided 
antil  the  first  Monday  in  August,  1824;  the  contest  was  spirited. 
The  people  who  were  opposed  to  the  introduction  of  slavery,  be- 
came  aroused ;  public  meetings  were  held;  and  societies  organized 
for  "the  prevention  of  slavery  in  Illinois."  The  first  move  was 
made  in  the  county  of  St  Clair,  where  the  convention  party  were 
Btrong,'  and  led  by  some  of  the  strongest  political  men  in  thf 
State.  .     . 

A  county  society  was  organized,  officers  appointed,  an  Address 
to  the  people  of  Illinois  was  published,  and  an  invitation  made  to 
form  societies  in  other  counties.  Fourteen  similar  societies  were 
organized  in  as  many  counties,  and  a  correspondence  established 
in  them  through  persons  who  could  be  trusted,  in  every  coun^ 
and  election  precinct.  This  system  was  in  full  operation  before 
August,  and  a  year  remained  to  gather  strength. 

The  opposite  pairty  relied  on  quiet  and  concealed  operations. 
Many  denied,  and  doubtless  honestly,  that  the  introduction  of  sla* 
very  was.  the  object;  and  believed  that  there  were  objectionable 
features  in  the  constitution,  that  should  be  removed.  In  the  coun- 
ties north  of  the  road  from  St.  Louis  to  Vinceunes,  very  little  waa 
said  by  this  party  in  favor  of  slavery,  except  to  ward  off  the  charges 
made  by  their  opponents. 

The  members  of  the  preceding  legislature,  who  had  protested 
against  the  convention  question,  contributed  each  fifty  dollars  from 
their  wages,  to  meet  expenses  in  printing  and  circulating  papers. 
The  governor  was  in  the  opposition,  and  at  once  resolved  to  expend 
his  four  years'  salary  in  the  contest,  and  nobly  did  he  redeem  th<) 
pledge. 

The  summer  and  autumn  wore  away,  and  the  convention  party 
bad  no  regular  organization.  The  time  appointed  tor  rallying  the 
leaders  and  acting  in  concert,  was  in  December,  at  the  session  of 
the  Supreme  Oourt  in  Yandalia.  The  paper  at  that  place,  that 
performed  the  public  printing,  was  their  strong  garrison,  so  far  as 
newspaper  armor  was  concerned.  On  the  morning. of  their  meet* 
ing,  this  citidal  aurrtndered  to  their  opponentSj  hmsted  the  anti-con^ 
vention  flag,  and  prepared  to  pour  grape-diot  into  their  ranks,  iii 
the  form  of  newspaper  bullets. 
Qovemor  Colef  had  purchased  an  interest  in  the  press;  David 
61 


^ 


0LATSRT  OlASBit  HI  XLLIXOII. 


1824. 


Blaokwell,  of  Belleyille,  had  been  appointed  Secretary  of  State,  to 
fill  a  Taoanoy,  and  conducted  the  paper  as  editor.  From  that  time 
until  Attgnet,  the  contest  was  carried  on  vigorously  by  both  puv 
ties  and  finally  decided  against  a  convention,  by  aboQt  eighteen 
hundred  minority.  The  nnmber  of  votes  given  iu  the  State,  was 
nearly  twelve  thousand. 

During  the  contest  it  was  anticipated  that  an  indirect  influenoe 
out  of  the  State,  would  be  exerted  to  gun  the  question.  All  such 
extraneous  influence  the  opponents  resisted.  Of  the  membera  of 
Congress,  Qovernor  Edwards  and  Daniel  P.  Oook,  were  strong  in 
the  opposition,  and  each  wielded  a  vigorous  pen  in  the  cause. 

In  six  months  after,  the  question  was  settled ;  a  politician  who 
was  in  &vor  of  the  introduction  of  slaveiy  in  the  State,  was  a  baba 

▲VIS. 


In  this  year,  the  Miami  University  of  Oxford,  Ohio,  was  fitBt 
organized  as  a  college.  The  following  sketch  of  the  institution  and 
its  history,  from  the  pen  of  James  M'Bride,  Esq ,  President  of  thfi 
Board  of  Trustees  of  the  same,  (to  which  are  added  some  remarks 
respecting  the  female  seminaries  of  Oxford,)  will  be  found 
interesting. 

**  The  Miami  University  is  situated  in  the  town  of  Oxford,  Butler 
county.  State  of  Ohio,  thirty-three  miles  distant  from  CinciDnati. 
The  college  derives  its  permanent  endowment  from  a  township  of 
land,  six  miles  square,  situated  in  the  north-west  comer  of  Batler 
county,  being  located  in  lieu  of  a  township  of  land,  which  had  been 
originally  granted  by  the  Gongress  of  the  United  States,  for  the 
endowment  of  an  academy  and  other  seminaries  of  learning,  in 
Symmes'  purchase,  between  the  Miami  rivers. 

"John  Oleves  Symmes,  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey,  presented  his 
petition  to  Congress,  dated  the  29th  day  of  August,  1787,  proposing 
to  become  the  purchaser  of  one  million  of  acres  of  land,  lying 
between  the  C^reat  and  Little  Miami  rivers,  and  that  one  township 
should  be  assigned  in  the  tract  for  the  benefit  of  an  academy,  b 
pursuance  of  which,  an  agreement  was  made  with  Symmes  and  his 
associates  for  the  sale  of  one  million  of  acres.  The  price  of  the 
land  was  to  be  two-thirds  of  a  dollar  per  acre,  part  payable  in  install- 
ments. The  -latter,  not  having  been  punctually  met.  Congress 
passed  a  law,  dated  the  6th  day  of  May,  1792,  authorizing  the 
conveyance  to  John  Cleves  Symmes  and  his  associates,  of  such 
number  of  acres  of  land  as  the  payments  then  made  would  pay  for. 

**0n  setUement  at  the  treasury,  it  appeared  that  Synunes 


1824. 


BXnOKT  or  MIAMI  VMITnUlfTT. 


9M 


and  his  «Mociatet  had  paid  in  one  hundred  and  dxty^five  tiioneand 
nx  hondred  and  ninety-three  dollars  and  forty-two  cents,  by  which 
they  were  entitled  to  two  hundred  and  forty-eight  thoosand  five 
hundred  and  forty  acres  of  land.  On  which  settlement  being  com- 
pleted, George  Washington,  the  then  President  of  the  United 
States,  issued  a  patent  to  John  Cleves  Symmes  and  his  associates, 
dated  tiie  thirteenth  day  of  September,  1794,  for  three  hundred  and 
eleven  thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty-two  acres  of  land,  reserving 
out  of  this  tract,  however,  one  complete  township  of  six  miles 
square,  for  the  endowment  and  support  of  an  academy  and  other 
public  schools  and  seminaries  of  learning,  and  such  other  resem^ 
taous  as  were  stipulated  in  the  contract,  so  that  only  two  hundred 
and  forty-eight  thousand  five  hundred  and  forty  acres  were  the 
property  of  the  grantees— the  residue  consisted  of  the  various  reser- 
vations and  grants  for  public  purposes  specified  in  the  agreement 
and  law. 

"So  soon  as  Symmes  completed  his  contract  with  the  govern- 
ment, he  commenced  selling  lands  indiscriminately  of  his  purchase, 
80  that  soon  after  the  patent  issued  there  was  not  an  entire  town- 
ship within  its  bounds  unsold,  which  he  could  tender  or  appropri- 
ate for  a  college.  The  people  who  had  settled  in  the  purchase, 
fearing  that  they  would  lose  the  benefit  of  the  donation  for  mi  insti- 
tution of  learning,  petitioned  the  legislature  of  the  territory,  and 
the  latter  memorialized  Congress  on  the  subject.  The  convention 
who  formed  the  first  constitution  of  the  State  of  Ohio,  also,  repre- 
Bented  the  matter  to  Congress,  and  insisted  that  a  township  of  land 
should  be  secured  according  to  the  original  intention. 

"In  consequence  of  these  applications.  Congress,  by  law,  in  1808, 
granted  a  township  of  land,  to  be  located  west  of  the  Great  Miami 
river,  under  the  direction  of  the  le^slature  of  the  State,  in  lieu  of 
the  township  originally  intended  to  be  reserved  in  Symmes'  pur- 
chase; on  which,  the  le^lature  of  the  State  of  Ohio,  in  1808, 
paised  a  law,  and  appointed  commissioners  to  loctdim  a  coUege  town- 
ship, in  pursuance  of  which,  the  present  townshq»  of  Oxford  was 
selected  on  the  1st  of  September,  1808. 

"The  Miami  University  was  established  by  act  of  incorporation, 
passed  by  the  legislature  of  Ohio,  in  Febmaxy,  1809,  and  by  an 
amendatory  act,  passed  in  Febmaiy,  1810,  the  trustees  of  the  inati- 
tntion  were  directed  to  lay  out  the  town  of  Oxford,  and  the  site  of 
the  University  was  established  at  that  place,  on  the  lands  set  apart 
for  its  endowment 
"These  lands  we  leased  for  ninety-nine  iietts,  renewable  forevw. 


WB 


nXSVORt  01  MIAMI  UHIVBBStTT. 


1821 


ktibjeot  to  the  Annu&I  payment  of  a  quit  rent  of  t\x  per  oent  on  th« 
purchase  money.  It  required  a  number  of  years  before  all  the 
lands  were  disposed  of  and  suitable  buildings  erected,  to  aocommo* 
date  the  college.  So  soon  as  this  was  aooomplished,  a  &oul(y  wai 
organized^,  and  the  college  was  opened  on  the  first  Monday  of 
Kovember,  1824,  under  tilie  suporintendenee  of  the  Bev.  Robert  H. 
Bishop,  a  native  of  Scotlfuid,  and  a  clergyman  of  the  Presbyterian 
denomination,  as  presidents  He  continued  to  preside  over  the 
institution  until  the  year  1841.  The  first  commencement,  when 
degrees  were  conferred,  was  held  in  September,  1826,  when  the 
degree  of  A.  B.  was  conferred  on  twelve  young  gentlemen. 

*' Since  that  time,  the  whole  number  who  have  graduated  in  the 
college,  up  to  the  year  1856,  inclusive,  is  five  hundred  and  seventy* 
nine. 

"  The  town  of  Oxford  is  situated  on  an  elevated  and  commanding 
prominence,  from  which  the  ground  descends  gently  in  all  direo> 
tions.  It  is  laid  out  one  mile  square,  in  the  eastern  part  of  which 
is  reserved  a  plat  of  ground  on  which  are  erected  the  college 
buHdings. 

"T'he  number  of  teachers  in  Miami  University,  are  six  professors, 
m  Principal  of  the  Preparatory  Department,  and  a  Principal  of  the 
Normal  and  Model  school.  According  to  the  catalogue  published 
for  the  last  year,  the  number  of  students  in  the  institution  was  two 
hundred  and  fifty-one. 

**The  permanent  revenue  for  the  support  of  iihe  Univenity, 
arising  ftom  the  rents  of  the  college  lands,  is  abotft  five  thousand 
five  hundred  dollars  per  annum,  in  addition  to  which,  is  the  receipts 
arising  from  taition  fees;  this  will,  however,  vary  according  to  the 
number  of  students  in  attendance. 

'  **  The  college  libraiy  contains  about  eight  thousand  volumes  oS 
books,  generally  well  selected  and  valuable.  There  is,  in  the  col- 
lege, a  well  arranged  and  valuable  cabinet  of  ^)ecimens,  which 
affords  the  meai^  of  a  very  complete  exhibition  6f  the  subjects  of 
Geology  and  Mineralogy.  And  the  apparatus  belonging  to  the 
college,  affords  the  means  for  a  satisfactory  illustration  of  the  most 
important  doctrines  of  the  various  depuiments  o£  Mathematics, 
(lbstr6uomy,  Natural  Philosophy  and  Ghemistiy.  *The  Theologi- 
cal Seminary  of  the  Associate  Reformed  Synod  of  the  West,'  is 
Wfiowise  located  at  Oxford. 

'''^*  Besides  the  University  and  Theological  Seminary,  there  are 
three  other  seminaries,  for  the  education  of  females,  at  Oxford.  In 
48>t9|*Tbe  Oxford  Female  Institute'  was  eetabliehed  under  the 


182i 


OAKAL  AHD  SCHOOL  LAWS  PAf 81D  I*  OHIO. 


057 


dinotion  of  the  Ber.  John  W.  Soott,  D.  B.  The  number  of  pupili 
in  attendance  from  the  time  of  its  opening  np  to  the  present  time, 
According  to  the  published  catalogues,  has  been  from  one  hundred 
and  thirty-nine  to  one  hundred  and  sevecty-two. 

"An  institution  called  'The  Western  Femajie  Seminary,'  (on  the 
plan  of  the  Mount  HoUyoke  Seminary,)  was  dedicated  iu  Septem* 
ber,  1855.    It  opened  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  pupils. 

"'The  Oxford  Female  Oollege '  is  erected  on  a  tract  of  twenty- 
five  acres  of  land,  near  the  north-east  comer  of  the  town  of  Oxford. 
The  building  is  extensive  and  elegant,  and  said  to  be  admirably 
adapted  for  the  purpose  for  wbieh  it  is  intended." 

Upon  the  4th  of  Febrauy,  1825,  a  law  was  passed  by  Ohio,  author- 
1826.]  izing  the  making  of  two  canals,  one  from  th«  Ohio  to  Lake 
Erie,  by  the  valleys  of  the  Scioto  and  Muskingum ;  the  other  from 
Cincinnati  to  Dayton ;  and  a  canal  fand  was  created ;  the  vote  in 
the  House  in  favor  of  the  law  was  fifty-eight  to  thirteen ;  in  the 
Senate,  thirty-four  to  two. 

Upon  the  day  following,  the  law  to  provide  for  a  system  of  com- 
mon schools  was  also  passed  by  large  mfyorities^ 

These  two  laws  were  carried  by  the  union  of  the  friends  of  each, 
and  by  the  unremitting  efforts  of  a  few  public  spirited  men. 

C^neral  Clark  and  Governor  Cass,  having  been  appointed  com- 
missioners, to  mediate  at  Prairie  du  Chien,  between  the  Sioux, 
Bao,  Fox,  Chippewa,  Menomonie  and  Winnebago  tribes  of  Indians, 
and  to  establicdi  boundaries  between  them,  returns  were  received 
from  those  gentle*nen  this  year.  They  had  been  successful  in  their 
undertaking  and  had  concluded  treaties  with  those  tribes,  by  which 
their  long  and  bloody  wars  were  terminated,  and  boundaries 
Assigned  to  them,  as  the  surest  guarantee  against  future  hostilities. 

In  1826,  the  first  steamboat  was  seen  on  the  waters  of  Lake  Miohi- 
1826.]  gan,  a  pleasure  trip  having  been  made  that  year  to  Green 
Bay;  and,  although  daring  the  following  years  similar  trips  were 
made  to  that  place,  it  was  not  until  1882  that  a  boat  visited  Chicago. 
In  1888,  the  thMle  upon  the  upper  lakes  was  carried  on  by  eleven 
steamboats,  costing  about  three  hundred  and  raxty  thousand  dollars, 
and  two  trips  were  made  to  Chicago  and  one  to  Green  Bay.  In 
1824,  there  were  eighteen  boats,  costing  six  hundred  thousand  dol- 
lars, and  three  trips  were  made  to  Chicago  and  one  to  Green  Bay. 
The  commerce  west  of  Detroit,  at  that  time,  and  for  many  years 


nmn  stiamboat  At  obioaqo. 


1888. 


afterward,  being  almost  eDtirely  confined  to  the  Indian  trade  and 
to  supplying  the  United  States  military  posts,  some  small  schooners 
were  also  employed.  The  trade  rapidly  increased  with  the  popa. 
lation,  nntil,  in  1840,  there  were  upon  Uie  upper  lakes,  forty-eight 
steamers  of  from  one  hundred  and  fifty  to  seven  hundred  and  fifty 
tons  burden,  and  costing  two  millions  of  dollars,  the  business  west 
of  Detroit  producing  to  the  owners  about  two  hundred  and  ods 
thousand  dollars.  In  1841,  the  trade  had  so  augmented  as  to 
employ  six  of  the  largest  boats  in  running  from  BuflUo  to  Chicago, 
and  one  to  Green  Bay,  and  during  that  year,  the  sailing  vessels  had 
increased  to  about  two  hundred  and  fifty,  of  iVom  thirty  to  thres 
hundred  and  fifty  tons,  costing  about  one  million  two  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  dollars.  In  1846,  there  were  upon  the  upper  lakes^ 
sixty  vessels,  including  propellers,  moved  by  steam,  measuring 
twenty-three  tiionsand  tons,  and  three  hundred  and  twenty  sailing 
vessels,  costing  four  millions  six  hundred  thousand  dollars,  some  of 
them  measuring  one  thousand  two  hundred  tons.  The  increase  io 
that  year  was  forty-seven  vessels,  canying  nine  thousand  seven 
hundred  tons,  and  costing  six  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars; 
and  since  the  last  fall,  sixteen  steamers  and  fourteen  sailing  veasolt 
of  the  largest  class  have  been  put  under  construction.  In  1845, 
there  were  upon  Lake  Ontario,  fifteen  steamboats  and  propellen, 
and  about  one  hundred  sailing  vessels,  having  a  burden  of  eighteen 
thousand  tons,  and  costing  one  million  five  hundred  thousand  dol- 
lars, many  of  which,  by  using  the  Welland  canal,  cany  on  business 
with  Chicago  and  other  places  on  the  western  lakes.  Since  the 
dose  of  the  last  season  many  additional  vessels  have  been  built  on 
this  lake. 

The  commerce  of  the  port  of  Buffido  alone,  during  the  year  1845, 
amounted  to  thirty-three  millions  of  dollars  in  value ;  and  that  of 
all  the  other  places  on  the  lakes  exceeding  that  amount,  would 
make  an  aggregate  of  tall  seventy  millions  of  dollars,  while  even 
this  would  be  greatiy  augmented  if  we  could  add  the  value  of  the 
commerce  of  the  upper  lakes,  which,  by  the  way  of  the  Welland 
canal,  goes  direct  to  the  Canadian  ports.  The  steamboats  alone 
leaving  BufiSilo  for  the  West,  in  the  year  1845,  carried  from  that 
place  ninety-seven  thousand  seven  hundred  and  thirty-six  passen- 
gers, of  whom  twenty  thousand  six  hundred  and  thirty-six  were 
landed  at  Detroit,  one  thousand  six  hundred  and  seventy  at  Macki- 
nac, twelve  thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy-five  at  Milwaukie, 
two  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety  at  Southport,  two  thoa- 
sand  seven  hundred  and  fifty  at  Racine,  and  twenty  thousand  two 


1882. 


BinOBT  Of  BUCK  HAWK  WAB. 


968 


handred  and  fortgr-foar  at  Ohioago.  If  to  this  aggragate  we  were 
to  add  the  nambert  arriving  at  Ba&lo  from  the  wett,  and  the 
namben  leayiog  there  in  sailing  yeasele,  the  mnltitadea  going 
between  other  places  on  those  lakes,  and  some  fifty  thousand  who 
were  passengers  in  the  vessels  on  Lake  Ontario,  we  would  have  a 
grand  total  of  at  least  two  handred  and  fifty  thousand  passengers 
on  the  lakes  during  the  last  year,  whose  lives  were  subjected  to  all  the 
risks  attending  the  navigation  of  those  waters,  exclusive  of  tiie  ofil- 
cers  and  crews  of  all  the  vessels  engaged  in  that  navigation.  From 
1840  to  1846,  upwards  of  four  hundred  lives,  and  property  worth 
more  than  a  million  of  dollars  have  been  lost  on  the  lakes. 

Since  that  period,  the  trade  upon  the  lakes  has  increased  so  much, 
and  has  become  so  very  extensive,  that  it  has  been  difilcult  to  keep 
correct  accounts ;  but  from  the  report  of  the  loss  of  human  life  as  well 
as  property,  it  seems  that  this  has  increased  in  an  even  greater  ratio. 

In  1804,  Qeneral  Harrison  purchased  from  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  at 
1882.]  St.  Louis,  an  immense  extent  of  country,  bounded  as  fol- 
lows, vis: 

Beginning  at  a  point  on  the  Missouri  river,  opposite  the  mouth 
of  the  Gasconade  river;  thence  in  a  direct  coarse  so  as  to  strike  the 
river  Jeffireon,*  at  the  distance  of  thirty  miles  from  its  mouth,  and 
down  the  said  Jeffreon  to  the  Mississippi;  thence  up  the  Mis- 
BiBsippi,  to  the  month  of  the  Ouisoonsin  river,  and  up  the  same 
to  a  point,  which  shall  be  thirty-six  miles  in  a  direct  line  firom  the 
mouth  of  the  said  river;  thence  by  a  direct  line,  to  the  point  where 
the  Fox  river,  (a  branch  of  the  Illinois,)  leaves  the  small  lake  called 
Bakaegan;  thenc?  down  the  Fox  river  to  the  Illinois  river,  and 
down  the  same  to  the  Mississippi. 

And  in  consideration  of  the  friendship  and  protection  of  the 
United  States,  as  likewise  goods,  to  the  value,  of  two  thousand  two 
handred  and  thirty-four  dollars,  then  delivered,  and  a  farther  an- 
nuity of  one  thousand  dollars,  to  be  paid  to  them  annually,  in  goods, 
deliverable  at  St  Louis,  or  some  convenient  point  on  the  Missis- 
sippi river,  the  said  tribes  ceded  and  relinquished  forever  to  the 
United  States,  all  the  lands  included  within  the  above  described 
boundary. 

Of  the  yearly  annmty,  which,  if  required  by  the  Indians,  might 
be  paid  in  compensation  of  useful  artificers,  to  reside  with  or  near 


•BelieTed  to  b«  the  Dea  Moines. 


m 


SISTORT  or  BLACK  HAWK  WAB. 


1882. 


fliem,  and  to  work  for  them,  b\x  hundred  dollan  were  to  be  for  the 
Sacs,  and  four  hundred  for  the  Foxes. 

The  United  States,  iu  the  treaty  made,  farther  agreed  to  protect 
fhe  Indians,  to  prohibit  the  whites  from  intmding  <mI  Hieir  lands, 
to  regulate  the  trade  of  the  whites  with  them,  in  order  to  pat  a  atop 
to  the  abases  and  impositions  to  which  they  had  been  saltjeot,  and 
to  pat  an  end  to  the  bloody  war  which  had  till  then  raged  between 
these  tribes,  and  those  of  the  Great  and  Little  Osages. 

The  Indians,  for  their  part,  agreed  never  to  sell  their  lands,  or 
any  part  of  tbem,  to  any  sovereign  power  bat  the  United  States, 
nor  to  eiHzena  of  any  power  whatever;  and  it  was  mntaally  BtipQla< 
ted  that  in  case  of  robberies,  thefts,  or  mnrders,  the  property  taken, 
if  discovered,  should  be  mutually  restored,  or  indemnification  paid, 
and  the  respective  culprits  delivered  up  to  the  United  States,  and 
punished  aceording  to  the  laws  of  the  latter.* 

"  This  treaty  was  confirmed  by  a  part  of  the  tribe  in  the  council 
at  Portage  Des  Sioux,  in  September,  1816,  and  by  another  part  in 
a  treaty  with  tlie  same  commissioners,  in  May,  1816.  The  United 
States  had,  previous  to  1880,  caused  some  of  these  lands,  sitaate  on 
Bock  river,  to  be  surveyed  and  sold.  These  lands  included  the  great 
town  of  the  nation,  near  the  mouth  of  the  river.  The  purchasers 
from  the  government  moved  on  their  lands,  built  houses,  made 
fences  and  fields,  and  thus  took  possessiop  of  the  ancient  metropolis 
of  the  Indian  nation.  The  principal  part  of  the  Indians  had  long 
since  moved  from  their  town  to  the  west  of  the  Mississippi. 

'*But  there  was  one  old  chief  of  the  Sacs,  called  Mncata  Mulii* 
catah,  or  Black  Hawk,t  who  always  denied  the  validity  of  these 
treaties.  Black  Hawk  was  now  an  old  man.  He  had  been  a  wa^ 
nor  from  his  youth.  He  had  led  many  a  war  party  on  the  trail  of 
an  enemy,  and  had  never  been  defeated.  He  had  been  in  the  service 
of  England  in  the  war  of  1812,  and  aid-de>camp  to  the  great  Tecum- 
the.  He  was  distingnished  for  courage,  and  for  clemency  to  the  van- 
quished. He  was  an  Indian  patriot,  a  kind  husband  and  father, 
and  was  noted  for  his  integrity  in  all  his  dealings  with  his  tribe 
and  with  the  Indian  traders.  He  was  firmly  attached  to  the  Bri- 
tish, and  cordially  hated  the  Americans.  At  the  close  of  the  war 
of  1812,  he  had  never  joined  in  making  peace  with  the  United 
States,  but  he  and  his  band  still  kept  up  their  connection  with  Can- 
ada, and  were  ever  ready  for  a  war  with  our  people.    In  hb  pe^ 


*  Sm  page  920.  f  See  page  921. 


1889. 


ntioiT  or  K.AOX  hawk  wab. 


961 


lonal  deportment  lie  wm  gmve  and  melancholy,  with  a  disposition 
to  cherish  and  brood  over  the  wrongs  he  supposed  he  had  received 
from  the  Americans.  He  was  thirsting  for  revenge  npon  his  ene* 
mies,  and  il  the  same  time  bis  piety  constrained  him  to  devote  a 
day  in  the  year  to  visit  the  grave  of  a  favorite  daughter  baried  on 
the  Mississippi  river,  not  tu  firom  Oqnaka.  Here  he  came  on  his 
yearly  visits,  and  spent  a  day  by  the  grave,  lamenting  and  bewail- 
ing the  death  of  one  who  had  been  the  pride  of  his  family,  and  of 
bis  Indian  home.  With  these  feelings  was  mingled  the  certain  and 
melancholy  prospect  of  the  eitinction  of  his  tribe,  and  the  transfer 
of  his  country  to  the  possession  of  a  hated  enemy;  whilst  he  and 
bis  people  were  to  be  driven,  as  he  supposed,  into  a  strange  coun- 
tiy,  far  fh>m  the  graves  of  bis  ftthers  and  his  children.  < 

*' Black  Hawk's  own  account  of  the  treaty  of  1804,  is  as  followss 
He  says  that  some  Indians  of  the  tribe  were  arrested  and  impria* 
oned  in  8t  Louis  for  murder;  that  some  of  the  chiefs  were  sent 
down  to  provide  for  their  defense;  that  whilst  there,  and  without 
{he  consent  of  the  nation,  they  were  induced  to  sell  the  Indian 
country;  that  when  they  came  home,  it  appeared  that  they  had 
been  drunk  most  of  the  time  they  were  absent,  and  could  give  no 
account  of  what  they  bad  done,  except  that  they  had  sold  some 
land  to  the  white  people,  and  had  como  home  loaded  with  presents 
and  Indian  fineiy.  This  was  all  that  the  nation  ever  heard  or 
knew  about  the  treaty  of  1804. 

"Under  the  belief  that  the  treaty  was  void,  he  resisted  the  order 
of  the  government  for  the  removal  of  his  bimd  west  of  the  Missis- 
rippi.  He  was  industriously  engaged  in  securing  followers,  and 
guned  many  accessions  to  his  party.  Like  Tecumthe,  he,  too,  had 
his  Prophet,  whose  influence  over  the  superstations  savages  was 
not  without  effect. 

"In  1880,  an  arrangement  was  made  by  the  Americans,  who  had 
purchased  Hie  land  above  the  mouth  cf  Rook  river,  and  the  Indiana 
that  remained — ^Black  Hawk  himself  being  at  th^r  head— to  live 
aa  neighbors;  the  latter  cultivating  their  old  fields.  In  the  spring, 
after  plantings  the  Indians  left  according  to  their  custom,  for  their 
rammer  hunt,  and  returned  in  time  to  gather  their  com.  They 
alleged,  that  during  their  absence,  some  depredations  had  been 
committed  on  their  property,  and  Black  Hawk  was  highly  incensed. 
In  the  fell  he  left  with  his  band  for  the  winter  hunt,  and  in  the 
spring  of  1881,  he  recroased  the  river,  with  his  women  and  chil- 
dren, and  three  hundred  warriors  of  the  British  band,  togetiier  with 
some  allies  fh>m  the  Pottawattamie  and  Eickapoo  nations,  to 


MS 


BIROBT  Of  BLACK  BAWK  WAB. 


18a 


MUblith  himMlf  npon  hif  ancient  banting  gronndi,  md  in  th« 
prinoipal  village  of  hit  nation.  He  ordered  the  white  eettlen  away, 
threw  down  their  fences,  unroofed  their  honset,  oat  up  their  grain, 
drove  off  and  killed  their  cattle,  and  threatened  tha  faople  with 
death  if  they  remiuned.  The  aettlera  made  their  oomphiiDts  to 
Qovemor  Beynolda.  Theee  acta  of  the  Indiana  were  considered  by 
the  governor  to  be  an  invasion  of  the  State.  He  immediately  ad* 
dressed  letters  to  General  Gaines,  of  the  United  States  army,  and 
to  General  CUurk,  the  saperintendent  of  Indian  afl^rs,  calling  upon 
ihem  to  ase  the  influence  of  the  government  to  procure  the  peaceful 
removal  of  the  Indians,  if  possible;  at  all  events  to  defend  and  pro* 
tect  the  American  oitiaens  who  had  purchased  those  lands  from 
the  United  States,  and  were  now  aboot  to  be  ejected  by  the  Indi* 
ans.  General  Gaines  repured  to  Rock  Island,  with  a  few  companiei 
of  regular  soldiers,  and  soon  ascertained  that  the  Indians  were  bent 
upon  war.  He  immediately  called  upon  Governor  Reynolds  for 
seven  hundred  mounted  volunteers.  The  governor  obeyed  the 
requisition.  A  call  was  made  npon  some  of  the  northern  and 
central  counties,  in  obedience  to  which  fifteen  hundred  volunteen 
rushed  to  his  standard,  at  Beardstown,  and  about  the  10th  of  Jane 
were  organized,  and  ready  to  be  marched  to  the  seat  of  war. 

"The  army  proceeded  in  four  days  to  the  Mississippi,  at  a  place 
now  called  Rockport,  about  eight  miles  below  the  mouth  of  Rock 
river,  where  it  met  General  Gaines  in  a  steamboat,  with  a  supply 
of  provisions.  Here  it  encamped  for  one  night  and  here  the  two 
generals  concerted  a  plan  of  operations.  General  Gaines  had  been 
m  the  vicinity  of  the  Indian  town  for  about  a  month,  during  which 
time  it  might  be  supposed  that  he  had  made  himself  thoroughly 
acquainted  with  the  localities  and  topography  of  the  country.  The 
next  morning  the  volunteers  marched  forward,  with  an  old  regular 
soldier  for  a  guide.  The  steamboat  with  General  Gaines  ascended 
the  river.  A  battle  was  expected  to  be  fought  that  day  on  Yand* 
ruff's  Island,  opposite  the  Indian  town.  The  plan  was  for  the  vol- 
unteers to  cross  the  slough  on  to  this  island,  give  battle  to  the 
enemy  if  found  there,  and  then  to  ford  the  main  river  into  the 
town,  where  they  were  to  be  met  by  the  regular  force  coming  down 
from  the  fort  General  Gaines  had  ordered  the  artillery  of  the 
regular  army  to  be  stationed  on  a  high  bluff  which  looked  down 
upon  the  contemplated  battle-field  a  half  mile  distant,  from  whence, 
in  case  of  battle  with  the  Indians  in  the  tangled  tickets  of  the 
island,  their  shot  were  likely  to  kill  more  of  their  friends  than  their 
enemies.    It  would  have  been  impossible  for  the  artillerists  to  dis- 


1888. 


■momT  or  bi.aos  hawk  wab. 


068 


tingoith  one  ftom  the  other.  Atd  when  thtf  vrmj  Mriyed  at  the 
main  river,  they  found  it  a  bold,  deep  •trMMn,notfordAbleforah»lf 
mile  or  more  above  bj  horaes,  uod  no  meana  of  transportation  waa 
then  rendjr  tb  ferry  them  over.  Here  they  were  in  ai|^t  of  the  In- 
dian town,  with  a  narrow  but  deep  rtverranning  between,  and  here 
the  principal  part  of  them  renuuned  until  acowa  oonld  be  brought 
to  ferry  them  aoroaa. 

"When  the  volunteera  reached  the  town,  they  found  no  enemy 
there.  The  Indiana  had  quietly  departed  the  aame  morning  in  their 
canoea,  for  the  woatem  aide  of  the  Miaaiaaippi.  Whilat  in  camp 
twelve  milea  below,  the  evening  before,  a  canoe  load  of  Indiana 
eame  down  with  a  white  flag,  to  tell  the  general  that  they  were 
peaceable  Indians,  that  they  expected  a  great  battle  to  come  off  next 
day,  that  they  deaired  to  remain  neutral,  and  wanted  to  retire  with 
iheir  familiea  to  some  place  of  aafety,  and  they  aaked  to  know 
where  that  waa  to  be.  General  Gainea  anawered  them  very  ab- 
roptly,  and  told  them  to  be  off  and  go  to  the  other  aide  of  the  Mia- 
riaaippi.  That  night  they  returned  to  their  town,  and  the  next 
morning  early  the  whole  band  of  hoatile  Indiana  recroaaed  the  river, 
and  thua  entitled  themaelvea  to  protection. 

"The  enemy.having  eacaped,  the  volunteera  were  determined  to 
be  avenged  upon  aomething.  The  rain  deaoended  in  torrenta,  and 
the  Indian  wigwams  would  have  furnished  a  comfortable  ahelter; 
but,  notwithstanding  the  rain,  the  whole  town  waa  soon  wrapped 
in  flames,  and  thus  perished  an  ancient  village,  V'))^oh  had  once 
been  the  delightfiil  home  of  six  or  seven  thousand  Indiana. 

"The  volunteers  marched  to  Rock  Island  next  morning,  and  here 
ihey  encamped  for  several  days,  precisely  where  the  town  of  Rock 
Island  is  now  situated. 

"General  Gaines  threatened  to  pursue  the  Indians  across  the 
river,  which  brought  Black  Hawk,  and  the  chieft  and  braves  of  the 
hostile  band,  to  the  fort  to  sue  for  peace.  A  treaty  vras  here 
formed  with  them,  by  which  they  agreed  to  remain  forever  after  on 
west  side  of  the  river,  and  never  to  recross  it  without  the  permia- 
sion  of  the  president,  or  the  governor  of  the  State.  And  thua 
these  Indians  at  last  ratified  the  treaty  of  1804,  by  which  their  lands 
were  sold  to  the  white  people,  and  they  agreed  to  live  in  peace 
with  the  government.  • 

"But  notwithstanding  this  treaty,  early  in  the  spring  of  1882, 
Black  Hawk  and  the  disaffected  Indians  prepared  to  reassert  their 
right  to  the  disputed  territory. 

"  The  united- Sacs  and  Fox  nations  were  divided  into  two  parties. 


964 


AMIRIOAN  ABMT  AT  KOCK  RIYEB. 


1882. 


Black  Hawk  commanded  the  warlike  band,  and  Eeokak,  another 
chief,  headed  the  band  which  was  in  favor  of  peace.  E^okuk,  a 
sagacious  leader  of  his  people,  was  gifted  with  a  wild  and  stirring 
eloqnence,  rare  to  be  found  even  among  Indians,  by  means  of 
which  he  retained  the  greater  part  of  his  nation  in  amity  with  the 
white  people.  But  nearly  all  the  bold,  turbulent  spirits,  who  de- 
lighted in  mischief,  arranged  themselves  under  the  banners  of  his 
rival.  Black  Hawk  had  with  him  the  chivalry  of  his  nation,  with 
which  he  recrossed  the  Mississippi  in  the  spring  of  1832.  He  di- 
rected his  march  to  the  Rock  river  country,  and  this  time  aimed, 
by  marching  up  the  river  into  the  countries  of  the  Pottawattamies 
and  Winnebagoes,  to  make  them  his  allies.  Governor  Reynolds, 
upon  being  informed  of  the  facts,  made  another  call  for  volunteers. 
In  a  few  days  eighteen  hundred  men  rallied  under  his  banner  at 
Beardstown. 

"  The  army  proceeded  by  way  of  Oquaka,  on  the  Mississippi,  to 
the  mouth  of  Rock  river,  and  here  it  was  agreed  between  General 
Whiteside  and  General  Atkinson,  of  the  regulars,  that  the  volun- 
teers should  march  up  Rock  river,  about  fifty  miles,  to  the  Proph- 
et's town,  and  there  encamp  to  feed  and  rest  their  horses,  and  await 
the  arrival  of  the  regular  troops  in  keel  boats  with  provisions.  But 
when  he  arrived  at  the  Prophet's  town,  instead  of  remaining  there, 
his  men  set  fire  to  the  village,  which  was  entirely  conaamed,  and 
the  brigade  marched  on  in  the  direction  of  Dixon,  forty  miles 
higher  up  the  river.  "When  the  volunteers  had  arrived  within  a 
short  distance  of  Dixon,  orders  were  given  to  leave  the  baggage 
wagons  behind,  so  as  to  reach  there  by  a  forced  march.  And  for 
the  relief  of  the  horses,  the  men  left  large  quantities  of  provisions 
behind  with  the  wagons. 

*' At  Dixon,  General  Whiteside  came  to  a  halt,  to  await  a  junc- 
tion with  General  Atkinson,  with  provisions  and  the  regular  forces; 
and  from  here  parties  were  sent  out  to  reconnoiter  the  enemy,  and 
ascertain  his  position.  The  army  here  found  upon  its  arrival  two 
battalions  of  mounted  volunteers,  consisting  of  two  hundred  and 
seventy-five  men,  from  the  counties  of  M'Lean,  Tazewell,  Peoria, 
and  Fulton.  The  officers  of  this  force  begged  to  be  put  forward  upon 
some  dangerous  service,  in  which  they  could  distinguish  them- 
selves. To  gratify  them  they  were  ordered  up  Rock  river  to  sj  y 
out  the  Indians. 

The  party,  under  Mtyor  Stillman,  began  their  march  on  the  12th  of 
May,  and  pursuing  their  way  on  the  south-east  side,  they  came  to 
*01d  Man's'  creek,  since  called  'Stillman's  Run,'  a  small  stream  which 


1882i 


HAJOR  BTILLMAlf  DHVlATaD. 


985 


riBes  in  White  Bock  Grove,  in  Ogle  county,  and  falls  into  the  river 
near  Bloomingville.  Here  they  eneamped  just  before  night ;  and  in 
a  short  time  a  party  of  Indians  on  horseback  were  discovered  on  a 
rising  gronnd,  about  one  mile  distant  from  the  encampment.  A 
party  of  Stillman's  men  mounted  their  horses  without  orders  or 
commander,  and  were  soon  followed  by  others^  stringing  along  for 
a  quarter  of  a  mile,  to  pursue  the  Indians  and  attack  them.  The 
Indians  retreated,  after  displaying  a  red  flag,  the  emblem  of  defi- 
ance and  war,  but  were  overtaken,  and  three  of  them  slain.  Black 
Hawk  was  near  by  with  his  main  force,  and  being  prompt  to  repel 
an  assault,  soon  rallied  his  men,  amounting  then  to  several  hundred 
warriors,  and  moved  down  upon  M^jor  Stillman's  camp,  driving 
{he  disorderly  rabble,  the  recent  pursuers,  before  him.  These  val- 
orous  gentlemen,  lately  so  hot  in  pursuit,  when  the  enemy  were 
few,  were  no  less  hasty  in  their  retreat,  when  coming  in  contact 
with  superior  numbers.  They  came  with  their  horses  in  a  full  run, 
and  in  this  manner  broke  through  the  camp  of  Mf^or  Stillman, 
spreading  dismay  and  terror  among  the  rest  of  his  men,  who  imme- 
diately began  to  join  in  the  flight,  so  that  no  effort  to  rally  tiiem 
could  possibly  have  succeeded.  Major  Stillman,  now  that  it  was 
too  late  to  remedy  the  evils  of  insubordination  and  disorder  in  his 
command,  did  all  that  was  practicable,  by  ordering  his  men  to  fall 
back  in  order,  and  form  on  higher  ground;  but  as  the  prairie  rose 
behind  them  for  more  than  a  mile,  the  ground  for  a  rally  was  never 
discovered;  and  besides  this,  when  the  men  once  got  their  backs  to 
the  enemy,  they  commenced  a  retreat,  without  one  thought  <^ 
making  a  further  stand.  A  retrcAt  of  undisciplined  militia  from  the 
attack  of  a  superior  force,  is  apt  to  be  a  disorderly  and  inglorious 
flight,  and  so  it  was  here ;  each  man  sought  his  own  individual  safety, 
and  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  the  whole  detachment  was  in  utter 
confusion.  They  were  pursued  in  their  flight  by  thirty  or  forty 
Indians,  for  ten  or  twelve  miles,  the  fugitives  in  the  rear  keeping 
ap  a  flying  fire  as  they  ran,  until  the  Indians  ceased  pursuing. 

*'Mi^or  Stillman  and  his  men  were  for  along  time  afterward  the 
Bobject  of  thoughtless  merriment  and  ridicule,  which  were  as  unde- 
served as  their  battle,  if  so  it  may  be  called,  had  been  unfortunate. 
The  party  was  raw  militia;  it  had  been  but  a  few  days  in  the  field; 
the  men  were  wh(^ly  without  discipline,  and,  as  yet,  withoot  confi- 
dence in  each  other,  or  in  their  officers. 

"This  confidence  they  had  not  been  long  enough  together  to 
acquire.    Any  other  body  ^  men,  under  the  same  circumstaaces, 


966 


nmiAH  MA8SA0K1  NXAB  OTTAWA. 


1881 


would  have  acted  no  better.  They  were  as  good  material 
for  an  army,  if  properly  drilled  and  disciplined,  as  could  be  foand 
elsewhere. 

"In  the  night,  after  the  arrival  at  Dixon,  the  trumpet  sounded  a 
signal  for  the  officers  to  assemble  at  the  tent  of  Qeneral  White- 
side. A  council  of  war  was  held,  in  which  it  was  agreed  to 
march  early  the  next  morning  to  the  fatal  field  of  that  evening's 
disaster.  When  the  volunteers  arrived  there,  the  Indiana  were 
gone.  They  had  scattered  out  all  over  the  country,  some  of  them 
fhrther  up  Rock  river,  and  others  toward  the  nearest  settlements  of 
white  people. 

"A  party  of  about  seventy  Indians  made  a  descent  upon  the 
small  settlement  of  Indian  creek,  a  tributary  of  Fox  river,  and 
there,  within  fifteen  miles  of  Ottawa,  they  massacred  fifteen  pe^ 
sons,  men,  women,  and  children,  and  took  two  young  women 
prisoners — ^the  one  about  seventeen,  and  the  others  about  fifteen 
years  old. 

"This  party  of  Indians  immediately  retreated  into  the  Winne- 
bago country,  up  Bock  river,  carrying  the  scalps  of  their  slain,  and 
their  (Hisoners  with  them. 

'  "The  young  women  prisoners  were  hurried  by  forced  marches 
beyond  the  reach  of  pursuit.  After  a  long  and  fatiguing  joarney, 
with  their  Indian  conductors,  through  a  wilderness  countiy,  with 
but  little  to  eat,  and  being  subjected  to  a  variety  of  fortune,  they 
were  at  last  purchased  by  the  chiefs  of  the  Winnebagoes,  employed 
by  Mr.  Gratiot  for  the  purpose,  with  two  thousand  dollars,  in  horses, 
wampum,  and  trinkets,  and  were  safely  retarned  to  their  friends. 

"The  army  now  amounted  to  twenty-four  hundred,  and  bad  the 
men  been  willing  to  serve  longer,  the  war  could  have  been  ended 
in  less  than  a  month,  by  the  capture  or  destruction  of  all  Black 
Hawk's  forces.  But  the  volunteers  were  anxious  to  be  discharged. 
Their  term  of  service  had  nearly  expired.  Many  of  them  had  left 
their  business  in  such  a  condition  as  to  require  their  presence  at 
home;  and  besides  this,  there  was  much  dissatis&ction  with  the 
commanding  general.  To  require  further  service  from  unwilling 
men  was  worse  than  useless,  for  a  militia  force  will  never  do  any 
good  unless  their  hearts  prompt  them  to  a  cheerful  alacrity  in  per- 
forming their  duty.  The  militia  can  never  be  forced  to  fight  against 
their  will.  Their  hearts  as  well  as  their  bodies  must  be  in  the 
service;  and  to  do  any  good,  they  must  feel  the  utmost  confidence 
in  their  officers.    They  were  first  marched  back  to  the  battle-field 


1882. 


BLACK  HAWS  AND  PARTY  OlPBATBD. 


987 


in  pursnit  of  the  Indians,  and  then  by  Pawpaw  Grove  and  Indian 
creek,  to  Ottawa,  where  the  whole,  at  their  urgent  request, 
were  discharged  by  Governor  Reynolds,  on  the  27th  and  28th  of 
May."* 

Meanwhile,  three  thousand  Illinois  militia  had  been  ordered 
oat,  who  rendezvoused  upon  the  20th  of  June,  near  Pern ;  these 
marched  forward  to  the  Rock  river,  where  they  were  joined  by  the 
United  States  troops,  the  whole  being  under  command  of  General 
Atkinson. 

Six  hundred  mounted  men  were  also  ordered  out,  while  General 
Scott,  with  nine  companies  of  artillery,  hastened  from  the  seaboard 
by  the  way  of  the  lakes  to  Chicago,  moving  with  such  celerity,  that 
Bome  of  his  troops,  it  was  said,  actually  went  eighteen  hundred 
miles  in  eighteen  days;  passing  in  that  time  from  Fort  Monroe, 
on  the  Chesapeake,  to  Chicago.  Long  before  the  artillerists  could 
reach  the  scene  of  action,  however,  the  western  troops  had  com- 
menced the  conflict  in  earnest,  and  before  they  did  reach  the  field, 
had  closed  it. 

On  the  24th  of  June,  Black  Hawk  and  his  two  hundred  warriors 
were  repulsed  by  Miyor  Demint,  with  but  one  hundred  and  fiAy 
militia;  this  skirmish  took  place  between  Rock  river  and  Galena. 
The  army  then  continued  to  move  up  Rock  river,  near  the  heads 
of  which  it  was  understood  that  the  main  party  of  the  hostile  Indi- 
ans was  collected;  and  as  provisions  were  scarce,  and  hard  to 
convey  in  such  a  country,  a  detachment  was  sent  forward  to  Fort 
Winnebago,  at  the  portage  between  the  Wisconsin  and  Fox  rivers, 
to  procure  supplies. 

This  detachment  hearing  of  Black  Hawk's  army,  pursued  and 
overtook  them  on  the  21st  of  July,  near  the  Wisconsin  river,  and 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Blue  Mounds.  General  Henry,  who 
commanded  the  party,  formed  with  his  troops  three  sides  of  a 
hollow  square,  and  in  that  order  received  the  attack  of  the  Indians; 
two  attempts  to  break  the  ranks  were  made  by  the  natives  in  vain ; 
and  then  a  general  charge  was  made  by  the  whole  body  of  Ameri- 
cans, and  with  such  success  that,  it  is  said,  fifty-two  of  the  red  men 
were  left  dead  upon  the  field,  while  but  one  American  was  killed 
and  eight  wounded. 

Before  this  action,  Henry  had  sent  word  of  his  motions  to  the 
main  army,  by  whom  he  was  immediately  rejoined,  and  on  th« 
28th  of  July,  the  whole  crossed  the  Wisconsin  in  pursuit  of  Black 


•  Ford'a  Histofy  of  JOhuAa. 


908 


soott's  abmy  dsoimadbd  bj  oholkba. 


1882. 


Hawk,  who  was  retiring  toward  the  Mississippi.  Upon  the  bank 
of  that  river,  nearly  opposite  the  Upper  loway,  the  Indians  were 
overtaken  and  again  defeated,  on  the  2d  of  August,  with  a  loss  of 
one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  while  of  the  whites  but  eighteen  fell. 
This  battle  entirely  broke  the  power  of  Black  Hawk;  he  fled,  but 
was  seized  by  the  Winnebagoes,  and  upon  the  27th,  was  delivered 
to  the  officers  of  the  United  States,  at  Prairie  du  Ohieu. 

General  Scott,  dviring  the  months  of  July  and  August,  was  con- 
tending with  a  worse  than  Indian  foe.  The  Asiatic  cholera  had 
just  reached  Oanada;  passing  up  the  St  Lawrence  to  Detroit,  it 
overtook  the  western-bound  armament,  and  thenceforth  the  camp 
became  an  hospital.  On  the  8th  of  July,  his  thinned  ranks  landed 
at  Fort  Dearborn  or  Chicago,  but  it  was  late  in  August  before  they 
reached  the  Mississippi.  The  number  of  that  band  who  died  from 
the  cholera,  must  have  been  at  least  seven  times  as  great  as  that 
of  all  who  fell  in  battle.  There  were  several  other  skirmishes  of 
the  troops  with  the  Indians,  and  a  number  of  individuals  mur- 
dered ;  making  in  all,  about  seventy-five  persons  killed  in  these 
actions,  or  murdered  on  the  frontiers. 

In  September,  the  Indian  troubles  were  closed  by  a  treaty,  which 
relinquished  to  the  white  men  thirty  millions  of  acres  of  land,  for 
which  stipulated  annuities  were  to  be  paid;  constituting  now  the 
eastern  portion  of  the  State  of  Iowa,  to  which  the  only  real  claim 
of  the  Sauks  and  Foxes,  was  their  depredations  on  the  unofiend- 
ing  loways,  about  one  hundred  and  thirty  years  since.  To  Keokuk 
and  his  party,  a  reservation  of  forty  miles  square  was  given,  in 
consideration  of  his  fidelity;  while  Black  Hawk  and  his  family, 
were  sent  as  hostages  to  Fort  Monroe  in  the  Chesapeake,  where 
they  remuned  till  June,  1883.  The  chief  afterward  returned  to 
his  native  wilds,  where  he  died  in  1840. 

Black  Hawk  cannot  rank  with  Pontiac  or  Tecumthe ;  he  seem- 
ingly fought  more  for  revenge,  and  diowed  less  intellectual  power; 
but  he  was  a  fearless  man. 

The  same  disease  which  decimated  General  Scott's  troops, 
during  the  autumn  of  this  year,  and  the  summers  of  1838  and  1834, 
spread  terror  through  the  whole  West,  though  during  the  latter 
year  it  was  comparatively  mild.  Three  facts  in  relation  to  it  were 
remarkable ;  the  first  is,  that  other  diseases  diminished  while  it 
prevailed ; — ^the  second,  that  many  points  which  were  spared  in 
1882,  (as  Lenngton,  Kentucky,)  were  devastated  in  1888;— the 
third,  that  its  appearance  and  progress  presented  none  of  the  evi- 
dences of  contagion. 


188T. 


MIlOHiaAir  BB0OM18  ▲  STATS. 


9e9i 


A  visitation  less  &tal  than  the  cholera,  bvt  for  the  time  most 
disastrous,  had  come  upon  the  valley  of  the  Ohio  in  the  preceding 
February.  A  winter  of  excessive  cold  was  suddenly  closed,  by 
long  continued  and  very  heavy  rains,  which,  unable  to  penetrate  the 
firosen  ground,  soon  raised  every  stream  emptying  into  Ohio  to  an 
nnusual  height  The  main  trunk,  unable  to,; discharge  the  water 
which  poured  into  it,  overflowed  its  banks,  and  laid  the  whole 
valley,  in  many  places  several  miles  in  width,  under  water. 

The  towns  and  villages  along  the  river  banks,  were  flooded  in 
gome  instances  so  deeply,  as  to  force  the  inhabitants  to  take  refuge 
on  the  neighboring  hills; — and  the  value  of  the  property  iigured 
and  destroyed  must  have  been  very  great,  though  its  amount  could 
not,  of  course,  be  ascertained.  The  water  continued  to  rise  from 
the  7th  to  the  19th  of  February,  when  it  had  attained  the  height, 
of  sixty-three  feet  above  low  water  mark  at  Cincinnati. 

In  April,  1884,  a  census  had  shown  that  Michigan  possessed  a 
1837.]  population  sufficient  to  entitle  her  to  admission  into  the 
Union.  In  May,  1835,  a  convention,  held  at  Detroit,  prepared  a 
State  constitution,  and  asked  to  it  the  assent  of  Congress.  This 
Congress  refused,  but  passed  a  conditional  act,  by  which  the  appli- 
cant might  become  a  State,  should  certain  stipulations  be  assented 
to;  this  assent  was  to  be  signified  through  a  convention,  and  one 
met  for  the  purpose  in  September,  1886;  this  body  declined 
acceding  to  the  conditions. 

Thereupon  a  second  convention  was  chosen,  which,  in  the  follow- 
ing December,  accepted  the  terms  offered,  and  after  some  discus- 
uon  in  Congress  in  relation  to  the  legality  of  this  acceptance, 
Michigan  was  recognized  as  a  sovereign  State  of  the  Union. 

The  question  which  caused  the  difficulty  above  referred  to,  and 
which  at  one  time  threatened  civil  war,  was  this :  What  is  the  trae 
southern  boundary  of  Michigan  ?  The  ordinance  of  1787,  provided 
for  the  formation  in  the  North-West  territory  of  three  States,  and 
also  provided  that  Congress  might  form  one  or  two  others  north  of 
an  east  and  west  line  drawn  through  the  head,  or  southern  extremity 
of  Lake  Michigan. 

This,  at  the  time  Ohio  had  been  admitted,  was  construed  to 
mean  that  the  two  northern  States,  the  offspring  of  the  will  of 
Congress,  must  not  come  south  of  the  east  and  west  line  specified, 
but  might  by  Congress  be  limited  to  a  lino  north  of  that.  In 
accordance  with  this  view,  Ohio,  as  already  related,  was  made  to, 
extend  northward  so  as  to  include  the  Maumee  Bay. 
62 


wiscoNsnr  a  tkbhitobul  aovsumiNT. 


1886-7. 


This  cotMtruotion  of  the  ordinance  Michigan  disputed,  and  when 
Ohio  sent  surveyors  to  mark  out  the  honndaiy  as  defined  by  Cod- 
gress,  the  territorial  authorities  of  Michigan  drove  them  away  by 
an  armed  force,  and  placed  a  military  party  in  the  disputed  district 
At  this  time  commissioners  were  sent  by  the  President,  who  pre- 
railed  upon  the  parties  so  far  to  recede,  as  to  allow  the  people  of 
the  district  to  acknowledge  either  jurisdiction  until  the  question 
was  settled  by  the  proper  authority ;  and  thus  matters  stood  until, 
when  she  asked  for  admission  among  the  States,  Michigan  was  told 
that  she  could  be  admitted  only  on  condition  she  recognized  the 
boundary  as  claimed  by  Ohio ;  this  at  length  she  did,  as  has  been 
seen,  and  then  became  one  of  the  federal  sisterhood. 

The  subjection  of  Black  Hawk  and  his  hostile  party,  and  the 
treaty  that  followed  in  1882,  opened  the  extensive  tract  of  countiy 
along  the  Mississippi,  to  American  settlements;  and  the  following 
spring,  companies  from  Illinois  crossed  the  river,  built  their  cabins, 
and  made  improvements  for  farming  early  in  1838. 

The  first  settlement  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Burlington.  Coeval 
with  it,  was  the  settlement  near  Fort  Madison.  From  this  period, 
the  progress  and  extension  of  settlements  were  rapid,  and  the  popu- 
lation  increased  with  far  greater  rapidity  than  in  the  history  of 
previous  territories.  For  more  than  eighteen  months  the  people 
were  '<a  law  unto  themselves,"  being  without  the  jurisdiction  of 
any  organized  territory. 

In  1884,  Congress  attached  this  territory  to  that  of  Michigan,  for 
temporary  jurisdiction,  and  two  large  counties,  Dubuque  and  Des 
Moines,  were  organized.  Their  aggregate  population  in  1836,  was 
ten  thousand  five  hundred  and  thirty-one  persons,  and  the  same 
year  Wisconsin  was  organized  as  a  separate  territory,  and  exercised 
jurisdiction  over  the  "District  of  Iowa." 

Uln  1838,  the  territorial  legislature  of  Wisconsin  was  removed 
west  of  the  Mississippi,  to  Burlington.  During  the  session,  official 
intelligence  of  the  organization  of  the  territoiy  of  Iowa,  was 
received  the  last  of  June,  and  the  legislature  finding  itself  beyond 
its  own  jurisdiction,  adjourned. 

The  territorial  government  took  efiect  on  the  4tii  >f  ^uly,  1888. 
Robert  Lucas,  a  former  Governor  of  Ohio,  was  the  governor  and 
sv^rintendent  of  Indian  affairs,  and  James  Clark,  Secretary  of  the 
new  territory. 

During  that  year,  the  territory,  which  had  been  subdivided  into 
•ixteen  counties,  had  a  population  of  twenty-two  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  sixty  persons. 


1888. 


IOWA  TmiBITORT  FORMED. 


iAt 


In  1840,  the  General  Assembly  located  the  seat  of  government 
on  the  river  that  gives  name  to  the  State,  and  called  it  the  "  City 
of  Iowa."  Immigration  continued  to  increase ;  and  the  censns  of 
1840  presented  a  population  of  forty-three  thousand  and  seventeen, 
while  that  of  the  Wisconsin  territory  was  thirty  thousand  nine 
hundred  and  forty-five  persons.  In  1848,  the  territorial  legislature 
of  Iowa  petitioned  Oongress  for  authority  to  adopt  a  State  consti- 
tation,  which  was  granted  at  the  next  session,  and  on  the  7th  of 
October,  1844,  the  Convention  assembled  and  adopted  a  constitu* 
tion,  which  was  not  approved  by  Congress. 

Another  Convention  was  held  1846,  the  limits  restricted,  and  the 
amended  constitution  adopted,  which  was  submitted  to  Congress 
Id  June,  and  the  State  received  into  the  Union  simultaneously  with 
Florida. 


Steamboat  explosions  and  other  disasters  have  of  late  years  become 
1888.]  so  numerous,  that  the  limits  of  this  work  will  not  admit  of 
a  particular  account  of  them.  Yet  th^  explosion  of  the  steamer 
Moselle,  in  1888,  to  the  horrible  exhibition  consequent  upon  which 
the  publisher  was  an  eye-witness,  and  which,  in  **Ujoyd'a  Steamboat 
Disasters"  is  justly  called  " an  event  that  is  still  believed  to  be 
almost  without  a  parallel  in  the  annals  of  steamboat  calamities," 
was  so  remarkable,  that  an  account  of  it  will,  no  doubt,  be  accept- 
able.   The  following  is  chiefly  taken  from  the  work  referred  to: 

The  Moselle  was  regarded  as  the  very  paragon  of  western  steam- 
hoats ;  she  was  perfect  in  form  and  construction,  elegant  and  superb 
in  all  her  equipments,  and  enjoyed  a  reputation  for  speed  which 
admitted  of  no  rivalship.  As  an  evidence  that  the  latter  was  not 
undeserved,  it  need  only  be  mentioned  that  her  last  trip  imm.  St. 
Loais  to  Cincinnati,  seven  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  was  peribrmed 
in  two  days  and  sixteen  hours,  the  quickest  trip,  by  several  hours, 
that  had  ever  been  made  between  the  two  places. 

On  the  afternoon  of  April  25th,  1888,  between  four  and  five 
o'clock,  the  Moselle  left  the  landing  at  Cincinnati,  bound  for  St. 
Louis,  with  an  unusually  large  number  of  passengers,  supposed  to 
be  not  less  than  two  hundred  and  eighty,  or  according  to  some 
accounts,  three  hundred.  It  was  a  pleasant  afternoon,  and  all  on 
board  probably  anticipated  a  delightful  voyage.  The  Moselle 
proceeded  about  a  mile  up  the  river  to  take  on  some  German  emi- 
grants. At  this  time,  it  was  observed  by  an  experienced  engineer 
on  board,  that  the  steam  had  been  raised  to  an  unusual  height,  anil 
when  the  boat  stopped  for  the  purpose  just  mentioned,  it  wai 


6^2 


BXPLOSIOtr  OV  TBI  BTIAMBOAT  M08ILLB. 


1888. 


reported  that  one  man,  who  was  apprehensive  of  danger,  went 
ashore,  after  protesting  against  the  i^judioious  management  of  the 
steam  apparatus.  Yet  the  passengers  generally  were  regardless  of 
any  danger  that  might  exist,  crowding  the  boat  for  the  sake  of  her 
beauty  and  speed,  and  making  sc^fety  a  secondary  consideratioD. 

When  the  object  for  which  the  Moselle  had  landed  was  nearly 
accomplbhed,  and  the  bow  of  the  boat  just  turned  in  preparation  to 
move  from  the  shore,  at  that  instant  the  explosion  took  place. 
The  whole  of  the  vessel  forward  of  the  wheels  was  blown  to  spliuterB; 
every  timber,  (as  an  eye*witness  declares)  "  appeared  to  be  twisted, 
as  trees  sometimes  are,  when  struck  by  lightning."  As  soon  as  the 
accident  occurred,  the  boat  floated  down  the  stream  for  about  one 
hundred  and  fifty  to  two  hundred  yards,  where  she  sunk,  leaving 
the  upper  part  of  the  cabin  out  of  the  water,  and  the  baggage, 
together  with  many  struggling  human  beings,  floating  on  the  sur* 
face  of  the  river. 

It  was  remarked  that  the  force  of  the  explosion  was  unprece- 
dented in  the  history  of  steam ;  its  effect  was  like  that  of  a  mine  of 
gunpowder.  All  the  boil^s,  four  in  number,  burst  simultaneously ; 
the  deck  was  blown  into  the  air,  and  the  human  beings  who  crowded 
it  were  doomed  to  instant  destruction.  It  was  asserted  that  a  man, 
believed  to  be  a  pilot,  was  carried,  together  with  the  pilot  house,  to 
the  Kentucky  shore,  a  distance  of  a  quarter  of  a  mile. 

A  ft'agment  of  a  boiler  was  carried  by  the  explosion  high  into 
the  air,  and  descending  perpendicularly  about  fifty  yards  from  the 
boat,  it  crushed  through  a  strong  roof,  and  through  the  second  floor 
of  a  building,  lodging  finally  on  the  ground  floor. 

Captain  Perrin,  master  of  the  Moselle,  at  the  time  of  the  acci- 
dent, was  standing  on  the  deck,  above  the  boiler,  in  conversation 
with  another  person.  He  was  thrown  to  a  considerable  height  on 
the  steep  embankment  of  the  river  and  killed,  while  his  companion 
was  merely  prostrated  on  the  deck,  and  escaped  without  injury. 
Another  person  was  blown  a  great  distance  into  the  air,  and  on 
descending  he  fell  on  a  roof  with  such  force,  that  he  partially  broke 
through  it,  and  his  body  was  lodged  there.  Some  of  the  passengers 
who  were  in  the  after  part  of  the  boat,  and  who  were  uninjured  by 
the  explosion,  jumped  overboard.  An  eye-witness  says  that  he  saw 
sixty  or  seventy  in  the  water  at  one  time,  of  whom  comparatively 
few  reached  the  shore.  There  were  afterward  the  mutilated 
jreniains  of  nineteen  persons  buried  in  one  grave. 
^  It  happened,  unfortunately,  that  the  larger  number  of  the  pas- 
sengers were  collected  on  the  upper  deck,  to  which  the  balmy  air 


were,  "Oh! 


1888. 


BXPLOBIOW  OV  THI  BTIAMBOAT  H08BLLB. 


•nd  delioions  weather  seemed  to  invite  them,  in  order  to  expose 
them  to  more  certain  destruction.  It  was  understood,  too,  that  th» 
captain  of  the  ill-l!»ted  steamer  had  expressed  his  determination  to 
oatstrip  an  opposition  boat  which  had  just  started;  the  people* 
on  shore  were  cheering  the  Moselle,  in  anticipation  of  her  snccesar 
in  the  race,  and  the  passengers  and  crew  on  the  upper  deck  re^^ 
sponded  to  these  acclamations,  which  were  soor  changed  to  soundsi' 
of  mourning  and  distress. 

Intelligence  of  the  awful  calamity  spread  rapidly  through  the 
dty;  thousands  rushed  to  the  spot,  and  the  most  benevolent  aid^ 
was  promptly  extended  to  the  sufferers,  or  rather  to  those  who  were' 
within  the  reach  of  hnman  assistance,  for  the  mfyority  had  perished.' 
The  scene  here  was  so  sad  and  distressing,  that  no  language  can- 
depict  it  with  fidelity.  Here  lay  twenty  or  thirty  mangled  and 
still  bleeding  corpses;  while  many  persons  were  engaged  in 
drag^ng  others  of  the  dead  or  wounded,  from  the  wreck  or  th» 
water.  But,  says  an  eye-witness,  the  survivors  presented  the  most 
touching  objects  of  distress,  as  their  memtal  anguish  seemed  more 
insupportable  than  the  most  intense  boduy  suffering. 

Death  had  torn  asunder  the  most  tender  ties ;  but  the  rupture 
bad  been  so  sudden  and  violent,  that  none  knew  certainly  who  had 
been  taken,  or  who  had  been  spared.  Fathers  were  distractedly  in- 
quiring for  children,  children  for  parents,  husbands  and  wives  for 
each  other.  One  man  had  saved  a  son,  but  lost  a  wife  and  five 
children.  A  father,  partially  demented  by  grief,  lay  with  a  wounded 
child  on  one  side,  his  dead  daughter  on  the  other,  and  his  expiring 
wife  at  his  feet.  One  gentleman  sought  his  wife  and  children, 
who  were  as  eagerly  seeking  him  in  the  same  crowd.  They  met, 
and  were  reunited. 

A  female  deck  passenger  who  had  been  saved,  seemed  inconso- 
lable fDr  the  loss  of  her  relatives.  Her  constant  exclamations 
were,  "Oh I  my  father!  my  mother!  my  sisters!"  A  little  boy. 
about  five  years  old,  whose  head  was  much  bruised,  appeared 
to  be  regardless  of  his  wounds,  and  cried  continually  for  a  lost 
fother ;  while  another  lad,  a  little  older,  was  weeping  for  a  whole 
fiunily. 

One  venerable  man  wept  for  the  loss  of  a  wife  and  five  children. 
Another  was  bereft  of  his  whole  fitmily,  consisting  of  nine  persons. 

A  touching  display  of  maternal  affection  was  evinced  by  a  wo- 
man, who  on  being  brought  to  the  shore,  clasped  her  hands,  and 
exclaimed,  "Thank  God,  I  am  safe!  "but  instantly  recollecting 
herself,  she  ejaculated  in  a  voice  of  piercing  agony,  "  Where  is  my 


# 


•74 


BAMKIHO  AMD  IT!  XrVIOT  III  ILLINOM. 


1848. 


child V"  The  infant,  whioh  had  been  aaved,  waa  brought  to  her, 
and  she  fainted  at  the  eight  of  it 

Many  of  the  passengers  who  entered  the  boat  at  Cincinnati,  had 
not  registered  their  names,  bat  the  lowest  estimated  number  of 
persons  on  board  was  two  hundred  and  eighty ;  of  these,  eighty-one 
were  known  to  be  killed,  fifty-five  were  missing,  and  ^rteen  badly 
wounded. 

On  the  day  after  the  accident,  a  public  meeting  was  called  at 
Cincinnati,  at  whioh  the  mayor  presided,  when  the  fkcts  of  thia 
melancholy  occurrence  were  discussed,  and  among  other  resolutions 
passed  was  one  deprecating  "  the  great  and  increasing  carelessnegs 
in  the  navigation  of  steam  vessels,"  and  urging  this  subject  upon 
the  consideration  of  Congress. 

The  Moselle  was  built  at  Cincinnati,  and  she  rejlaoted  great 
credit  on  the  mechanical  genius  of  that  city,  as  she  waf  truly  a  sa- 
perior  boat,  and  under  more  favorable  auspices,  might  have  been 
the  pride  of  the  waters  for  several  years.  She  was  new,  having 
been  begun  the  previous  December,  and  finished  in  March,  only  s 
month  before  the  lime  of  £er  destruction. 


Among  the  events  of  this  year,  deserving'  notice,  was  the  liquida- 
1843.]    tion  of  the  Illinois  State  Bank. 

In  1816,  as  before  mentioned,  the  bank  of  Shawanee  town  was 
chartered  for  twenty  years,  with  a  capital  of  three  hundred  thoa- 
sand  dollars,  one-third  of  which  was  to  be  subscribed  by  the  State. 
In  1821,  this  institution  closed  its  doors,  "and  remained  dormant," 
till  1885,  when  its  charter  was  extended  to  1857,  and  it  resumed 
business.  Two  years  later,  in  March,  1887,  the  capital  was  in- 
creased by  adding  one  million  four  hundred  thousand  dollars,  all 
subscribed  by  the  State. 

But  the  great  crash  which  soon  prostrated  business  throughoat 
the  United  States,  involved  this,  with  other  institutions  of  a  like 
kind,  in  difSiculties  too  great  to  be  surmounted;  and  though  the 
State,  in  1841,  offered  to  relieve  the  bank  from  a  forfeiture  of  its 
charter,  provided  it  would  pay  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  of  the 
State  debt,  in  1843  it  was  found  necessary  to  close  its  concerns  once 
more. 

The  State  banks  were  not  more  fortunate.  The  constitution  of 
Dlinois,  like  that  of  Indiana,  provided  that  no  other  than  a  State 
bank  and  its  branches  should  be  allowed.  In  March,  1819,  a  State 
bank  was  accordingly  chartered,  with  a  nominal  capital  of  four  mil- 
lions, but  its  stock  was  not  sold. 


1844. 


OSIAT  FLOOD  Of  TBI  MI88I8IIPPI. 


075 


la  1821,  another  State  bank,  with  a  capital  of  half  a  million,  waa 
chartered,  to  he  managed  by  the  legislature.  Thia  went  into 
operation  with  bat  little  or  no  real  capital,  lo  that  iti  notes  were 
■oon  at  an  enormone  disooant,  and  it  failed.  In  Febrnaiy,  1886,  a 
third  State  bank  was  formed,  with  a  capital  of  a  million  and  a  half, 
which  in  1887  was  increased  to  three  and  a  half  mill' 3ns  of  dol- 
lars. This  institation  survived  till  January,  1848,  when  the  legis- 
lature was  forced  to  close  its  doora— its  bills  being  worth  about 
fifty  cents  on  the  dollar.* 

In  June  of  this  year  there  occurred  a  rise  of  the  Missouri  and 
1844.]  the  middle  section  of  the  Mississippi  rivers,  which  far 
exceeded  all  former  floods  of  these  rivers,  ever  known  or  spoken 
of  either  in  history  or  even  romantic  tradition.  Many  plantations 
on  the  former  river  were  rendered  useless  for  years,  by  the  heavy 
deporit  of  alluvion,  and  fences  and  property  of  great  value  were 
carried  away. 

On  the  Mississippi,  the  greatest  damage  was  done  on  the  American 
bottom,  between  the  mouths  of  the  Missouri  and  Kaskaskia  rivers, 
where  a  large  area  of  land  of  an  average  width  of  over  six  miles  was 
submerged,  so  that  steamboats  were  navigating  over  it  for  a  number 
of  days.  The  ancient  town  of  Kaskaskia  was  submerged  several  feet, 
which  calamity  was  a  further  drawback  to  the  prosperity  of  the 
place.  The  more  ancient  hamlet  of  Gahokia  was  almost  depopu- 
lated, and  several  settiements  along  the  bank  of  the  river  were  for 
the  time  broken  up.  The  suffering  and  damage  caused  by  the 
flood,  were  enormous. 

On  the  27th  of  June,  1844,  Joseph  Smith,  the  founder  and 
leader  of  that  remarkable  system,  called  Mormonism,  was  killed 
by  an  armed  mob  at  Carthage,  Illinois.  Smith  was  bom  in  Ver- 
mont^ about  1807,  and  reared  in  New  York ;  his  education  was 
imperfect,  and  his  family  are  said  to  have  been  superstitious. 
When  about  fifteen  or  sixteen  years  old  he  began  to  see  visions, 
which  continued  through  some  seven  years.  At  length,  on  the  22d 
of  September,  1827,  the  "records"  upon  which  Mormonism  rests, 
were  delivered  to  the  prophet. 

"These  records," says  Cowdrey,  "were  engraved  on  plates  which 
had  the  appearance  of  gold.    Each  plate  was  not  far  from  seven 


*See  on  niinois  Buks,  Brown's  History,  428  to  441. 


976 


ABTIVT  or  MOBMOHB  TO  TBI  WIST. 


1882. 


by  eight  inohet  in  width  and  length,  being  not  quite  m  thick  aa 
common  tin.  They  were  filled  on  both  aidea  with  engravings,  in 
Egyptian  oharaoters,  and  bound  together  in  a  volnme,  aa  the  leaves 
of  a  book,  and  faatened  at  the  edge  with  three  ringa  running 
through  the  whole. 

'*Thia  Tolume  was  aomething  near  aix  inchea  in  thickneaa,  a  part 
of  which  was  sealed.  The  charactera  or  lettera  upon  the  unsealed 
part,  were  email  and  beautifhlly  engraved.  The  whole  book  ex- 
hibited many  marks  of  antiquity  in  its  oonatmotion,  aa  well  as 
much  skill  in  the  art  of  engraving. 

"With  the  records  was  found  a  curious  inatrument,  called  by  the 
ancienta,  Urim  and  Thummim,  which  consisted  of  two  transparent 
atonea,  clear  as  crystal,  set  in  two  rima  of  a  bow — this  was  in  use 
in  ancient  times  by  persona  called  Seera — it  was  an  inatrument,  by 
the  use  of  which  they  received  revelations  of  things  distant,  or  of 
things  past  or  future." 

The  story  of  his  gold  plates  getting  abroad,  the  holder  was  waj- 
laid  by  robbers,  and  persecuted  by  fanatics,  until  he  was  forced  to 
flee  into  Pennsylvania  to  his  father-in-law : — ^there  he  began  the 
work  of  translation.  The  issue  of  this  work  was,  "  The  Book  of 
Mormon."  This  book  gives  the  history  of  Lehi  and  his  pos- 
terity, from  about  660  B.  0.  to  400  A.  D. ;  these  lived  for  the  most 
part  in  America,  Lehi  and  his  sons  having  emigrated  thither. 

After  the  emigration,  terrible  wars  took  place  bjetween  the 
Nephites  or  faithful,  and  the  Lamanites  or  heathen,  in  which  al! 
the  former  were  destroyedexcept  Mormon,  his  son  Moroni,  and  a 
few  others.  Mormon  and  his  son  abridged  the  records  of  their 
ancestors,  and  added  their  own,  and  thus  the  book  was  comple- 
ted. 

An  account  referred  to  in  the  note,  gives  us  reason  to  think  this 
book  was  not  written  by  Smith,  but  by  one  Spalding,  as  a  sort  of 
romance,  and  that  it  was  seen  and  stolen  by  Sidney  Rigdon,  for- 
ward Smith's  right-hand  man,  and  by  him  made  known  to  the 
prophet. 

Rigdon,  however,  had  at  first  no  open  connection  with  Smith, 
and  was  converted  by  a  special  mission  sent  into  his  neighborhood 
in  October,  1830.  From  the  time  of  Rigdon's  conversion  the  pro- 
gress of  Mormonism  was  wonderfully  rapid,  he  being  a  man  of 
more  than  common  capacity  and  cunning.  Kirtland,  Ohio,  became 
the  chief  city  for  the  time  being,  while  large  numbers  went  to 
Missouri  in  consequence  of  revelations  to  that  effect. 

In  July,  1888,  the  number  of  Mormons  in  Jackson  county,  Mia- 


1884. 


MORMoiri  nr  MiisiMffn  tallit. 


on 


loari,  WM  OT«r  twelve  hundred.  Their  increase  having  produced 
some  anxiety  arnqng  the  neighboring  Mttlen,  a  meeting  was  held 
in  the  month  j  lut  named,  Arom  whence  emanated  reeolutions  forw 
bidding  all  Mormons  Arom  thenceforth  to  settle  in  that  county,  and 
intimating  that  all  who  did  not  soon  remove  of  their  own  will 
would  be  forced  to  do  so. 

Among  the  resolutions  was  one  requiring  the  Mormon  paper  to 
be  stopped,  but  as  this  was  not  at  once  complied  with,  the  office  of 
the  paper  was  destroyed.  Another  large  meeting  of  the  citizens 
being  held,  the  Mormons  became  alarmed,  and  contracted  to  re- 
move. Before  this  contract,  however,  could  be  complied  with, 
violent  proceedings  were  again  resorted  to :  houses  werb  destroyedi 
men  whipped,  and  at  length  some  of  both  parties  were  killed.  The 
result  was  a  removal  of  the  Mormons  across  the  Missouri  into  Olay 
county. 

These  outrages  being  communicated  to  the  Prophet,  at  Eirtland, 
he  took  steps  to  bring  about  a  great  gathering  of  his  disciples,  wil^ 
which,  marshaled  as  an  army,  in  May,  1884,  he  started  for  Missouri, 
which  in  due  time  he  reached,  but  with  no  other  result  than  the 
transfer  of  a  certain  portion  of  his  followers  as  permanent  settlers 
to  a  region  already  too  fhll  of  them. 

At  first  the  citizens  of  Olay  county  were  friendly  to  the  persecu- 
ted ;  but  ere  long  trouble  grew  up,  and  the  wanderers  were  once 
more  forced  to  seek  a  new  home,  in  order  to  prevent  outrages. 
This  home  they  found  in  Caldwell  county,  where,  by  permission  of 
the  neighbors  and  State  legislature,  they  organized  a  county  gov- 
ernment, the  country  having  been  previously  unsettled.  Soon 
after  this  removal,  numbers  of  Mormons  flocking  in,  settlements 
w6re  also  formed  in  Davis  and  Carroll — the  three  towns  of  the  new 
sect  being  Far  West,  in  Caldwell;  Adam-on-di-ah-mond,  called 
Diahmond  or  Diahman,  in  Davis ;  and  Dewit,  in  Carroll. 

Thus  &a  the  Mormon  writers  and  their  enemies  pretty  well  agree 
in  their  narratives  of  the  Missouri  troubles ;  but  thenceforth  all  is 
contradiction  and  uncertainty. 

The  Mormons,  or  Latter-day  Saints,  held  two  views  which  they 
were  fond  of  dwelling  upon,  and  which  were  calculated  to  alarm 
and  excite  the  people  of  the  frontier.  One  was,  that  the  West  was 
to  be  their  inheritance,  and  that  the  unconverted  dwellers  upon  the 
lands  abofit  them  were  to  be  destroyed,  and  the  saints  to  succeed 
to  their  property. 

The  destruction  spoken  of  was  to  be,  as  Smith  taught,  by  the 


i  :^ 


978 


MOBMONS  IN  MISSISSIPPI  TALLIT^ 


1888. 


hand  of  God;  but  those  who  were  threatened  naturally  enough 
concluded,  that  the  Mormons  might  think  themselves  instruments 
in  His  hand,  to  work  the  change  they  foretold  and  desired.  They 
believed  also,  with  or  without  reason,  that  the  saints,  anticipating, 
like  many  other  heirs,  the  income  of  their  inheritance,  helped  them> 
selves  to  what  they  needed  of  food  and  clothing ;  or,  as  the  world 
called  it,  were  arrant  thieves. 

The  other  offensive  view  was,  the  descent  of  the  Indians  from 
the  Hebrews,  taught  by  the  Book  of  Mormon,  and  their  ultimate 
restoration  to  their  share  in  the  inheritance  of  the  fidthful;  from 
this  view,  the  neighbors  were  easily  led  to  infer  a  union  of  the 
saints  and  savages  to  desolate  the  frontier. 

Looking  with  suspicion  upon  the  new  sect,  and  believing  them 
to  be  already  rogues  and  thieves,  the  inhabitants  of  Carroll  and 
Davis  counties  were  of  course  opposed  to  their  possession  of  the 
chief  political  influence,  such  as  they  already  possessed  in  Caldwell, 
and  from  the  fear  that  they  would  acquire  more,  arose  the  first  open 
quarrel.  This  took  place  in  August,  1888,  at  an  election  in  Davis 
county,  where  their  right  of  suffrage  was  disputed. 

The  af&ay  which  ensued  being  exaggerated,  and  some  severe 
cuts  and  bruises  being  converted  into  mortal  wounds  by  the  voice 
of  rumor,  a  number  of  the  Mormons  of  Caldwell  county  went  to 
Diahmond,  and  after  learning  the  facts,  by  force  or  persuasion 
induced  a  magistrate  of  Davis,  known  to  be  a  leading  opponent  of 
theirs,  to  sign  a  promise  not  to  molest  them  any  more  by  word  or 
deed.  For  this,  Joe  Smith  and  Lyman  Wight  were  arrested  and 
held  to  trial. 

By  this  time  the  prejudices  and  fears  of  both  parties  were  fully 
aroused ;  each  anticipated  violence  from  the  other,  and  to  prevent 
it  each  proceeded  to  violence.  The  Mormons  of  Caldwell,  legally 
organized,  turned  out  to  preserve  the  peace ;  and  the  Anti-Mormons 
of  Davis,  Carroll,  and  Livingston,  acting  upon  the  sacred  principle 
of  self-defense,  armed  and  embodied  themselves  for  the  same  com- 
mendable purpose. 

Unhappily,  in  this  case,  as  in  many  similar  ones,  the  preserva- 
tion of  peace  was  ill-confided  to  men  moved  by  mingled  fear  and 
hatred ;  and  instead  of  it,  the  opposing  forces  produced  plunder- 
ings,  burnings,  and  bloodshed,  which  did  not  terminate  until  Gov. 
Boggs,  on  the  27th  of  October,  authorized  General  ClarlL  with  the 
full  military  power  of  the  State,  to  exterminate  or  ^ve  from 
Missouri,  if  he  thought  necessary,  the  unhappy  followers  of  Joe 


1889. 


MOBMOHS  IN  MI8SI8BIPPI  YALLIY. 


979 


Smith.  Against  the  anny,  thirty-five  hundred  strong,  thus  brought 
to  annihilate  them,  and  which  was  evidently  not  a  mob,  the  four- 
teen hundred  Mormons  made  no  resistance ;  three  hundred  fled, 
and  the  remainder  surrendered. 

The  leaders  were  examined  and  held  to  trial,  bail  being  refused, 
while  the  mass  of  the  unhappy  people  were  stripped  of  their 
property  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  war,  and  driven,  men,  women, 
and  children— in  mid-winter,  from  the  State— naked  and  starving. 
Multitudes  of  them  were  forced  to  encamp  without  tents,  and  with 
scarce  any  clothes  or  food,  on  the  bai^  of  the  Mississippi,  which 
was  too  full  of  ice  for  them  to  cross.  The  people  of  Illinois,  how- 
ever, received  the  fugitives,  when  they  reached  the  eastern  shore, 
with  open  arms,  and  the  saints  entered  upon  a  new,  and  yet  more 
surprising  series  of  adventures,  than  those  they  had  already  passed 
through. 

The  Mormons  found  their  way  from  Missouri  into  the  neighbor- 
mg  State,  through  the  course  of  the  year  1839,  and  missionaries 
were  sent  abroad  to  paint  their  sufferings,  and  ask  relief  for  those 
who  were  thus  persecuted  because  of  their  religious  views;  al- 
though their  reUgious  views  appear  to  have  had  little  or  nothing  to 
do  with  the  opposition  experienced  by  them  in  Missouri.  After 
wandering  for  a  time  in  uncertainty,  the  saints  fixed  upon  the  site 
of  Commerce,  a  village  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  as  the 
spot  upon  which  to  rest;  and  there,  in  the  spring  of  1840,  began 
the  city  of  I^auvoo,  to  which  place,  by  means  of  new  arrivals,  acces- 
sions by  hundreds  were  added  monthly. 

As  political  strife  was  very  violent  about  this  time,  with  its  ordi- 
nary concomitant  of  corruption,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  that 
the  politicians  of  each  party  were  but  too  eager  to  curry  fitvor  with 
these  people,  whose  votes  were  valuable,  and  whose  advent  was 
therefore  at  once  seized  upon,  by  the  respective  leaders,  as  a  means 
of  party  aggrandizement.  The  following  extract,  taken  from 
"Ford's  Illinois,"  will  show  how  the  Mormons  managed  to  reap 
the  advantages  of  this  spirit  of  political  servility : 

"  At  the  legislature  of  BlinoiB,  session  1840-41,  it  became  a  mat- 
ter of  great  interest  with  both  parties,  to  conciliate  these  people. 
They  were  already  numerous,  and  were  fast  increasing  by  emigra- 
tion from  all  parts.  It  was  evident  that  they  were  to  possess  much 
power  in  elections.  They  had  already  signified  their  intention  of 
joining  neither  party  further  than  they  could  be  assisted  in  matters 
of  immediate  interest  by  that  party ;  and  in  readiness  to  vote  en 
masse  for  such  persons  as  were  willing  to  do  them  most  service. 


980 


MOKMONS  IN  MISSISSIPPI  VALLB7. 


1840. 


The  leaden  of  both  parties  believed  that  the  Mormons  would  booq 
hold  the  balance  of  power,  and  exerted  themselves,  on  both  sides, 
by  professions  of  kindness  and  devotion  to  their  interest,  to  wId 
their  support. 

'<In  this  state  of  the  case,  Dr.  Bennet  presented  himself  at  the 
seat  of  government,  as  the  agent  6f  the  Mormons.  He  was  a  man 
of  some  talent,  and  then  had  the  confidence  of  the  Mormons,  and 
particularly  of  their  leaders.  He  came  as  the  agent  of  that  people 
to  solicit  a  city  charter,  a  charter  for  a  military  legion,  and  for  va- 
rious other  purposes. 

*'This  person  addressed  himself  to  the  senator  from  Hancock 
eounty,  (in  which  Nauvoo  is  located,)  and  to  Douglass,  the  Secre- 
tary of  Stato,  who  both  entered  heartily  into  his  views  and  pro- 
jects. Bennet  managed  matters  wiell  for  his  constituents.  He 
flattered  both  sides  with  the  hope  of  Mormon  favor,  and  both  sides 
expected  to  receive  their  votes. 

"A  city  charter,  drawn  up  to  suit  the  Mormons,  was  presented 
to  the  senate,  and  referred  to  the  judiciary  committee,  of  which  one 
Snyder  was  chairman,  who  reported  it  back,  recommending  its 
passage.  The  vote  was  taken,  the  ayes  and  noes  were  not  called 
for,  no  one  opposed  it,  but  all  were  busy  and  active  in  hurrying  it 
through.  In  like  manner  it  passed  the  house  of  representatives, 
where  it  was  never  read,  except  by  its  title;  the  ayes  and  noes 
were  not  called  for,  and  the  same  universal  zeal  in  its  fevor  was 
manifested  here,  which  had  been  so  conspicuously  displayed  in  the 
senate. 

**  This  city  charter,  and  other  charters  passed  in  the  sam^  waj 
by  this  legislature,  incorporated  Nauvoo,  provided  for  the  election 
of  a  mayor,  four  aldermen,  and  nine  councilors;  gave  them  power 
to  pass  all  ordinances  necessary  for  the  peace,  benefit,  good  order, 
regulation,  and  convenience  of  the  city,  and  for  the  protection  of 
property  from  fire,  which  were  not  rqntgnant  to  the  constitution  of  the 
XMted  StateSy  or  tfUa  State. 

"This  seemed  to  give  them  power  to  pass  ordinances  in  violation 
of  the  laws  of  the  State,  and  to  erect  a  system  of  government  for 
themselves.  This  charter  also  established  a  Mayor's  Oourt,  with 
exclusive  jurisdiction  of  all  cases  arising  under  the  city  ordinances, 
subject  to  an  appeal  to  the  municipal  court.  It  established  a  mu- 
nicipal court,  to  be  composed  of  the  mayor,  as  chief  justice,  and  the 
four  aldermen  a6  his  associates;  which  court  was  to  have  jurisdic- 
tion of  appeals  from  the  mayor,  or  aldermen,  subject  to  an  appeal 
again  to  the  circuit  court  of  the  county.    The  municipal  oourt  was 


1841. 


MORMONS  IN  MISSISSIPPI  VALIOnT. 


981 


also  clptlied  with  power  to  issue  writs  of  .habeas  corpus,  in  all  cases 
arising  under  the  ordinanoes  of  the  city. 

"This  charter  also  incorporated  the  militia  of  !Naavoo  into  a  mil- 
itary legion,  to  be  called  the  *<Kauvoo  Legion."  It  was  made 
entirely  independent  of  the  military  organization  of  the  State,  and  not 
subject  to  the  command  of  any  officer  of  the  State  militia,  except  the 
governor  himself,  as  commander-in-chief.  It  was  to  be  famished 
with  its  due  proportion  of  the  State  armb ;  and  might  enroll  in  its 
ranks  any  of  the  citizens  of  Hancock  county,  who  preferred  to  join 
it,  whether  they  lived  in  the  city  or  elsewhere. 

"The  charter  also  established  a  court  martial  for  the  legion,  to 
be  composed  of  the  commissioned  officers,  who  were  to  make  and 
execute  all  ordinances  necessary  for  the  benefit,  government,  and 
regulation  of  the  legion;  but  in  so  doing,  they  were  not  bound  to 
regard  the  laws  of  the  State,  though  they  could  do  nothing  repug- 
nant to  the  constitution;  and  finally,  the  legion  was  to  be  at  the 
disposal  of  the  mayor,  in  executing  the  laws  and  ordinances  of  the 
city.  Another  charter  incorporated  a  great  tavern,  to  be  called  the 
Nauvoo  House,  in  which  the  prophet,  Joe  Smith,  and  his  heirs, 
were  to  have  a  suite  of  rooms  forever. 

«  Thus  it  was  proposed  to  establish  for  the  Mormons  a  govern- 
ment within  a  government;  a  legislature  with  power  to  pass  ordi- 
nances at  war  with  the  laws  of  the  State ;  courts  to  execute  them, 
with  but  little  dependence  upon  the  constitutional  judiciary ;  and 
B  military  force  at  their  own  command,  to  be  governed  by  its  own 
by-laws  and  ordinances,  and  subject' to  no  State  authority  but  that 
of  the  governor. 

"  It  must  be  acknowledged  that  these  charters  were  unheard-o^ 
and  anti-republican  in  many  particulars ;  and  capable  of  infinite 
abuse  by  a  people  disposed  to  abuse  them.  The  powers  conferred 
were  expressed  in  language  at  once  ambiguous  and  undefi<ned ;  as 
if  on  purpose  to  allow  of  misconstruction.  The  great  law  of  the 
separation  of  the  powers  of  government  was  wholly  disregarded. 
The  mayor  was  at  once  the  executive  power,  the  judiciary,  and 
part  of  the  legislature.  The  common  council,  !n  passing  ordi- 
nances, were  restrained  only  by  the  constitution.  One  would  have 
thought  that  these  charters  stood  a  poor  chance  of  passing  the 
legislature  of  a  republican  people,  jealous  of  their  liberties.  iN'ever* 
theless,  they  did  pass  unanimously  through  both  houses." 

Under  these  extraordinary  acts,  Joe  Smith,  who  had  escaped 
from  Missouri,  proceeded  as  mayor,  commander  of  the  legioxif 
tavern-keeper,  prophet  and  priest,  to  play  what  pranks  he  pleased* 


982 


ONS  IROUBLBSOHB  IN  ILLIK0I8. 


1848. 


"  On  the  8th  of  December,  1848,"  says  Jadge  Brown,  **  an  extra 
ordinance  was  passed  by  the  city  coancil  of  Nanvoo,  for  the  extra 
case  of  Joseph  Smith;  by  the  first  section  of  which  it  is  enacted, 
*That  it  shall  be  htwfal  for  any  officer  of  the  city,  with  or  withoat 
process,  to  arrest  any  person  who  shall  come  to  arrest  Joseph  Smith 
with  process  growing  out  of  the  Missouri  difficalties ;  and  the  per- 
son so  arrested  shall  be  tried  by  the  municipal  coui*t  upon  testi- 
mony, and,  if  found  guilty,  sentenced  to  the  municipal  prison  for 
life.' 

"  On  the  17th  of  February,  1842,  an  ordinance  w<u  passed,  enti- 
tled, <An  ordinance  concerning  marriages,'  by  the  second  section  of 
which  a  person  is  authorized  to  marry,  with  or  without  license. 
There  was  a  statute  in  the  State  of  Illinois  requiring  a  license  in 
#       all  cases,  teom  the  clerk  of  the  commissioner's  court. 

*'  On  the  21st  of  November,  1848,  an  ordinance  was  passed  by 
the  city  council,  making  it  highly  penal,  even  to  one  hundred  dol- 
'  lars  fine,  and  six  months'  imprisonment,  for  any  officer  to  serve  a 
process  in  the  city  of  Nauvoo, '  unless  it  be  examined  by,  and  re- 
ceive the  approval  and  signature  of  the  mayor  of  said  city,  o"  the 
back  of  said  process.' " 

Under  these  proceedings,  difficulties  soon  arose.  Some  of  Smith's 
followers  becoming  opposed  to  him,  had  established  a  new  weekly 
paper,  "  The  Nauvoo  Expositor."  This  the  prophet,  as  president  of 
the  council,  pronounced  "  a  nuisance,"  and  proceeded  to  abate  it,  or 
destroy  it,  by  force.  Those  interested  procured  a  writ  from  the 
proper  court  for  the  arrest  of  the  leader,  but  the  writ  was  not  en- 
dorsed by  the  mayor,  and  could  not  be  executed. 

Then  arose  the  question — How  long  sha^l  the  laws  of  the  State 
be  thus  set  at  defiance  ? — and  men  through  all  the  country  round 
about  vowed  to  see  the  warrants  executed  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet.  Two  or  three  thousand  men,  some  from  Missouri  and 
Iowa,  being  gathered  against  the  city  of  the  saints,  Qovernor  Ford 
came  forward  as  a  pacificator.  Of  what  followed  a  description  is 
given  in  the  words  of  Judge  Brown : 

"  On  Monday,  the  24th  of  June,  1844,  Lieutenant-Qeneral  Joseph 
Smith  ('  the  prophet')  and  General  Hyrum  Smith,  his  brother,  hav- 
ing received  assurances  from  Qovernor  Ford  of  protection,  in  com- 
pany with  some  of  their  friends,  left  Nauvoo  for  Carthage,  in  order 
to  surrender  themselves  up  as  prisoners,  upon  a  process  which  had 
previously  been  issued,  and  was  then  in  the  hands  of  a  public  officer 
to  be  executed.  About  four  miles  from  Carthage,  they  were  met 
by  Captain  Dunn  and  a  company  of  cavalry,  on  their  way  to  Nan- 


1844. 


LBADXBS  OF  THB  MORMONS  ARB  XILLIP. 


988 


TOO,  with  an  order  from  Qovemor  Ford  for  the  Btate  arms  in  pos- 
session of  the  Nauvoo  legion. 

"  Lieutenant-  General  Smith  haying  endorsed  upon  the  order  his 
admission  of  its  service,  and  given  his  directions  for  their  delivery, 
returned  with  Gaptain  Dunn  to  Nauvoo,  fOT  the  arms  thus  ordered 
hy  Governor  Ford  to  be  surrendered.  The  arms  having  been  given 
up  in  obedience  to  the  aforesaid  order,  both  parties  again  started 
for  Oarthage,  whither  they  arrived  a  little  before  twelve  o'clock,  at 
night  On  the  morning  of  the  25th,  an  interview  took  place  be- 
tween the  Smiths  and  Governor  Ford.  Assurances  of  protection 
by  the  latter  were  repeated,  and  the  two  Smiths  were  surrendered 
into  the  custody  of  an  officer.  Bail  having  afterward  been  ^veit 
for  their  appearance  at  court,  to  answer  the  charge  for  '  abating 
the  Nauvoo  Expositor,'  a  mittimus  was  issued  on  the  evening  of 
the  25th,  and  the  two  Smiths  were  committed  to  jail  on  a  charge 
of  treason^  *  until  delivered  by  due  course  of  law.' 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  26th,  another  interview  w:  had  be- 
tween the  governor  and  the  accused,  and  both  parties  seemed  to  be 
satisfied.  Instead  of  beiog  confined  in  the  cells,  the  two  Smiths, 
at  the  instance  of  their  friends,  were  put  into  the  debtor's  room  of 
the  prison,  and  a  guard  assigned  for  its,  as  well  as  their  security. 
Daring  this  lime  their  friends,  as  usual,  had  access  to  them  in  jidl, 
by  permission  of  the  governor.  On  the  same  day,  (June  26,)  they 
were  taken  before  the  magistrate  who  had  committed  them  to  pri- 
son, and  further  proceedings,  on  the  complaint  for  treason,  were 
postponed  until  the  29th. 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  27th,  Governor  Ford  discharged  a  part 
of  the  troops  under  his  command,  and  proceieded  with  a  portion  r 
the  residue,  a  single  company  only,  to  Nauvoo;  leaving  the  jail, 
the  prisoners,  and  some  two  or  three  of  their  friends,  guarded  by 
seven  or  eight  men,  and  a  company  of  about  sixty  militia,  the  Oar- 
thage Grays,  a  few  yards  distant  in  reserve. 

"  About  six  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  27th,  during  the  ab- 
Bence  of  Governor  Ford,  the  guard  stationed  at  the  prison  were 
overpowered  by  an  armed  mob,  in  disguise ;  the  jail  broken  and 
entered,  and  the  two  Smiths,  (Joseph  and  Hyrum,)  without  any 
pretense  of  right  or  authority  whatever,  were  wantonly  slain. 
Having  effected  their  object,  all  of  which  was  accomplished  in  a 
few  minutes,  they  immediately  dispersed." 

"The  death  of  Smith  by  violence,  and  by  his  enemies,  was 
opportune  for  the  support  of  the  system  he  sought  to  establish. 
He  had  arrived  at  that  point  in  the  revolution  which  he  led,  when 


# 


'*.■ 


# 


»84 


MOftllOni  0ONTBin>  ABOUT  RIW  L1ADIR8. 


1844. 


6  least  delay  would  have  caused  its  waves  to  flow  over  and 
engalph  him.  He  lived  long  enough  for  his  fame,  and  died  when 
he  could  Just  he  called  a  martyr.  He  had  hecome  too  violent  and 
impatient^  to  control,  for  any  length  of  time,  the  mnltitude— he 
could  be^^n,  hut  not  snccessAiUy  conduct^  a  revolution. 

"  The  murder  of  their  Prophet  exasperated  the  people  of  Nauvoo. 
They  were  ready,  and  a  vast  m^ority  determined,  on  immediate 
war  to  the  knife,  with  all  engaged  in  that  horrid  tragedy,  or  who. 
ever  might  come  to  abet  them.  A  few  more  sagacious  nilnds  per* 
ceived  the  danger  of  such  a  course,  and  began  skillfully  to  prevent 
the  utter  ruin  of  their  hopes,  likely  to  result  from  openi  hostility  to 
the  State.  They  harangued  them  on  the  stand,  and  talked  with 
lUie  clubs  collected  at  the  corners  of  the  streets.  The  great  dram 
was  beating  to  arms.  It  was  a  fearful  struggle,  that  was  going  on  in 
lihe  bre?  ts  of  the  prudent  Bevenge  was  deep  in  every  heart, 
and  the  bunting  movement  there  was  interpreted  to  b§  the  voice 
of  the  Holy  Spirit ;  and  it  was  made  audible  in  the  terrible  curses 
poured  forth  on  the  Gentile  murderers.  The  '  time  to  fight '  was, 
by  most,  supposed  to  have  come.  But  skillful  delays  were  inter- 
posed by  the  influential ;  their  arms  had  been  just  surrendered,  and 
a  new  organization  made,  and  leaders  were  to  be  chosen. 

"The  day  passed  off  and  no  companies  had  started,  and  wrath 
was  bosomed  for  the  morrow.  In  the  morhing  after,  the  congre- 
gation was  early  collected  at  the  temple  square  or  gathering  place. 
The  chief  apostles  promised  them  the  vengeance  of  heaven  upon 
their  enemies,  but  that  they  were  not  ripe  enough,  for  tho  vials  of 
wrath  to  empty  their  torments  upon  them.  Shortly  the  pestilence, 
the  fire  and  the  sword^  would  do  their  work. 

"The  funeral  pageant  next  absorbed  all  their  attention.  The 
mourning  was  sore,  sad  and  deep,  over  the  beloved  patriarch  Hyrum, 
and  the  adored  prophet  Joseph. 

"  The  struggle  for  the  leadership,  the  Seer  succession,  which 
followed,  however,  soon  dissipated  the  sorrow  for  the  past.  Rig- 
don,  as  second  in  rank,  claimed  promotion ;  also  by  former  reveliv 
tions,  declared  himself  assigned  to  be  their  prophet  He  called 
a  meeting  and  proclaimed  his  position  as  head.  James  J.  Strang 
contended  for  the  place  of  Seer,  and  showed  letters,  over  the 
deceased  prophet's  signature,  assuring  him  that  he  should  be  the 
successor  in  the  event  of  Joseph's  death.  But  the  College  of  the 
Twelve  had  other  views,  and  a  vote  on  the  subject  They  declared 
that  definite  restrictions,  and  the  last  will  and  testament  of  Joseph 
had  been  delivered  to  them  in  secret  council.    It  revoked  all  former 


# 


# 


1846-4. 


.;'^:^< 


BZ0DV8  Of  MOBIIONS  FKOH  VAtTtOO^" 


m 


designatioDf,  and  devolved  the  choice  apon  them.  Under  the 
management  of  their  sagacioas  chief,  they  elected  the  Peter  of  the 
Apostles,  Brigham  Tonng,  to  the  responsible  station. 

"This  enthronement  drove  Rigdoii  with  a  party  to  Pennsylvania, 
where  in  a  short  time  his  influence  vanished,  and  the  band  die* 
persed.  Strang  fonnded  a  city  on  the  prairies  of  Wisconsin,  and 
had  a  numerous  colony.  Ultimately  he  removed  to  Beaver  island, 
in  Michigan  lake,  and  assumed  the  title  of  King  of  the  Saints, 
where  the  small  kingdom  still  exists.  These  bodies  and  their 
leaders  were  excommunicated  by  the  great  nugority  under  the 
proper  Seer,  as  was  also  William  Smith,  another  competitor  for  the 
throne,  and  a  party  in  Texais,  headed  by  Lyman  White. 

<<The  mobocratic  spirit  did  not  expire,  when  it  destroyed  the 
great  leader.  Threats  and  demonstrations  clearly  proved,  that  their 
present  abode,  which  had  been  made  lovely  by  unheard-of  exer* 
tions,  must  be  aban<!oned.  A  venerable  patriarch,  uncle  of  the 
prophet  Joseph,  in  prophetic  vision  announced  that  the  whole 
people  must  retire  to  the  wilderness,  to  grow  into  a  multitude  aloof 
from  the  haunts  of  civilizatioi 

"This  matter  was  taken  into  consideration  by  Brigham  and  high 
council.  The  result  was,  that  they  would  move  as  tut  as  possi- 
ble across  Iowa  to  the  Missouri,  and  into  the  Indian  country  in  the 
vicinity  of  Council  Bluifs."  * 

The  movement  commenced  with  small  parties  in  the  winter  of 
1844-45 ;  more  parties  started  early  in  the  spring  of  1845.  The 
main  body,  however,  remained  behind  longer,  as  they  had  been 
commanded  to  dedicate  the  new  temple  which  had  been  com- 
menced before  the  first  emigrants  left  the  city  of  Beauty.  This  work 
having  been  accomplished  with  great  pomp  and  splendor,  the  gen- 
eral exodus  took  place  in  the  spring  of  1846. 

About  this  time  a  battaJon  of  five  hundred  and  twenty  men  was 
recruited  among  them  for  the  United  States  service,  to  take  part 
in  the  Mexican  war. 

In  their  new  location,  which  appears  to  have  been  very  un- 
healthy, they  laid  out  and  built  the  town  of  Kanesville.  But  they 
did  not  tarry  here  long,  for  they  very  soon  sent  out  parties  to  ex- 
amine the  eountry  still  further  West,  in  search  of  another  "  ever- 
lasting abode."  These  reported  favorably  as  to  the  "  Ghreat  Salt 
Lake  VaUejf"  in  Utah  Territory,  and  a  fhrther  laigration  to  that 


*The  IformoaB  or  Latter-Daj  Sainto,  byLientanant  J.  H.  Chumison. 

68 


980 


OOMILAaBATION  AT  PIITBBUReH. 


1840. 


region  was  determined  on.  In  iixe  spring  of  1847,  a  pioneer  party  of 
one  hundred  and  forty-three  men  proceeded  to  open  the  way,  while 
the  main  body  followed  gradually,  in  divisions  of  tens,  fifties  and 
hundreds,  until  finally  all  have  departed  excepting  a  few  scattered 
£unilies  about  Missouri  river,  on  the  borders  of  Iowa  and  Ke- 
braska. 

Their  present  location  in  the  "Far  West,"  is  beyond  the  province 
of  this  work.  Their  history  is  still  unfinished,  and  appearances 
render  it  probable,  that  the  most  importaiU  part  is  yet  to  come. 

Among  the  conflagrations  which,  in  1846,  destroyed  the  hopes  of 
1845.]  thousands,  none  will  be  longer  remembered  in  the  West 
than  that  which  devastated  the  city  of  Pittsburgh  on  the  10th  of 
April,  in  that  year,  destroying  in  a  few  hours  the  labor  of  many 
years — ^blasting  suddenly  the  cherished  hopes  of  thousianda,  who 
but  that  morning  were  contented  in  the  possession  of  comfortable 
homjs,  busy  workshops,  and  magazines  of  manufactures  and  other 
products  of  well  directed  industry — unnerving  the  most  self- 
possessed,  who  saw  thoir  own  wealth  suddenly  pass  from  them 
while  yet  endeavoring  to  save  that  of  their  neighbors  from  the 
devouring  flames.  Our  work  is  to  perpetuate  a  slight  record  of  the 
disaster,  as  none  will  be  found  in  the  streets  of  that  busy  city— the 
"Burnt  District"  having  long  ago  been  rebuilt  with  more  substan- 
tial structures  than  those  they  replace. 

In  an  account  of  the  disaster,  published  by  J.  Heron  Foster, 
editor  of  the  Daily  Dispatch  of  that  citj,  (from  which  is  compiled 
this  brief  notice,)  he  truly  says: 

"None  witnessed  the  conflagration  but  know  the  difficulty  of 
adequately  describing  it,  and  we  trust  that  some  charity  may  be 
extended  to  us  should  we  fail  in  the  effort  to  picture  to  the  imagi- 
nation of  our  readers  the  most  destructive  conflagration  it  has  ever 
been  our  lot  to  describe." 

Commencing  about  noon,  on  Ferry  street,  two  squares  from 
the  Monoiigabela  front,  it  rigidly  spread  eastward,  until  it  reached 
five  squares  in  breadth  by  eight  or  ten — when,  being  luckily 
hemmed  in  by  a  high  hill  on  the  north,  and  the  Monongahela  river 
on  the  south,  its  ravages  were  confined  to  a  narrow  space,  along 
which  buildings  were  destroyed  for  a  mile  from  the  point  where 
the  carelessness  of  a  washerwoman  had  kindled  it,  and  until  farther 
fuel  was  denied  it.  Efforts  to  stay  its  ravages  by  the  people  were 
utterly  ineffectual — ^and  the  firemen  only  succeeded  (with  the  aid 
of  some  men  who  engaged  in  blowing  up  the  blazing  houses,)  in 


1845. 


OOirtLAaRATIOR  AT  PITTSBURGB. 


987 


preventing  its  Bpreading  around  the  point  of  the  hill,  which  would 
have  doomed  another  fourth  of  the  city  to  destruction.  From  the 
intense  heat,  water  seemed  of  little  use — ^the  loftiest  huildinga 
melting  before  the  ocean  of  flame,  which  rolled  and  leaped  onward 
before  the  gale,  throwing  out  its  forked  tongues  as  if  in  derision  of 
the  puny  efforts  of  the  suffering  multitude,  whose  household  gods 
were  thus  rudely  torn  away. 

The  handsome  stone  edifice  of  the  Bank  of  Pittsburgh,  with  its 
metal  roof  and  iron  shutters — in  the  fire-proof  qualities  of  which 
people  reposed  so  much  confidence,  that  many  placed  their  valua- 
bles in  its  rooms  for  safety — shared  the  fate  of  less  pretending 
buildings,  and  with  its  contents,  (with  the  exception  of  what  was 
in  its  vaults,)  fell  before  the  flames.  The  Monongahela  Houbq, 
long  the  most  extensive  hotel  in  the  I^orth-West — with  the  West- 
ern University,  and  a  bridge  over  the  Monongahela,  (nearly  one 
third  of  a  mile  in  length,)  fell  easy  victims — and  the  many  splen- 
did steamboats  at  the  wharf  were  with  difficulty  saved  by  promptly 
cutting  their  cables  and  dropping  down  the  Ohio  to  windward  of 
the  fire. 

With  the  destruction  of  every  building  upon  some  fifty-six 
acres,  and  throwing  houseless  on  the  world  nearly  two  thousand 
citizens  with  their  families,  the  fire-king  seemed  satisfied — and  the 
homeless  sought  shelter  with  their  more  fortunate  fellow-citizens, 
comforted  with  the  knowledge  that  but  two  human  lives  had  been 
lost  during  the  confiagration — those  of  Samuel  Kingston,  Esq.,  a 
member  of  the  Bar,  and  a  woman  named  Maglone. 

As  the  fire  occurred  during  a  busy  season,  the  most  animated  the 
city  had  seen  foi  many  years,  the  losses  of  personal  property,  by  the 
destruction  of  the  contents  of  the  large  business  houses  on  Water, 
Market,  Wood  and  First  streets,  were  enormous — while  the  losses  in 
buildings  and  machinery  were  still  greater.  It  would  be  impossible 
to  arrive  at  any  near  estimate  of  the  total,  but  the  losses  assessed  by 
the  committees  appeinted  to  distribute  the  funds  contributed  for 
relief  of  the  sufferers,  as  sustained  by  one  thousand  and  eleven 
who  applied  for  assistance — and  these  those  who  lost  the  least — 
amounted  to  eight  hundred  thousand  dollars.  Of  these  sufferers, 
there  were  three  hundred  and  fifty  whose  losses  were  reported  at 
leas  than  a  hundred  dollars  each,  and  the  same  number  at  less  than 
five  hundred.  Of  the  city  insurance  companies,  whose  los  s  were 
eight  hundred  thousand  dollars,  two  were  unable  to  meet  their 
liabilities — ^thus  adding  to  the  misfortunes  of  the  sufferers,  while 
the  payment  of  losses  by  others  brought  the  disaster  home  to 


988 


OOHFLAaRATION  AT  PITTSBURaD. 


1845. 


many  a  widow  and  orphan  residing  beyond  the  bonndi  of  the 
district  laid  in  ashes,  depriving  them  of  dividends  npon  which 
they  relied  for  support.  Tho  amount  insured  in  other  cities  it  was 
impossible  to  ascertain. 

No  sooner  had  the  mails,  (for  this  was  before  the  days  of  tele- 
graphs,) disseminated  the  news  of  the  disaster  throughout  the 
country,  than  they  returned  laden  with  the  contributions  of  the 
people  for  the  relief  of  the  sufferers,  while  scarce  a  steamboat  came 
to  the  wharf  but  was  partly  freighted  with  provisions  for  their  sus- 
tenance, accompanied  with  expressions  of  sympathy,  and  the  hope 
that  the  energy  of  her  people  would  prove  superior  to  the  blow 
which  temporarily  crushed  them.  While  the  ruins  still  smould- 
«red,  and  men  gazed  upon  the  ashes  of  their  wealth,  the  spontane- 
ons  aid  of  a  nation  was  tendered  and  received.  In  giving  a  statement 
of  the  Belief  Fund  and  its  distribution,  Mr.  Foster's  pamphlet 
says: 

"It  would  be  manifestly  improper  to  allude  in  more  than  general 
terms  to  the  action  of  different  cities  in  relation  to  the  matter,  and 
we  shall  content  ourselves,  therefore,  by  giving  as  full  an  account 
of  the  donations  received  upon  the  occasion  as  it  is  possible  to  pro* 
curd — would  that  we  could  record  more  durably  the  name  of  every 
contributor  to  that  noble  fund,  which  has  relieved  so  large  a  num- 
ber whose  houses  were  destroyed,  and  whose  busy  workshops  were 
swept  away  by  that  flood  of  fire,  which  rendered  desolate  so  large  a 
portion  of  our  city.  Into  it  were  cast  thousands  of  widows'  mites, 
and  the  hard  earned  wages  of  as  many  working  men — all  classes, 
down  even  to  the  child  at  school,  aided  us,  and  a  debt  of  gratitude 
was  incurred  which  we  trust  some  day  to  repay. 

"But  first  we  may,  in  justice  to  our  city,  mention  that  the  con- 
tiibutions  given  us  from  our  own  citizens,  do  not  include  large 
amounts  privately  collected  and  distributed  at  once,  by  individuals 
and  charitable  societies,  and  large  quantities  of  produce,  clothing, 
and  furniture,  furnished  by  individuals  to  sufferers,  when  in  great- 
est need." 

These  contributions,  (including  fifty  thousand  dollars  from  the 
State  treasury,)  amounted  to  more  than  two  hundred  thousand  dol- 
lars— ^wbich  was  distributed  by  the  council^i  of  the  city,  in  a  mau- 
ner  which  alleviated  much  of  the  prevailing  distress. 

The  limits  ofthis  work  will  not  admit  of  saying  more  ofthiecalam- 
ity.  Within  three  months  after  it  occurred,  eight  hundred  bnildings 
were  contracted  for  in  the  Burnt  District — and  long  ere  this  that 
portion  of  the  Iron  City  df  the  Union  has  recovered  from  the  blow, 


■£■■■" 


1681. 


PIOULIAB  POPUUkTIOH  Of  80VTRIBV  ILLIHOIS. 


980 


ftiid  the  district  then  iu  aahes,  which  comprised  a  great  portion  of 
"the  old  city,"  u  now  the  handsomest  and  busiest  part  of  that  city 
of  workshops.  , 

**  Iu  early  days,  the  southern  settlements  of  Illinois  presented  but 
1840.]  few  specimens  of  the  more  refined,  enterprising,  intelleo- 
tual  and  moral  people,  and  society  generally  t^ere  was  of  a  very 
low  class. 

**  As  early  as  1816-17,  several  counties  of  this  section  of  the  ter> 
ritory  were  overrun  with  horse-thieves  and  counterfeiters,  who 
were  so  numerous  and  so  well  banded  together  as  to  set  the  laws 
at  defiance.  Many  of  the  sheriflb,  justices  of  the  peace,  and  con- 
stables were  of  their  number,  and  even  some  of  the  judges  of  this 
county  courts;  and  they  had  numerous  friends  to  aid  and  sympf- 
tbize  with  them,  even  among  those  who  were  the  least  suspected. 
When  any  of  them  were  arrested,  they  either  escaped  from  th« 
slight  jails  of  those  times,  or  procured  some  of  their  gang  to  be  on 
the  jnry;  and  they  never  lacked  witnesses  to  prove  themselves 
innocent. 

*'  The  people,  in  many  instances,  in  self-defense,  formed  them- 
selves into  revolutionary  tribunals,  under  the  name  of  *  Regulators;' 
and  the  governor  and  judges  of  the  tenitory,  seeing  the  impossi- 
bility of  executing  the  laws  in  the  ordinary  way,  agiunst  an 
organized  body  of  banditti,  who  set  all  laws  at  defiance,  winked  at 
and  encouraged  the  proceedings  of  this  citizen  oi^anization. 

"  The  regulators  in  number  generally  constituted  about  a  cap- 
tain's company,  to  which  they  gave  a  military  organization,  by  the 
election  of  officers.  The  company  generally  operated  at  night. 
When  assembled  for  duty,  they  marched,  armed  and  equipped  as 
if  for  war,  to  the  residence  or  lurking-place  of  a  rogue,  arrested, 
tried,  and  punished  him  by  severe  whipping  and  banishment.  In 
this  mode  most  of  the  rogues  were  expelled  from  the  country ;  and 
it  was  the  opinion  of  the  best  men  at  the  time,  that  in  the  then 
divided  and  distracted  state  of  society,  and  the  imperfect  civiliza- 
tion, such  proceedings  were  not  only  justifiable,  but  absolutely 
necessary  for  the  enforcement  of  justice. 

"  There  yet  remained,  however,  for  many  years  afterward,  a 
noted  gang  of  rogues  in  Pope  and  Massac,  and  other  counties  bor- 
dering on  the  Ohio  river.  This  gang  built  a  fort  in  Pope  county, 
and  set  the  government  at  open  defiance.  In  the  year  1881,  the 
honest  portion  of  the  people  in  that  region  assembled  under  arms, 
in  great  numbers,  and  attacked  the  fort  with  small  arms  and  one 


990 


lion  AHI>  MVRDIRS  IN  BOUTHBKH  ILLIHOIf. 


1846. 


piece  of  artillery.  It  was  taken  by  storm,  with  the  lots  of  one  of 
the  regulator!,  and  three  of  the  rognoa,  Icilied  in  the  asaanlt.  The 
residne  of  the  latter  were  taken  prisoners,  tried  for  their  crimes, 
but  probably  nerer  convicted."* 

Nor  does  it  appear  that  they  left  the  coantry,  for  some  years 
later  they  were  still  committing  their  depredations  in  the  same 
fkeighborhood.    The  writer  above  qaoted  says,  that 

**  In  the  sammer  of  1846,  a  number  of  these  desperadoes  attacked 
the  house  of  an  aged  citisen  of  Pope  county,  and  robbed  him  of  a 
laige  amount  of  money  in  gold.  In  the  act  of  committing  the 
robbeiy,  one  of  them  left  behind  a  knife,  made  by  a  blacksmith  in 
tb9  neighborhood,  by  means  of  which  he  was  identified.  This  one 
b«ing  arrested  and  subjected  to  torture  by  the  neighboring  people, 
MnfJBSied  his  crime,  and  gave  the  names  of  his  associates.  These 
•gidn  being  arrested,  to  the  number  of  a  dozen,  and  some  of  them 
being  tortured,  disclosed  the  names  of  a  long  list  of  confederates 
in  crime,  Mattered  through  several  counties.  The  better  portion 
of  the  people,  as  in  times  past,  now  associated  themselves  into  a 
band  of  regulators,  and  proceeded  to  order  all  suspected  persons 
to  leave  the  country." 

But  however  honest  and  worthy  might  have  been  the  intention 
of  those  who  first  formed  this  body  of  "  Regulators,"  their  pro- 
ceedings, as  is  the  case  with  all  anarchical  confederations,  soon 
became  lawless,  cruel,  and  defiant  oi^  all  government  The  system 
of  torture  carried  on  by  them,  and  inflicted  on  all  suspected 
persons,  had  the  effect  of  causing  the  list  of  persons  accused  to 
become  greater  every  day.  The  modes  of  torture  used  were 
various.  Some  of  the  victims  were  dipped  into  the  Ohio  river, 
and  held  under  water  until  they  divulged  the  names  of  theii  sup- 
posed accomplices.  Others  had  their  thumbs  pinched  with  bullot 
moulds.  "  Others  had  ropes  tied  around  their  bodies,  over  their 
arms,  and  a  stick  twisted  into  the  ropes  until  their  ribs  and  sides 
were  crushed  in  by  force  of  the  pressure." 

Borne  persons  having  entered  complaints  against  some  of  the 
regulators  for  these  acts  of  violence,  warrants  of  arrest  were  issued, 
and  some  of  the  offenders  arrested  by  the  sheriff.  They  were, 
however,  soon  after  rescued  by  their  friends,  and  the  sheri£^  the 
county  clerk,  and  the  magistrate  who  had  issued  the  warrants, 
ordered  to  leave  the  country  under  penalty  of  severe  corporeal 


•  Ford's  llliaoit. 


1846. 


RIOTS  AHD  MURDERS  IN  BOUTHSRN  ILLINOIS. 


091 


panishmeut.  They  even,  it  seemt,  by  torture  ond  bribery,  induced 
some  of  the  notorious  rogues  to  aoouse  these  men  of  being  accom* 
plices,  M  a  basis  for  the  order. 

In  this  condition  of  things,  application  was  made  in  August, 
1846,  to  the  governor  for  a  loilitia  force  to  sustain  the  constituted 
authority  at  Massao.  There  was,  however,  nothing  effectively  done 
to  quell  the  disturbance,  and  the  regulators  came  down  from  Pope, 
and  over  from  Kentucky,  and  drove  out  the  sheriff,  the  county 
clerk,  the  representative  elect  to  the  legislature,  and  many  others. 

Not  long  after  these  events,  indictments  were  found  against 
many  of  the  party,  t?hioh  caused  the  tide  of  wrath  to  turn  against 
the  grand  jury  who  had  been  fearless  enough  to  find  these,  and  the 
witnesses  on  whose  oaths  they  were  based.  All  these  wore  now 
ordered  to  leave  the  county.  4i» 

Meanwhile,  warrants  having  been  issued  upon  the  indictments, 
the  sheriff  summoned  a  posse,  in  order  to  execute  them.  But  such 
was  the  terror  now  existing  in  the  minds  of  the  community,  that 
nil  the  foroe  he  could  raise,  was  some  sixty  or  seventy  men,  who 
had  been  ordered  by  the  regulators  to  leave  the  country,  many 
of  whom  were  notorious  rogues. 

The  rioters  marched  down  to  Metropolis  City,  the  county  seat  of 
Massac,  in  much  greater  force,  and  a  parley  ensued,  the  result  of 
which  was  that  the  jail  was  delivered  over  to  the  regulators,  who  at 
once  liberated  their  friends.  Several  of  the  sheriff's  posse  were 
murdered,  and  he  himself,  with  his  most  active  friends,  driven  from 
the  county. 

An  attempt  to  put  down  the  regulators,  which  was  subsequently 
made  under  the  order  of  the  governor,  proved  equally  ineffectual, 
and  they  continued  in  power  for  the  remainder  of  the  year,  with- 
out any  force  to  check  their  career.  During  the  winter  of  1846-47, 
the  legislature  passed  a  law  "authorizing  the  governor,  when  he  was 
satisfied  that  a  crime  had  been  committed  by  twenty  persons  or 
more,  to  issue  his  proclamation ;  and  then  the  judge  of  the  circvit 
was  authorized  to  hold  a  district  court  in  a  large  district,  embracing 
Beveral  counties." 

The  object  of  this  law  evidently  was,  to  enable  the  State  to 
change  the  venue  in  such  cases  as  were  in  contemplation,  and  take 
them  out  of  the  proper  county,  it  being  very  certain  that  no  con- 
viction of  the  regulators  could  take  place  at  home.  The  constitu- 
tionality of  this  law  has  been  doubted,  but  the  question  appears 
never  to  have  been  tested,  for  it  does  not  seem  that  there  were  any 
prosecutions  under  it    Perhaps  it  has,  nevertheless,  had  the  effect 


992 


ILLUrOIS  MOViS  IN  SBLATIOH  TO  OAHAU. 


182a 


of  deterring  the  rioters,  or  else  they  became  tired  of  their  work,  for 
the  excitement  gradually  died  away  and  the  confederation  ceased.* 

The  first  printed  saggestion  of  the  praetioability  of  the  IlUnois  and 
1848.]  Michigan  canal,  appeared  in  Niles'  Register,  for  August, 
1814,  where  is  found  a  paragraph  from  a  series  of  editorial  articles, 
on  the  great  importance,  in  a  national  point  of  view,  of  the  States 
and  Territories  of  this  now  gre  «t  central  valley. 

"By  the  Illinois  river,  it  is  probable  that  Buffalo^  in  S'ew  York, 
may  be  united  with  New  Orleans^  by  inland  navigation,  through 
Lakes  Erie,  Huron  and  Michigan,  and  down  that  river  to  the  Mis- 
sissippi. What  a  route!  How  stapendons  the  idea!  How  dwin- 
dles the  importance  of  the  artificial  canals  oiEwrope^  compared  with 
^ihis  water  communication !  If  it  should  ever  take  place  (and  it  is 
said  the  opening  may  be  easily  made,)  the  territory  [of  Illinois]  will 
become  the  seat  of  an  immense  commerce,  and  a  market  for  the 
commodities  of  all  regions." 

As  has  been-  noticed,  the  first  Governor  of  Illinois,  after  it  had 
become  a  sovereign  State,  at  the  session  of  the  General  Assembly, 
in  1818,  brought  this  subject  before  that  body  in  his  inaugunl 
message. 

Ho  suggested  an  early  application  to  Congress  for  a  certain  per 
centage  from  the  sales  of  the  public  lands,  to  be  appropriated  to 
that  q]t»ject  In  his  valedictory  message,  in  December,  1822,  he 
again  refers  to  this  subject  and  to  his  first  address,  and  says : 

"It  is  believed  that  the  public  sentiment  has  been  ascertained  in 
relation  to  the  subject,  and  that  our  fellow-citizens  are  prepared  to 
sustain  their  representatives  in  the  adoption  of  measures  subservi- 
ent to  its  commencement" 

His  successor,  in  his  inaugural  address,  of  December,  1822,  de- 
votes four  pages  to  this  subject,  and  refers  to  an  act  of  the  preceding 
Congress,  which  "gave  permission  to  the  State  to  cut  a  canid 
through  the  public  lands,  connecting  the  Illinois  river  with  Lake 
Michigan,  and  granting  to  it  the  breadtili  of  the  canal,  and  ninety 
feet  on  each  side." 

With  this  was  coupled  the  onerous  condition  "that  the  State 
should  permit  all  articles  belonging  to  the  United  States,  or  to  any 
person  in  their  employ,  to  pass  toll  free  for  ever."  The  Governor, 
who  was  a  zealous  and  liberal  advocate  for  an  economical  and 


•  The  ahoTo  acooant  ia  obieflj  taken  fh>m  "Ford'a  lUinoia." 


1824. 


MIOHIOAN  AMD  ILLINOIS  OAMAL  BOUTB  BXPLOBKD. 


998 


judioione  syBtem  of  Internal  Improvements,  propoeed  to  create  a 
fund  from  the  revenues  received  for  taxes  on  the  military  hpunty 
lands ;  from  fines  and  forfeitures;  and  from  such  other  sources,  as 
the  legislature,  in  its  wisdom,  might  think  proper  to  set  apwrt  for 
that  purpose. 

He  also  urged  the  importance  of  an  opening  through  Indiana 
and  Ohio,  with  Lake  Erie,  by  improving  the  navigation  of  the 
Wabash  and  Maumee  rivers,  and  connecting  them  by  a  canal,  to 
which  objects  he  proposed  the  Illinois  Legislature  should,  invite 
the  special  attention  of  those  States,  and  co-operate  so  far  as  juris- 
diction extended.  He  further  proposed  the  examination  and  sujs 
veys  of  the  rivers  and  the  canal  route  in  Illinois;  and  to  memorial- 
ize Congress  for  a  liberal  donation  of  land,  in  opening  the  projected 
lines  of  communication.  :    ^ 

An  act  for  the  improvement  of  the  internal  navigation  of  the 
Btate,  and  a  memorial  to  Congress  on  the  subject,  were  passed  by 
the  legislature  during  the  session. 

This  act,  which  was  approved  February  14th,  1823,  provided  for 
a  Board  of  four  Commissioners,  whose  duties  were  to  devise  and 
adopt  measures  to  open  a  communication,  by  canal  and  locks, 
between  the  navigable  waters  of  the  Illinois  river  and  Lake  Michi- 
gan ;  to  cause  the  route  to  be  explored,  surveys  and  levels  to  be 
taken,  maps  and  field  books  to  be  constructed,  and  estimates  of 
the  costs  to  be  made;  and  to  invite  the  attention  of  the  Governors 
of  the  States  of  Indiana  and  Ohio^  and  through  them  the  legisla- 
tures of  those  States,  to  the  importance  of  a  canal  communication 
between  the  Wabash  and  Maumee  rivers. 

At  that  time  Kangamon  river,  and  Fulton  county,  were  the 
boundaries  of  settlements.  A  military  and  trading  post  existed  at 
Chicago;  a  dozen  families,  chiefly  French,  were  at  Peoria.  The 
northern  half  of  Illinois  was  a  continuous  wilderness;  or,  as  the 
universal  impression  was,  an  interminable  prairie,  and  uninhabita- 
ble for  an  age.  Morgan  county,  then  including  Scott'  and  Cass 
counties,  had  about  seventy-five  families;  and  Springfield  was  a 
frontier  village,  of  a  dozen  log  cabins. 

A  portion  of  the  commissioners,  with  a  special  engineer,  made 
an  exploratory  tour  in  the  autumn  of  1823.  In  the  autumn  of 
1824,  another  engineer  was  employed,  with  the  necessary  men  to 
assist  in  executing  the  levels,  and  making  the  surveys  complete. 
The  party  was  accompanied  by  one  commisaioner.  Two  compa- 
nies were  organized,  and  five  different  routes  examined,  and  the 
expense  estimated  on  each.  The  locks  and  excavations  were  cal- 
culated on  the  supposition  that  the  construction  was  on  the  same 


094 


JBOABD  OF  OAMAL  00MHXS8I0NHRS  APPOINTED. 


1829. 


ecale  of  the  grand  canal  of  New  York,  then  in  process  of  mak'ng. 
The  probable  cost  of  each  route,  was  reported  by  the  engineers;  the 
highest  being  seven  hundred  and  sixteen  thousand  one  hundred 
and  ten  dollars;  the  lowest,  six  hundred  and  thirty-nine  thousand 
nine  hundred  and  forty-six  dollars. 

At  the  next  session  of  the  legislature,  an  act  was  passed  (Jan- 
uary 17, 1825,)  to  **  incorporate  the  Illinois  and  Michigan  Canal 
Oompany."  The  capital  stock  was  one  million  of  dollars,  in  ten 
thousand  shares  of  one  hundred  dollars  each.* 
'  'rhe  stock  not  being  taken,  at  a  subsequent  session  the  legisla- 
ture repealed  the  charter.  During  these  movements  within  the 
State,  Ihe  late  Dauiel  P.  Oook,  as  the  representative  in  Congress, 
and  the  senators  of  Illinois,  were  unceasing  in  their  efforts  to  obtiun 
#  lands  from  the  national  government,  to  construct  this  work,  which 
•H  regarded  as  of  pro-eminent  national  advantage. 

As  the  result  of  these  eftbrts,  on  the  2d  of  March,  1827,  Congress 
granted  to  the  State  of  Illinois,  in  aid  Of  this  work,  each  alternate 
section  of  land^  five  miles  in  width,  on  each  side  of  the  projected 
oanal. 

The  embarrassments  of  the  State  in  finance,  .growing  out  of  the 
ruinous  policy  of  the  State  Bank,  noticed  in  the  preceding  section, 
prevented  anything  being  done  until  January,  1829,  when  the 
legislature  passed  an  act  to  organize  a  Board  of  Oommissioners, 
with  power  to  employ  agents,  engineers,  surveyors,  draftsmen,  and 
other  persons,  to  explore,  examine,  and  determine  the  route  of  the 
oanal.  They  were  authorized  to  lay  off  town  sites,  and  sell  lots 
and  apply  the  funds. 

They  laid  off  Chicago,  near  the  lake,  and  Ottawa,  at  the  junction 
of  Fox  river;  and  the  Illinois  surveys  and  estimates  were  again 
made,  but  the  project  of  obtaining  a  full  supply  of  water  on  the 
surface  level,  was  doubtful,  and  the  rock  approached  so  near  the 
surface  on  the  summit  level  between  the  Chicago  and  Des  Flaines, 
as  to  increase  the  estimates  of  cost,  and  cast  doubt  on  the  project. 

The  subsequent  legislature  authorized  a  re-examination  to  ascer- 
tain the  cost  of  a  railway,  and  whether  a  supply  of  water  could  be 
obtained  from  the  Calumet  for  a  feeder. 

The  estimated  cost  for  a  railway,  with  a  single  track,  for  ninety- 
six  miles,  was  about  one  million  fifty  thousand  dollars. 

At  a  special  session  of  the  legislature,  in  1886-86,  an  act  was 
passed  authorizing  a  loan  of  half  a  million  of  dollars  for  the  con- 


•  Btport  of  th«  CmuJ  Comminionen,  VandaliA,  1826. 


184& 


ILLIirOIB  AND  MIOflldAif  OANAL  VnilSHBD. 


09S 


atruction  of  the  oanal,  and  tbe  Board  df  Oonr  iissioiiera  was  re- . 
organized,  and  on  the  4th  of  Jnly,  1886,  the  first  ground  was 
broken. 

At  the  regular  session  of  1886-87,  the  "  Internal  Improvement" 
gystem  became  the  absorbing  topic,  the  canal  was  brought  under 
tbe  same  influence ;  loans,  to  a  vast  extent,  Were  created  for  both 
objects  *,  and  the  most  extravagant  expectations  were  raised,  but 
never  realized. 

The  sole  reliance  of  the  State  was  on  loans,  without  any  finances 
of  its  own,  or  any  means  to  pay  annual  interest  and  liquidate  the 
principal.  As  a  financial  measure),  the  canal  loans  were  distin- 
guished firom  the  internal  improvement  and  other  loans,  but  all 
failed  with  the  credit  of  the  State,  before  1842. 

Contracts  were  made,  and  the  work  on  the  scale  projected  made 
progress,  until  over  five  millions  of  dollars  had  been  expended,  and 
t^n  work  remained  nnfinished.  The  credit  of  the  State  having 
gvir.  -<>,  that  no  further  loans  could  be  obtained,  the  contractors 
■0,'.  \.y  .)1  <;ed  to  abandon  their  contracts,  with  heavy  claims  against 
the  »:>uiie;  and  in  1848,  a  law  was  passed  to  liquidate  and  settle  the 
damages,  at  a  sum  not  exceeding  two  hundred  and  thirty  thou- 
sand dollars.  The  Board  of  Oommissioners  was  dissolved,  and  the 
works  remained  in  the  same  state  for  two  years. 

The  session  of  1848-44,  adopted  a  plan  to  complete  tlie  canal, 
by  making  the  "shallow  cut,"  or  relying  on  the  streams  for  water, 
without  excavating  six  feet  below  the  lake  level,  as  had  been  pro» 
jected  and  partially  worked,  and  drawing  supplies  Arom  that  souroOi 
About  sixteen  hundred  thousand  dollars  would  complete  the  work 
on  this  plan. 

The  resources  were  about  two  hundred  and  thirty  thousand 
acres  of  land;  several  hundred  oity  and  village  lots;  the  water 
power  along  the  whole  line ;  a  balance  due  the  canal  fund  for  lands 
and  lots  sold,  and  the  canal  tolls.  All  these  resources  were  consid- 
ered ample  to  complete  the  work,  pay  interest  on  the  loans,  and 
eventaally  redeem  the  stock,  provided  additional  ftinds  could  be 
obtained.  A  proposition  was  made  and  accepted  by  the  stock- 
holders, a  Board  of  Joint  Trustees  was  appointed,  and  one  million 
six  hundred  thousand  dollars  advanced.  The  whole  work  was 
completed  in  1848;  regular  business  was  commenced,  and  has  in- 
creased in  a  larger  ratio  than  any  of  the  estimates. 

Of  the  monster  "Internal  Improvement"  system,  whicli  brought 
one  of  the  heaviest  calamities  on  the  State,  but  from  which  its  re- 
cuperative eneigies  are  slowly  recovering,  this  work  affords  no 


906 


WIBOONSnf  BB0OIIB8  A  STATB. 


iwa 


Space  for  particulars.  From  1885  to  1840,  the  popular  tuind 
through  the  United  States,  passed  through  a  species  of  mania. 
Men,  who  were  shrewd,  clear-headed,  and  safe  calculators,  became 
incapable  of  reasoning  correctly  in  financial  matters.  The  Legis. 
latiire  of  Illinois,  as  did  other  legislative  bodies,  labored  and  acted 
Tinder  a  singular  hallucination. 

A  minority  resisted;  a  prominent  leader  of  which,  the  late  Gen. 
eral  Hardin,  was  amopg  the  number  that  opposed  the  **  splendid 
project."  The  law  passed ;  ten  millions  of  dollars  were  to  be  loaned 
and  applied  to  various  lines  of  railroads,  and  river  improvements 
and  appropriations  made  for  the  same.  The  railroads  extended 
like  checker-work  over  the  State ;  every  one  of  which  was  planned, 
and  estimates  made  by  the  committee  on  the  copy  of  a  sectional 
map  of  the  State,  just  published,  and  which  had  reached  the  seat 
of  government. 

The  whole  length  of  the  railroads  to  be  made,  was  one  thousand 
three  hundred  and  forty-one  miles.  Extravagant  as  was  this 
scheme,  loans  were  negotiated  to  an  amount  exceeding  five  millions 
of  dollars,  and  the  money  thrown  away.  The  whole  system  went 
down  about  1841,  increasing  the  demands  against  the  State,  (inch- 
ding  accumulations  of  interest  due,)  to  an  amount  exceeding  fifteen 
millions  of  dollars.  Great  as  this  burden  may  appear  to  others, 
Illinois  has  resources,  and  has  made  provision  to  liquidate  this 
heavv  debt. 

The  canal  stock  includes  a  moiety  of  this  debt,  and  its  resources 
and  income  will  absorb  that  portion.  The  State  has  other  re- 
sources. But  in  making  a  new  constitution  in  1847,  which  was 
adopted  by  a  vote  of  the  people,  in  March,  1848,  a  section  provi- 
ding a  special  tax  of  two  mills  on  the  dollar  of  the  civil  liut,  was 
adopted  by  a  separate  vote  of  the  people,  by  more  than  ten  thou- 
sand majority.  This  income  is  applied  to  the  extinguishment  of 
the  principal  of  this  debt;  and  it  is  probably  the  first  instance  in 
which  the  people,  by  a  direct  vote,  have  solemnly  declared  they 
will  tax  themselves  to  pay  an  old  debt 

A  Convention  was  held  at  Madison,  October  6th,  1846,  for  the 
purpose  of  drafting  a  State  Constitution,  which  was  adopted  in 
Convention,  December  16th,  1846,  but  rejected  by  the  people  at 
the  election  held  on  the  first  Tuesday  in  April,  1847.  A  second 
Convention  was  held  December  16th,  1847,  and  a  Constitution 
agreed  to  February  Ist,  1848,  which  was  approved  of  by  the  elec- 
tors at  the  election  held  April,  1848,  and  Wisconsin  was  admitted 


1849. 


OBOLBRA  AHD  6MaT  WtBM  A¥  ST.  LOVtS. 


997 


into  the  Union,  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  other  States,  on  the 
29th  daj  of  May,  1848. 

Among  the  most  important  events  that  oconrred  in  this  year,  -wer» 
1849.]  two  of  a  meianoholy  character,  namely,  the  oholera,  which 
raged  with  terrible  violence  throoghoat  the  W'ost,  and  most  partie- 
alarly  i  c3t  Louis;  and  the  great  fire  that  in  this' year  destroyed  a 
largo  portion  of  the  latter  city. 

Cases  of  the  cholera  appeared  on  boats  navigating  the  lower 
MiBsissippi,  daring  the  last  months  of  1848 ;  and  an  ntiusuai  pre- 
disposition to  diarrhoeas,  and  affections  of  the  bowels,  was  mani- 
fested in  St.  Lonis  at  the  same  timo.  Two  cases  of  cholera,  and 
one  ddath,  occurred  the  first  week  in  January,  1849.  That  month 
there  were  thirty-eight  deaths  altogether  from  cholera,  thirty  in 
March,  and  eighteen  in  April. 

In  the  first  week  in  May,  there  was  a  fearfnl  increase  in  the 
progress  of  the  disease,  and  of  deaths.  Deaths  from  all  diseases, 
per  week,  from  one  hundred  and  eighteen  to  one  hnndred  and 
ninety-three.  Total  deaths  in  May^  seven  hundred  and  eighty-siic; 
from  cholera,  five  hundred  and  seventeen.  For  two  weeks  fol  lowing 
the  groat  fire,  there  was  a  pen:  ptible  decrease  in  the  niortality  and 
number  of  cases. 

During  the  first  week  in  June  there  were  one  hundred  and  forty- 
four  deaths,  seventy-four  from  cholera;  second  week,  two  hundred 
and  eighty-three  deaths,  one  hundred  and  thirty-nine  from  cholera^ 
third  week,  five  hundred  and  twenty-two  deaths,  four  hundred  and 
twenty-six  from  cholera;  fourth  week,  seven  hundred  and  ninety- 
eight  deaths,  six  hundred  and  thirty-six  from  cholera. 

From  June  26th  to  July  2d,  nine  hundred  and  fifty-one  deaths, 
seven  hundred  and  thirty-nine  from  cholera ;  from  July  8d  to  9th, 
eight  hnndred  and  fifty-one  deaths,  six  hundred  and  fif^-fonrfrom 
cholera;  from  July  10th  to  16th,  eight  hnndred  and  eighty-eight 
deaths,  six  hundred  and  sixty-nine  from  cholera;  from  July  17th to 
the  23d,  four  hundred  and  forty  deaths,  two  hundred  and  sixty- 
nine  from  cholera.  Last  week  in  July,  two  hundred  and  thirty-one 
deaths,  one  hundred  and  thirty-one  from  cholera. 

All  these  estimates,  however,  which  are  taken  from  the  report  of 
the  health  officer,  are  known  to  be  too  low.  During  the  entire 
year  of  1849,  the  mortality  was  about  ten  thousand,  of  which  there 
were  probably  six  thousand  deaths  firom  cholera. 

The  scourge  disappeared,  except  occasional  cases,  after  the  10th 
of  August  From  the  1st  of  Kovember,  1849,  to  ti^e  Ist  of  April, 
1850,  unusual  health  prevailed  for  a  city  population. 


098 


0HQL1B4  4HI>  OBIAT  VIBB  AT  BT.  LOUIS. 


im. 


The  great  fii>e  brol^  out  on  the  steamboat  White  Gloud,  near  the 
foot  of  Cherry  street,  at  the  hoar  of  ten  o'clock  at  night,  on  the 
17th  of  May,  1849.  The  wind  was  from  a  north-eastern  direction, 
aodblew  with  i^eat  force  all  the  night  In  a  short  time  twentj- 
three  steamboatf  were  on  fire,  and  consumed  ;^  some  with  valuable 
cargoes  on  boavd,.    . 

The  fire  first  caught  the  stores  at  the  foot  of  Lociist  street;  then, 
by  another  burning  boat  at  the  foot  of  Elm  street,  and  simultane- 
:<ilisly  two  fires  were  sweeping  over  several  squares^  driven  by  the 
W9nd  with  resistless  fury.  Massive  buildings  of  brick  or  stone, 
three  and  four  stories  in  height,  offered  no  resistance.  The  fires 
from  the  buildings  and  the  boats  out  off  all  communication  with 
tiie  river,  and  by  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  on  the  18th,  the  city 
xeservoir  was  exhausted. 

Up  to  this  time,  the  firemen  did  all  that  men  and  machinery 
could  do,  to  stop  the  devouring  element  Buildings  were  blown 
up,  and  several  lives  were  lost;  but  about  eight  o'clock,  A.  M.,  after 
ten  hours  of  devastation,  its  fury  was  spent  About  four  hundred 
bttild'ngs  were  burnt;  many  of  them  large  wholesale  stores.  The 
steamboats,  their  cai^ocs,  and  produce  on  the  landing,  were  valued 
at  five  hundred  and  eighteen  thousand  five  hundred  dollars;  build- 
ings, six  hundred  and  two  thousand  seven  hundred  and  forty-eight 
dollars;  merchandise,  six  hundred  and  fifty-four  thousand  nine 
hundred  and  fifty  dollars.  Add  to  furniture,  provisions,  clothing, 
etc,  and  the  loss  was  estimated  at  two  millions  seven  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  dollars.  About  tworthirds  the  value  were  covered 
by  insurance. 

The  cholera  during  the  summer,  was  more  fatal  than  the  fire  to 
tibie  business  of  the  city. 

For  the  first  few  months  after  the  conflagration,  "  the  burnt  dis- 
trict "  presented  a  doleful  picture ;  but  two  years  had  not  elapsed 
before  the  largest  portion  was  covered  with  buildings  of  a  superior 
oharacter.  Streets  were  widened,  and  naked  lots  rated  at  higher 
Taiue  than  tbey  had  been  previously,  with  their  houses  or  stores 
upon  them;  and  at  this  time  it  is  generally  believed  that  the  con- 
flagration benefited  the  city. 

Bailfoad  enterprises  have  of  late  years  become  so  numerous  that 
1861.]  it  were  useless  to  attempt  to  give  an  account,  or  even 
make  mention  of  all  that  have  been  built-:>yet  th^re  is  one,  which 
was  started  in  this  year,  which  is  of  such  nncommon  magnitude, 
^bat  it  would  seem  worthy  of  being  distinctively  mentioned.  This 
is  the  JUmois  CktUral  MaUroady  which  was  inporporated  by  the 


1861. 


EBii  iHoa&poHA;im>  ▲  onr.- 


m 


Legialatare  of  ihsA  State,  iu  ibe  seMioh  'Of  1851,  «nd  wm  in  its 
obartdr  gifted  with  very  ezteiuive  firanohiBeii  «nd  powers. 

The  road  is  remaricablefbr  its  unnsQaljeogth;  coiumenoing  at 
Cairo,  at  the  juncture  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  rivers,  and  ezt 
tending  through  the  centre  of  tiie  State,  tothej^prthTWest  oor^er 
of  the  same,  oppoute  Dubuque,  it  runs  oV^r  a  distance  of  seven 
hundred  miles,  (including  Chicago  branch,)  travernng  in  its  course 
a  greater  extent  of  fertile  land,  that  is  susceptible  of  the  highest 
degree  of  cultivation,  than  probably  any  other  railroad  in  the  world. 

In  1851,  Erie,  Penn^lvania,  was  incorpordted  as  a  city.  As  this 
place  is,  as  it  were,  the  gate  of  Western  History,  a  short  sketch  of 
its  origin  will  not  be  inappropriate  in  this  place. 

Early  in  the  year  1753,  while  the  entire  North-West  was  still  a 
vast,  almost  untrodden  wilderness,  and  when  the  waters  of  the 
northern  lakes  had  as  yet  been  undisturbed,  excepting  only  by  the 
elements,  and  the  light  ripple  caused  by  the  Indian's  paddle,  or 
occasionally  the  boat  oar  of  some  lonely  voyageuTyOr  of  some  one 
of  the  Jesuits,  who  even  then  were  living  on  the  Canadian  side 
below-'-at  that  time  the  French  were  the  first  among  the  whitei^ 
to  land  qpon  those  lake-waahed  shores,  and  on  the  site  of  the  presr 
ent  city  of  Erie,  they  erected  a  fort,  to  which  they  gave  the  name 
oS^FortFresquelHle."* 

This  was  the  first  of  a  series  of  military  posts  which  they  estal^ 
Ushed,  for  the  purpose  of  connecting  their  possessions  on  the  St. 
Lawrence  with  "the  beautiful  river,"  {La  beUe  JSl'viere)  the  Ohio, 
and  thence  with  their  posts  on  the  Mississippi.  In  1760,  this  fort 
was  surrendered  to  the  British ;  but  three  years  later  its  weak  gar- 
rison was  overcome  and  massacred  by  the  Indians,  under  the 
guidance  of  Pontiac,t  and  thenceforth  again  at  Presqm  Isle  the 
lake-wave  sported  along  the  shores  of  a  wilderness,  and  the  In* 
dian's  whoop  was  once  more  echoed  back  by  solitary  forests. 

In  the  year  1789,  the  Indian  title  to  that  portion  of  Erie  county 
called  "the  Triangle,"  was  at  last  extinguished,  and  in  1792,  the 
tract  was  purchased  from  the  United  States.  In  1796,  the  place 
became  interesting  by  the  death  and  burial  there  of  General 
WayucJ 

The  town  was  first  permanently  settled  and  laid  out  in  1795^  and 


1 


*  Sm  ante,  poge  108,  in  Coffen's  narratire. 
I  Erie  Directory,  pnblisliod  1858. 


f  Ueo  ante,  page  166. 


■*,,. 


1000 


OLOOMT  TIAB  naOVOSOO*  T9I 


1864. 


five  yean  1at»r  it  beefttne  lb<e  sett  <)f  joitioe  for  Erie  oonnty,  thongh 
it  was  the  year  1808  before  the  flr^  oonrt  wae  held  there.  In 
1805,  U  wae'  inoorfioMt^  M  t;  boiolip^  «iid  fai  1818,  it  became 
fiunqns  in  th«  atmiiib  of  the  cdiiiiiitiar>  M  (^  point  where  Perry  built 
hie  fleet,*  and  fWMq^tWhioh  he  went  foHh  lipon  tliat  Tietorioqe  expe* 
dition,  die  resdta  Of  which  he  himself  oommemorated  in  his  cele- 
brated laconic  meMttge:  **  We  have  met  the  enemy,  and  they  are 
onwu" 

'^he  situation  of  Erie  is  exceedingly  picturesque,  and  as  beaiiti- 
tvA  as  that  of  any  city  in  the  West.  The  population  is  between 
aght  and  ten  thousand. 

This  year,  like  the  year  1811,  was  throughout  one  fhll  of  disasters 
ISM."]  and  gloomy  incidents,  of  which  the  heaviest  portion  fell 
upon  the  "West. 

The  first  and  chief  cause  of  distress  was  the  ejcceeding  heat  and 
^fongfatj  and  the  consequent  scarcity  of  provisions.  In  the  early 
spring  the  6ea8l>n  opened  with  sufficient  promise,  bdt  as  the  suronier 
advanced,  there  was  a  total  absence  of  all  rain ;  the  ground  became 
parched;  the  creeks  and  small  water  courses  dried  up,  and  many 
of  the  rivers  became  lower  than  they  had  been  known  within  the 
memoiy  of  the  oldest  inhabitants.  At  the  same  time  the  heat  waa 
excessive.  Everything  was  suffering  for  want  of  water ;  the  grain 
became  shriveled  up  and  dried,  and  failed  to  produce  crops ;  vege- 
tables would  not  come  to  perfection,  or  became  unhealthy,  for  the 
want  of  proper'or  ample  nourishment  to  develop  them ;  and  even 
the  cattle,  in  many  sections  of  country,  had  to  be  sacrificed,  on  ao- 
connt  of  the  scarcity  of  pasture  and  water,  and  the  consequent  im- 
possibility of  keeping  them.  Many  formers  were  obliged  to  drive 
the  few  cattle  that  they  retained,  several  miles  from  home,  to  the 
rivers  to  get  water.    It  was  a  season  of  unexampled  drought 

In  consequence,  the  prices  of  flour,  produce  and  other  necessa* 
ries  became  very  far  higher  than  had  ever  been  known  in  the 
West,  and  the  suffsring  among  the  poor  was  terrible. 

Tery  much  of  the  distress  produced  by  the  failure  of  crops  this 
year,  might  no  doubt  have  been  saved,  if  the  American  people 
were  more  disposed  to  goard  their  agricultural  interests.  Bnt  it 
is  greatly  to  be  deplored  that,  both  East  and  West,  there  is  preva- 
lent in  our  countiy  a  disposition  to  neglect  that  noblest^  happiest 


*  See  Mtte,  page  901. 


'4^- 


1854. 


8E00NDART  0AU8B8  OV  DISTRK88. 


1001 


und  most  asefal  of  all  pursuits— a^'cu/<ur«,  and  to  throng  the  cities 
with  a  snpernbundant  population,  while  millions  of  acres  are  lying 
idle  in  the  '/Jreat  West,"  offering  to  man  wealth,  happiness  and 
abundance  of  all  that  he  may  need.  For  this  reason  it  is  that 
each  year's  consumption  nearly  exhausts  the  granaries  of  the 
country.  One  season  of  dearth  and  scarcity  brings  us  to  the  verge 
of  famine,  while  in  the  West  alone,  there  are  millions  of  acres  of 
rich  land  uncultivated,  which,  if  only  partially  tilled,  would  pro- 
duce a  superabundance  each  year  for  the  whole  population,  if  men 
would  only  chose  to  remtiin  "tillers  of  the  soil,"  instead  of  becom- 
ing "hangers  on"  in  cities.  Even  of  the  foreign  emigrants,  many, 
who  at  home  were  agriculturists,  are  encouraged  to  remain  in 
cities,  and  take  up  occupations  that  are  far  less  profitable. 

The  distress  caased  directly  by  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  was  in 
mid-summer  increased  by  sickness,  which  no  doubt  arose  indirectly 
from  the  same  cause,  through  the  unhealthiness  of  provisions. 
Even  the  rivers,  being  drained  to  their  dregs,  failed  to  furnish  their 
usual  healthy  draughts.  During  the  latter  part  of  the  summer,  the 
(ibolera,  which  seems  of  late  years  to  have  lost  much  of  its  epidemic 
character  in  the  West,  and  seems  to  be  becoming  a  regular  visitant 
among  men,  made  its  appearance  in  many  cities,  and  raged  with 
anasual  virulence.  In  Pittsburgh,  Pennsylvania,  which  had  never 
before  been  visited  by  that  scourge,  beyond  the  appearance  of  a 
few  isolated  cases,  about  a  thousand  persons  died  in  the  course  of 
five  weeks.  Bowel  complaints  and  mild  forms  of  cholera  morbus 
were  so  prevalent  every  where,  that  comparatively  few  escaped 
them.  In  the  southern  portion  of  the  West,  the  yellow  fever  raged. 
Altogether,  many  families  were  broken  up  and  many  dear  hopes 
shattered  by  the  hand  of  the  "fell  destroyer." 

It  is  pleasing  to  reflect,  that  amid  the  distress  caused  by  all  these 
adverse  circumstances,  gentle  charity  did  not  fail  in  her  kind  min- 
istrations to  the  wants  of  the  needy.  In  some  cities  of  the  West, 
in  the  fall  and  winter,  there  were  "Howard  Associations  "  or  chari- 
table societies  formed,  for  the  relief  of  the  distressed,  and  "soup- 
hoases"  were  established,  at  which,  through  contributions  of  the 
wealthy,  the  poor  were  furnished  with  food  and  bread,  and  thus, 
no  doubt,  much  Buffering  was  alleviated,  and  many  probably  saved 
ftom.  starvation. 

There  were  also  other  sad  accidents,  which  did  their  share 
toward  increadng  the  general  gloom.  There  wore  throughout  tiii 
country  in  this  year,  one  hundred  and  ninety-three  railroad  acOi 
dents,  kilUiijg  one  hundred  and  mghi^-Bbt  peMonfl,  and  wounding 
#64 


1002 


BOUNTIFUL  BBA0Oir  01  AORIOULTUHAL  PXODUCTfl. 


1855. 


five  hundred  and  eighty-nine;  there  were  forty-eight  Rteomboat 
accidents,  in  which  five  hundred  and  .  eighty-seven  persons  were 
killed  and  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  wounded ;  being  an  in- 
crease of  two  hundred  and  sixty-eight  killed,  over  the  previous 
year.  There  were  also  one  hundred  and  seventy-one  lives  lost,  hy 
means  of  eighty-three  fires,  and  the  total  loss  of  property  by  fire 
was  twenty-five  millions  of  dollars.  Of  all  these  accidents  and 
losses,  and  particularly  of  the  two  first  named,  the  West  bore  a  very 
large  proportion.  Grime,  too,  this  year  footed  up  a  fearful  cata- 
logue. There  were  six  hundred  and  eighty-two  murders  commit- 
ted ;  and  eighty-four  executions  took  place  throughout  the  Union. 

On  the  year  of  sadness  and  want  just  described,  followed  one  of 
1855.]    an  equal  degree  of  joy  and  plenty.    The  weather  during 
the  spring  and  summer  was,  mostly  throughout  the  West,  as 
favorable  as  could  be  desired,  and  with  the  opening  harvest,  grief 
at  past  misfortunes  soon  lost  the  keenness  of  its  edge,  and  the 
smiles  of  teeming  fields  wore  reflected  back  in  the  faces  of  their 
cultivators.    The  lands  that  for  one  season  had  produced  so  little 
or  nothing,  had  the  more  strength  now  for  the  new  crops,  and  all 
was  teeming  with  plenty.    There  was  an  excellent  yield  of  grain, 
pasture  was  good,  vegetables  abundant,  and  the  fruit-trees,  in  many 
parts,  literally  broke  down  beneath  the  load  of  their  treasures. 
Such  a  season  of  plenty  as  the  year  1855,  had  not  been  known 
siuco  1810. 

In  addition  to  this,  the  Western  rivers  continued  in  good  navi- 
gable condition  during  the  whole  summer,  thus  affording  means 
for  bringing  all  this  produce  to  market.  Trade  was  active,  and 
the  manufactories  were  in  full  and  successful  operation.  The 
season  throughout  was  so  full  of  happiness,  as  to  dispel  all  the 
gloom  that  had  been  caused  by  the  misfortunes  of  the  previons 
year. 

The  present  year  has  thus  far  been  remarkable  only  for  the  almost 
1856.]  unprecedented  severity  of  its  winter.  During  the  first 
three  months,  the  cold  was  intense  and  unremitting,  and  altbough 
there  was  a  great  deal  of  enow  on  the  ground,  that  no  doubt 
acted  beneficially,  yet,  fruit  of  every  description  throughout 
the  West,  has  been  so  severely  iigured  by  the  cold,  bat  the 
yield  is  unusually  limited,  and  some  species  have  been  almost 
entirely  destroyed. 
,  The  general  health  has  up  to, ^ he  present  time  (early  autumn) 


1856. 

been 
any  pi 
the  sei 

Verj 

which 

since  tl 

none  o 

same  is 

As  the : 

changes 

way,  ani 

of  men, 

thing  is 

history  o 

It  wag 

give  reUc 

questions 

ests  of  Ki 

are  as  ye 

ness,  too  I 

in  a  work 


1856. 


RIMARKS  ON  TBI  VAB  WIST. 


1008 


been  uncommonly  gpod.  There  haa  as  yet  been  no  epidemic  in 
any  part  of  the  West,  and  altogether  less  sickness  than  is  usual  for 
the  season. 


Very  little  mention  has  been  made  in  these  annals,  of  Minnosota, 
which  became  a  territory  in  1849,  with  St.  Paul  for  its  capital,  and 
since  that  time  its  changes  have  been  so  rapid  and  numerous,  that 
none  of  its  affairs  have  as  yet  become  matured  for  history.  The 
same  is  true  in  regard  to  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  Kansas,  and  Nebraska. 
As  the  face  of  the  country  in  these  new  regions  is  subject  to  daily 
changes,  the  wild  forests  and  Indians'  hunting  grounds  giving 
way,  and  becoming  the  busy  haunts  of  civilization,  so  the  affairs 
of  men,  too,  are  still  in  a  state  of  transition,  and  all  unsettled.  Every 
thing  is  incomplete,  and  no  reliable  data  can  be  obtained.  The 
history  of  these  regions  is  still  slumbering  in  the  lap  of  the  future. 

It  was  equally  impossible  in  a  work  professing  impartially  to 
give  reliable  information,  to  say  anything  in  regard  to  the  great 
questions,  some  of  which  are  intimately  connected  with  the  inter- 
ests of  Kansas  territory,  that  are  now  agitating  the  Union.  These 
are  as  yet  too  much  questions  of  jiarQ^  politics,  and  from  their  new- 
ness, too  little  fraught  with  abiding  results,  to  be  properly  introduced 
in  a  work  of  general  historical  annals.  Where  the  well  known  heat 
of  party  strife  and  party  interest  affords  so  much  inducement  for 
exaggeration  and  even  misrepresentation,  it  would  be  difficult  to 
distinguish  the  reliable  information  from  the  one-sided  accounts 
given  by  interested  parties.  For  this  reason  it  has  been  deemed 
most  prudent  to  abide  the  time,  and  leave  the  consideration  of 
these  important  matters  for  a  future  period,  when  they  shall  have 
become  more  mature. 


A*ir,M%|or, 
AdMM,hlie 
AddlwD,  Jnd| 
AkMDiMor  Ar 
Albuy,  Indtea 
Allluo*,  th*  yi 
Allen  UwpMM 
AllagheiiiM  rap 
AttcgtwnyOoll* 
AllooM,  OlBOda, 

AoMriOMM  MMk 

•mpl 
AnaitMliH,  Vatt 
Anotont  Ohtften 
Ancient  neordi 
Andtnon,  Oolon( 
AntboDj,  St,  7*1 
Arbnekla,  (kpUii 
Anntitio*  nagotli 
AnMtconfiJnoqi 


Annttrong,  0«ne 
Awimption,  foil 
Atheu,  Unirenil 
An  aUlM,  Oimnd 
Tort  I 
Aabrjr  taeoMdi  I 
Andniln,  Bar.  K, 

li(g»tt«w»7,  nn : 
■Uier*!,  manaora 
Bank  of  Untt«)d  8i 
Bankalnllllnoia, 
Banking  in  Ohio, 
Banlay,  Captain, 
larlaw,  Joal,  goM 
■atUaoftlMThai 
■Mugmt,  If .  de,  CO 
Beaqjeo,  Captain, 
Btletra  jrieldi  Dm 
Mleme,  Iowa, 
Benham,  Captain, 
Berlin,  decree  iaau 
BienTllla,  ionndi  1 
marchei 
died,  (It 
■g^Mttmaiattlen 
■gOocreomaio* 


INDEX. 


AdMM,  hli  oomtpondrnM  with  iMd  OhtawlhtB,  4U 
Addlton,Jnd|*,lil*ehar|«on«k«wkMyiloli^    TM 

Akanawor  ArkMWMb  U 

Albu/,  IndlUM  mat  At,  Ml 

AUiMoi,UMW«rc<  n 

All«i  Uw  pMMd,  TM 

Allai^aiilM  raploTwI  bjr  Bpottiwoodi  M 

AltogbenyOolltttMMtMlTUtotMudad,  M3 

AUohm,  OlNda,  Mill  aMoetalai,  M 

AmeriouM  Mak  iDdlM  •IIIumm^  MO 

employ  Indlut  la  ww,  M4 

AoMtMlai,  ftibtr,  91 
Anoint  OhMtm,                           4U,  41^  AU^  4M 

Aselcnt  neonU  of  ViaoMiiMi^  88 

Anderaon,  Oolonel,  rarrtyor,  418 

AnlhoDf,  St,  f alb  U,  auMd  bj  Hniaapta,  88 

ArbncU«,OipUlD,  at  Point  riaMMt,  3U 

AnnliUo*  n«BotUt«d  nt  TaiwOlM^  1T88,  407 
AtitroofeJno^comiiiMidt  torts  on  BowiBihnnnn,  188 

eommuidf  ospadltloo,  188 

sttaelu  KittMnlnib  130 

Annttrong,  OenenI,  made  Baentary  of  War,  898 

AMsmption,  Tort,  (Memplil*,)  amy  at,  78 

Atheu,  UniTenlty  of,  in  OhiOk  788 

An  aialn,  Onnd  Indian  ConneU  at,  808 

Tort  Itafluice  bnUt  al^  843 

Aabry  meoMdiD'AbadK  180 
Andrnln,  Her.  ■,                                         Rota,  82 

BiCgattoway,  an  Indian  gama^  1(8 

BUar*!,  matuora  at,  by  Danlal  Oraalhimiat  318 

Buk  of  United  Stataa  In  Ohfcs  038 

■Mkainlllinoli,  874 

BMiUn(ln(Hilo,  824 

Buclay,  Captain,  meditates  pinndaring  at  V^.i,  801 

■arlow,  Joel,  goes  to  Bnrope  to  sell  land,  708 

■ttUe  of  the  Thames,  004 

■etqjen,  M.  de,  commands  ta  Salle's  fleet,  04 

Btw^eo,  Captain,  killed  at  Braddock's  Add,  134 

liletn  yields  Detroit,  188 

Mleme,  Iowa,  808 

ItDham,  Captain,  bis  adTentnrea,  808 

■erlin,  decree  iuned,  and  its  oonseqnences^  830 

lienTille,sonndsllisslarippi,  78 

narehes  against  Oblokasawa^  78 

died,  (It  Is  said,)  of  grK  190 

■rbottMn  settlements  dastioyad,  663 

■gOoorooasswrsrtoAmarlMaa^  373 


eknwk,NAMMtonMa«dt  tatyar'UI,  SB 

',  *«n  •• 

of  treaty  M  i<i04,  Wi. 

hi  paaea  and  makes  tisaty,  %\ ' 

hflstlliUss,  "li ' 

Is  di>atid  by  M%|or  DewUt,  Vft 

Is  taksn  prhNMisr,  8M 

Mask  Bawk  war,  eommonoement « ',  8a 
0«n.Clainee'exped'n<  pMIss;  '*ppl,  88t 

party  under  Mi^or  St  Isuin,  884 

naasaers  at  Ottawa,  888 

Blannerbsssstt  Island,  Burr's  plans  raspaetiag,  811 

Blookllaasss,thair  manner  of  eonstrMtkm,  840 
Ohmahan's,  WeatmorslaiMi  Oo,  Pa^  882 

■aanastown,         ••             «  888 

Orr's,  on  Allegheny  rHrar,  718 

b  Boast;  (Watertord.)  717 

PNaqa'Iile,(Xria,)  717 
Qower.at  montb  tt  HesklaK  OUo,  M 

Moody  run,  battle  o<;  170 

Blue  Uoks,  battle  ot;  888 

Boone,  Daniel,  bis  birth  ptaoe,  edneatlon,  fte.,  HI 

•zploras  Kentucky  and  taken  prisoosr,  218 

eondnets  home  nirTeyors,  2M 

assists  T''^  !<4TlTania  Oompany,  228 

UssseonA<ni,<<v(ty,  288 

atthsbbi.:.>  Blue  Licks,  888 

Boonasboroo^  founded,  281 
attacked  by  Indians  and  BritW^  888 

Border  war  on  urestem  lh>ntlar,  1763,  174 

Bowman  i;',i  jar,  commandant  at  Cahokta,  272 

Bonndr,'  i  .a  to  determine  Indian  lands  Weat,  307 

of  V.  8.  aooording  to  treaty  of  Paris,  407 

Bowman,  Captain,  Joseph,  jonmal  al,  288 

capture  of  Tinoennes,  288 

Boone's  Uck  settlement,  818 

Border  Warriors,  character  of,  832 

Bowman,  CoL  Jno,  arrires  in  Kentucky,  263 

rsUe^ea  Iiogan's  station,  260 

■eats  Clark  at  Corn  Island,  288 

Vk  expedition  against  Sbawaasss,  306 

Boaqnet,  Colonel,  with  Forbes,  ■  147 

Mograpblcal  sketch  0^  176 

raliaTea  Fort  Pitt,  in 

his  expedition  to  Mnsklngnm,  ISI 

Braddock,  Geperal,  his  march  and  deftat,  128 

Braddock'sroad,  117 
Biadstraet,  Qaneral,  his  captnra.of  ft  Irontanae,  147 

htommaniaxpeditloB,  170 


/ 


1006 


IVDBX. 


Bnutt,  J<«3ph,  Secretary  of  Bnperiiitfindent,  239 
hvadi  confMoiacy  and  goee  to  England,  1790, 6S8 
hif  connection  with  the  Britiab,  666 

iBTlted  to  PhUadelpbia,  697,  603 

IX  Council  of  Nary  Hall,  016 

hJa  addreuee  to  Oonunliiionen,  179S,  616,  618 
hii  remarks  on  peace  conference,  1793,        682 

Brady,  llngh,  Oeneral,  Chronology,  1861. 

Brackenrldge,  Jno.,  chairman  of  Democratic  Eoo,  604 

Brickell's  account  of  hii  captivity,  Ac, 

Britieh  encourage)  44,  6Ml  668L  602. 
IndUnhoetUIUei,/  "«>  <»«^  ««»!>  «>«. 
British  make  presents  to  Indiana, 

luflbence  orer  Indians,  642,  656, 

Brodhead,  Colonel,  Daniel,  attacks  Iroquois, 

expedition  of,  to  Uusklngum, 
Brown,  John,  member  of  Congress  firam  Ky, 
BrownsTille,  (Redstone,)  early  hiatory  of, 

excise  meeting  at, 
BnflUo  creek,  settlements  on,  attacked, 
Bullitt,  Captain,  gallant  conduct  of, 
Thomas,  descends  the  Ohio, 
surveys  lands  In  Kentucky, 
Buntln,  Captain,  his  letter  to  Oeneral  St  Clair, 
Busby  run,  battle  of,   , 
Burr,  his  first  visit  West, 

his  movements  in  1800^ 

his  letter  to  Wilkinson, 

is  accused  by  Daviess, 

demands  an  investigation, 

surrenders  himself  in  Hlsaiaaippi, 

his  escape  and  arrest, 
Butler,  William,  Indian  trader, 
Butler,  General  Richard,  676^  678, 

Byrd's  invasion  of  Kentucky, 
Bryant* s  station  attacked, 


680, 


666 

829 

063 
830 
303 
331 
490 
429 
680 
406 
168 
214 
327 
606 
170 
790 
807 

ao8 

811 
812 
814 
816 
218 
690 
822 


Oadillao  with  Crosat  accepts  Looialana,  <  76 

founds  Detroit,  86 

Cahokia  founded,  84 

Pitman's  account  U,  196 

taken  by  Bowman  under  Clark,  272 

Camp  Charlotte,  tB 

Camp  Rustell,  goB 

Campaign  of  1812,  in  N.  W.,  blunders  in,  867 

Harrison's  plans  for,  880 

of  1813,  Harrison's  plans  for,  898 

Campbell,  John,  his  hud  at  fiOls  of  Ohio,  827 


Campbell,  Bf^Jor,  his  correspon.  with  Wayne,  049, 660 

Campbell,  Lient.  Col.,  expedition  nndsr,  887 

Canada,  settlement  of  by  French,  49 

•        given  up  by  French,  1760^  181 

expedition  to,  under  Holmes,  nj 

attempted  invasion  of,  1812,  860 

Canadian's  version  of  battle  of  Blue  Ucks,  396 

canals  In  Ohio,  039, 942, 949, 957 

in  Europe  and  America,  939 

the  Illinois  and  Michigan,  992 

Oanonsburg,  College  at,  founded,  767 

Capttna,  massacre  at,  818 

Carmarthen,  Lord,  correspondence  with  iolams,    416 

Corolona,  province  of,  ,04 

Carondelet,  or  "  Vide  Poche,"  187 

Baron,  governor  of  Louisiana,  077 

instmcUona  of;  to  WilUason,  1797,     787 


Caronuelet,  communication  of,toInnisand  othen),T39 

Cass's  expedition  in  1820, 

Oavelior,  M.,  brother  of  La  Salle, 

Celeron  places  medals  along  Oklo^ 

Cession  of  the  IlUnois, 

Oessation  of  hostilities,  1760, 

Character  of  Western  Pioneers, 

Charlevoix's  account  of  N.  OrleMts, 

Chartiers,  Fort,  rebuilt, 

Ohegirfmegon, 

Cherokees  sell  a  portion  of  their  claim, 

ChlUlcothe,  Indian  town  on  Scioto, 

city  ot,  founded, 
Chickasaws  visited  by  English, 
vror  of,  with  French, 
offended  by  Amerlea^ 
Chouteau,  Auguste  and  Pierre, 
ChoctawB  and  French, 
Cholera  in  the  army,  1832, 
in  8t  Louis,  1849, 
in  Pittsburgh,  1864, 
Cincinnati,  (LosantiviUe,)  first  occupation  oi; 
city  ot;  founded, 
named  by  St.  Clair, 
Fort  Washington  established  at, 
Its  condition,  Ac,  in  1792, 
Clark,  Q90.  B.,  his  version  of  Cresap's  conduct, 
steps  of  in  Kentucky,  1776^ 
walks  to  Virginia  Assembly, 
procures  the  erection  of  Ky .  county, 
delivers  ammunition  ttaa  Pittsburgh, 
proposes  to  conquer  Illinois, 
receives  his  instructions,  1778, 
descends  to  the  foils  of  Ohio^ 
conquers  Kaskaakia,  Ac, 
trots  with  the  Indians, 
orders  force  against  Ouiotenon, 
learns  Hamilton's  plans, 
marches  against  Vincennes, 
his  efforts  and  sufferings, 
summons  Hamilton  to  yield, 
takes  Vincennes, 
embarrassed  by  paper  monegr, 
builds  Fort  Jefferson  on  Uississippi, 
his  first  expedition  to  Hiamiet, 
proposes  to  take  Detroit, 
his  second  expedition  to  Hiamles, 
his  commission  is  withdrawn, 
grant  of  land  to, 
treaty  at  Fort  Finney, 
his  expedition  to  the  Upper  Wabash, 
his  illegal  acts  at  Vinceniiea, 
becomes  leader  under  Oenet's  inflnenoe, 
his  conduct  c  ndemned  by  Va.  council, 
Clark,  Oov.  Wm.,  ills  exped.  to  Prarie  du  Clilen, 
Clay,  General,  Green, 

Christie,  Ensign,  commandant  at  Presqn'  Isls, 
Christian,  Colonel,  commands,  1774, 
Cleveland  (bunded, 
Coffen's  deposition  and  narrative, 
College  township,  Symmes*  history  of, 
Commissioners,  Indian,  their  instructions,  1T84, 
proclamation  ct,  1786, 
^ipointed  to  meet  Indians,  17911,  OH 

note  of,  to  Gov.  Bimcos,  *>^ 


«r 
100 

188 

m 

336 

76 
191 

60 


732 

rt 

78 
323 
IM 

n 

1X8 
W 
VM 

324 

480 

m 

784 
220 
246 
2t> 

m 
a\ 

263 
268 
266 
2tO 
276 
2S0 
282 
283 
281,286 

203 
IH 
323 
324 


412 
412 
441 
446 
4M 
4W 
4il 

ail 

8t8 
168 
225 
718 
101 
766 
410 
438 


INDEX. 


1007 


OommlMionvH,  nply  of,  to  Bnint'i  addreM,  616 

letter  of,  to  S««retary  of  War,  619 

■ocund  council  o^  at  Detroit  rWer,  620 

refnae  to  make  Ohio  river  bouud'y,6i24 

final  anawer  to  Indiana,  681 

Conflagration  at  I'lttaburgb,  086 

at8t.  Loula,  098 

Oonnectlcut,  land  controversy  of,  with  Penn'a.,  464 

makes  ceealon  of  weatern  lunda,  456 

sella  her  weatern  lands,  713 

her  Ohio  lands  accepted  by  U.  3.  766 

Oonuolly,  Dr.  John,  account  o^  216 

reprtohonsible  conduct  of,  226 

landa  at  fidla  of  Ohio,  327 

TtslU  Kentucky  again  in  1788,  492 

Contreccear,  H,  de,  133 

summoni  ol^  123 

OoDTention  of  N.^.  Ter.  to  form  State  (Ohio,)  761 

alteration  of  boundaries  by,  762 

Complantor  at  council  of  Au  Qlaice,  606 

Cornstalk  betrayed  and  murdered,  262 

Comvrallia,  aurreuder  of,  407 

Council  Bluffs,  expedition  to,  1810,  028 

Council,  Indian,  at  An  Glaiae,  606 

with  Indians  at  Navy  Hall,  1703,  616 

Cook,  Daniel  P.,  opposes  slavery  in  Illinois,  064 

Coles,  Edward,  Qovemor  of  Illinois,  061 

Cote,  8ans  Dessein,  defense  o(  016 

Columbia,  Ohio,  settled,  482 

Clalg,  M^jor,  70S 

Crawford,  Col.,  sent  against  the  MIngoes,  227 

elected  to  commar.d  expedition,  880 

taken  prisoner  and  burnt  to  death,  381 

Cramer,  Zadok,  Chronology,  1811. 

Oresap,  Captain,  his  supposed  murder  of  Logan's 

family,  218 

Croiat,  Louisiana  transferred  Us  74 

plans  of,  frustrated,  76 

Croghan,  Ooorge,  visits  West;  his) Journal,  182 

Cumberland  river  explored,  211 

Oatler,  Dr.,  agent  for  Ohio  company,  460 

extract  fh/m  Journal  ot,  461 

Convncy,  reduced  rates  of,  308 

spurious  in  the  Western  States,        023, 027 

D'Abadie,  governor  of  Louisiana,  186 

letter  of  king  to,  106 

Danville,  Ky.,  founded  and  made  capital,  413 

lyArges,  agent  of  Garaoqul,  486 

lyArtagntjtto,  commissary  of  Louisiana,  74 

ia  slain  by  Cblckasaws,  78 

D'Aubry  at  Venango,  166 

his  large  shipment  of  flour,  167 

Dauphin  Island,  72 

Daviess,  Col.  Jos.,  his  doings  in  relation  to  Burr,  811 

Dayton,  In  Ohio,  founded,  713 

De  Ayllon,  Vasquei,  gold  hunter,  42 

Dearborn,  Fort,  (Chicago,)  In  1812,  863 

garrison  and  inmate*  evacuate,  8C8 

massacre  at,  860 

Debt,  public,  difficulties  In  relation  to,  681 

De  la  Cliaise,  his  address  to  democratic  society,  C76 

Delaware  ol^ects  to  Virginia  land  claims,  325 

Ds  Leon,  Ponce,  dlacavnra  Florida,  41 

Denocratio  society  of  Ky.,  addresa  o^  664 


Oea  Moinea  river,  of  Iowa,  Note,  63 

Dp:.inan  takes  part  in  Bynunes'  purchaie,  470 

De  Soto's  expedition,  4i 

Detrolt,settlomentof  I  y  Cadillac,  86 

first  grants  at,  89 

attacked  by  Fox  Indlaiis,  M 

■urr6ndar  of  to  the  Kngliah,  160, 108 

attacked  by  Pontlac,  108 

reinforced  by  Dalsell,  ITO 

besieged  second  tlAie,  178 

proposed  exiiedlUon  to  a  fUlure,  1778,         300 

plan  of  conquering  renewed,  828 

stops  token  relative  to,  1784,  4lX 

taken  possession  of  by  Americans,  784 

description  of  In  1804,  790 

great  fire  at  In  1804,  70B 

trouble  in  regard  to  land  titles  at,  707 

M' Arthur  takes  possession  of,  1813,  808 

Diego  Miruelo  visits  Florida,  48 

D'IborviUe,  enterprise  of,  .   72 

locates  at  Mobile,  73 

plans  Fort  Rosalie,  77 

Dinwiddle  first  commissiona  Washington,  110 

Disunion,  Spanish  plan  of,  678 

Disunion  ihction,  plans  of,  488 

Doyle,  MiOor,  sent  to  Fort  Masaac,  078 

Dorchester,  Lord,  his  speech  to  Indians,  683 

Drake,  Dr.  Daniel,  940 

Dressof  Western  people  in  early  times,  330,341 

Dudley,  Colonel,  at  Fort  Meigs,  898 

Dunmore,  Lord,  claims  i'itteburgh  for  Va.,  216 

movements  of  in  1774,  237 

driven  from  Virginia,  228 

Dubuque,  Jullen,  and  city  of^  0(8 

Du  Qnesne,  Fort,  evacuated,  164 

Da  Quesne,  Capt.,  goes  against  Boonesborough,     298 

Early  Catholic  missionaries  in  N.  W.,  49, 60, 61 

Earthquake  of  1811,  84T 

Edwards,  governor  of  lUlnola,  18U^  89 

expedition  under,  1S12,  888 

Eichbaum,  William,  Sr.,  92( 

Elchbaum,  William,  Chronology,  1811.    , 

Klllnlpsiuo,  son  of  Cornstalk,  killed,  263 

Elliott,  Matthew,  261 

English  Indian  traders,  depraved  character  of,      148 

Escheats,  educational  fund  in  Ky,  founded  on,       321 

Estoll,  Capt.,  defeat  and  death  ot,  388 

Ethrlngton,  Captain,  commandant  at  Miuikinaw,   168 

Erie,  (Presqu'  Isle,)  shipbuilding  at  under  Perry,  898 

equipment  and  launching  of  fleet,  001 

early  history  of,  009 

Erie,  Lake,  Perry's  battle  oi;  00^  • 

Erie  canal,  history  of;  088 

Excise,  a  hated  form  of  taxation,  684 

un  spiiito  determined  upon,  688 

oppoaitlonmeettng  at  Brownsville,  680 

law  amended  by  Cungrees,  688 

Exploring  parties  in  N.  Carolina,  318 

Exploring  expedition  under  Hi^Jor  Long^  028, 044 

Factions  in  the  United  States,  611 

Falls  of  Ohio  visited  and  surveyed,  314 

Fanner,  Mnjor,  commander  in  Illinois,  188 

Federal  and  anti4ederal  views,  688 


1008 


IHDBZ, 


fllMD,  John,  names  LomntiTlIto^  MO 

rineutle  count;,  Va^  toclndM  all  of  Kj^  314 

Haley,  John,  explore!  Kentnoky,  211, 213 

TlM  at  Pittobnrgh,  1846,  986 

at  8t.  Lo«ii,  184»,  908 

f  Itch,  John,  hi*  Hrat  application  of  tta«B,  862 

flood  in  the  Ohio,  909 

florimnt  iettlo<],  18T 

lloyd,  John's  letter,  216 

fOrlxM,  aeneral,  pxpcdltion  of,  1768,  160 

Vord,  Thomaii,  Govornor  of  IlltBoi^  982 

fbod  of  the  Woatern  Pioneen,  838 

fORTS. 

An>Ieb7's  Fort,  at  Klttaanlnch  7IS 
Annstrong,  Kock  Island,             Chronology  1831. 

Assumption,  at  Chickasaw  BInflk,  Memphis,  70 

Bedford,  on  branch  of  Juniata,  Pa.  162,176 

Boonesboroogh,  Ky.  231 

Bard,  at  Red  Stone,  429 

CreTccoeur,  Illinois  riTer,  68 

Ohartres,  on  HiaslsBippi  river,  88,  191,  196 

Clark,  at  Peoria,  910 

Cnmberland,  Wills  Creek,  Md.,  127 

Dearborn,  at  Chicago,  863 

Defiance,  on  Manmee,  643,  648,  885 

Deposite,  on  Haumee,  646 

Du  Quesne,  Pittsburgh,  126 

■rie,  Cnnnda  West,  890 

finncy,  mouth  of  Great  Hiamt,  442 

Frmnklin,  at  Franklin  borough,  I^  716 

OreeuTille,  Darke  county,  Ohio,  638 

Or«en  Bay,  Wisconsin,  168 
(Iratiot,  Michigan,                    Chronology,  1832. 

Hamilton,  Butler  county,  Ohio,  677 

Harrison,  on  Wabash,  Indiana,  877 

Henry,  at  Wheeling,  Tirginia,  267 

Jefferson,  on  Mississippi,  Ky.,  323 

Jefferson,  Darke  county,  OhiOk  678 

Johnston,  Warsaw,  Illinois,  916 

Knox,  near  VinceDoes,  Indiana,  831 

laurens,  on  Tnscarawns  river,  OhiOk  301 

Le  Boeuf,  Waterford,  Pa.,  108, 172 

It'Hulllier,  in  Minnesota  Territory,  87 

MgonicT,  Western  Pcnusylrania,  176 

Mackinaw,  Michigan,  168, 862, 017 

Madison,  Iowa,  008 

Maiden,  Canada  West,  860,  003 

Massac,  aouthern  Illinois,  82, 156, 267 

Mason,  Missouri,  009 

Mclutosli,  Beaver,  Pa.,  300 

McArthuT,  on  Bcloto  river,  Obioy  191 

Meigs,  on  Mauniee,  Ohio,  809 
Miami,  at  mouth  of  St.  Joseph's  river,  Michigan,  57 
Miami,  at  portage  betwoen  Hanmeo  and  Wubaih,  1C7 

Miami,  Maumee  rapids,  built  by  British,  G48 

Necessity,  Wcstorn  Pcnnaylvania,  120 
Nelson,  Louisville,  Ky.,               Chronology  1782. 

Oniatenon,  on  Wubnsh,  Indiana,  -       167 

Pitt,  at  Fort  Dn  Qiiesnc,  (Pittsburgh,)  168 

Presqn'  Isle,  Erie,  Pa.,  108, 168,  717 

Becovery,  St.  Clair's  Battlc-fleld,  Ohio,  030 

Bed  Stone,  Brownsville,  Pa.,  128 

Bosalle,  Natchez,  Mississippi,  77 

Inokville,  V'nconnas,  Indiana,  303 


Shelby,  Prairie  dn  Chten,  (ilnca  Tort  Oiawford,) 

Wisconsin,  9IS 

Stanwix,  Homo,  New  York,  207,  431 

Stephenson,  Sandusky  river,  Ohk)y  900 

Steuben,  Jeffersonville,  Indiana,  646 

St.  CliUr,  Eaton,  Ohio,  611, 687 

St.  Josephs,  (near  Niles.)  Michigan,  167 

St.  Josephs,  British  fort,  Canada  West,  918 

St  tonis,  on  Illinois  river,  OS 

St.  Lonis,  on  Matagorda  Bay,  68 

St.  Marys,  An  OInize  connty,  Ohio,  886 
Tenango,  Franklin,  Pa.,                          113, 122, 167 

Washington,  Loeantiville,  (Cincinnati,)  621 

Wayne,  head  of  Miiumee,  Indiana,  661 


Frankland,  (Tennessee,)  see  Tennessee, 
Franklin,  Gov.,  supports  Johnson's  plan, 

his  Ohio  settlement, 
Frankllnton,  Harrison's  head-quarters, 
French,  American  or  Canadian,  privileges  ot, 
allegi'd  encroachments  ol, 
early  settlement  of,  70, 

influence  of,  over  the  Indians, 
in  Louisiana  send  addren  to  king, 
French  settlers  at  GallipoUa, 
French  grant,  occount  of, 
Frenchtown,  battle  and  massacre  at, 
Frontenac,  Governor  of  Canada,  (Fort,) 
Fry,  Joshua,  commanier-tn<:hief,  1754, 
Fulton's  Arst  successful  steamboat, 

Oago,  General,  commander  of  army,  1764, 
bis  proclamation, 
his  second  proclamation. 
Galena,  lead  mining  at, 
GallipoUs,  settlement  of, 

sufferings  of  settlers  at, 
settlers  at  receive  grant  of  land, 
Oalllsoniore  sends  Celeron  to  Ohio, 
Galvcz,  Don  Bernardo  de.  Gov,  of  Louisiana, 
Oameline,  Antoine,  sent  to  Wabash  tribes, 
account  of  bis  expedition, 
his  return  to  Fort  Knox, 
Oardoqni  makes  grant  of  land  to  Morgan, 
Genet,  his  intrigues,  1795, 

is  rebuked  by  U.  S.  government, 
his  letter  to  tf  r.  Jefferson, 
reproaches  the  American  government, 
is  recalled, 
Oibault,  Ilev.,  his  address  to  Gov.  St.  Ololr, 

assists  in  taking  Vincennes, 
Gibson,  Col.  John,  at  Fort  Laurens, 
Gibson,  Cul.,  advice  of,  to  Moravians, 
Girty,  Simon,  character  of,  Ac, 
is  adopted  by  Scnccaa, 
loads  attack  on  Fort  Henry, 
Girty,  Oeorp".  chnrnctor  of,  Au., 

attacks  Fort  Ucury, 
Gtrty,  Jnme!<,  cruel  character  of. 
Gist,  sent  west  across  tlio  forest, 
arrivns  at  Great  Miami, 
visits  Piqua  or  Pickawiiianies, 
descends  Miami,  to  Ohio, 
crosses  Ohio  and  returns  through  Ta., 
accompanies  Washington, 


206 
20R 
886 
410 
108 
80,81 
16S 
108 
709 
710 
893 
66 
122 


179 
188 
206 
943 
708 

7oe 

710 
100 
312 
630 
531 
636 
606 
664 
667 


671 
639 

m 

301 
376 
361 
262 
257 
261 
406 
261 
105 
106 
100 
106 
106 
HI 


INDBX. 


1009 


OUdwIn,  l^for,  oomiMiidaBt  at  Detioit,  166 

Oloomy  reminitoencM  of  year  1811,  8M 

of  jtnt  1864,  1000 

Oorell,  Lirat,  comuuuidant  at  Onen  Bay,  168 

QordoD,  Lionk,  commandant  at  Tenango,  173 

Qtmpol  lalion  In  the  Wmt,  347 

Orant,  MivJor,  defeated,  1768,  162 

arant'B  Hill  defended  by  Scotch  troopa,  426 
Oirat  BritiUn,  difllcultief  with,  aOer  treaty  1784,    414 

Orecn,  Tbomaa,  his  propoiitlon*  in  1786,  4S0 

aroathoara  mvrden  Indian%  233 

Oreat  Headowi,  ue 

Onen  Briar  Land  Company,  M 

One DTillo,  Wayne'a  head-qnarten^  eS8 

Oriinn  kuilt  by  La  Balle,  66 

Hablti  and  mannwa  of  th«  Weit,  836 

Half-King  (TanagbariMn)  censurei  Woahington,    127 

Hamilton,  OoTemor,  takes  Vincennes,  281 

Hanniistown,  burning  of,  by  Guyaautha,  388 

inhabitants  of  made  prisoners,  403 

cmetty  of  Indians  to,  404 

Hardin,  Col.  John,  648,  660,  661 

Harmar,  Oer..  uis  Scioto  expedition,  637 

his  campaign  against  Manmee  towns,      545 

destruction  of  Indian  town,  648 

defeat  of  division  under  Col.  Hardin,       548 

discord  among  the  troops,  640 

Indian  account  of  expedition,  662 

PjHTOony,  Society  o«;  settle  in  Butler  co..  Pa.,        790 

migrate  to  Posey  county,  Indiana,        701 

return  to  Pennsylvania,  Beaver  co.,       702 

schism  among  them  under  de  Leon,       702 

Duke  of  Saxe  Weimar's  acc't.  of  them,  702 

Itapp's  doctrines  and  power,  703 

present  condition  of  the  society,  794 

Harrison,  Wm.  H.,  Secretary  of  N.  W.  Territory,   746 

is  mode  Governor  of  Indiana  Territory,  765 

makes  ogroement  with  Indians,       703, 766 

makes  iHirther  purchases  tmm  Ind.,  780, 708 

purchases  land  fh>m  Soxes  and  Foxes,    060 

meets  Tecnmthe  in  council,  831 

his  second  interview  with  Tecumthe,      833 

prepares  for  war  with  Indians,  834 

builds  Fort  Harrison  on  the  Wabash,     838 

marches  against  Indians,  830 

his  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  841 

appointed  commander-in^ihief  in  N.  W.,  877 

his  plans  of  action  disconcerted,  886 

retreats  from  the  Haumee,  806 

returns  and  builds  Fort  Heigs,  806 

deibata  Proctor,  in  1813,  004 

resigns  his  command,  018 

Harrison,  Fort,  gallant  defense  of,  by  Z.  Taylor,     876 

Harrod,  James,  builds  first  log  but  in  Kentucky,  216 

Hart,  Cnl.,  an  J  others  purch.  land  fromCherokoos,  220 

Ueald,  Capt.,  com'dt.  Fort  Dearborn,  (Chicago,)       863 

hw  conduct  and  misfortunes,  864 

his  account  of  disaster  at  Chica^-o,  874 

Hackewoldor,  John,  sent  with  Putnam  to  Indians,  601 

Helm,  Capt.,  his  conduct  at  Vincennes,  281 

Henderson,  Richard,  account  oi;  228 

Sanderson,  Col.,  and  others  purchase  lands  (him 

Cherokees,  220 

bii  Journey  to  Booneaborongb,  881 


Henderson's  latter  to  bis  leglslataTa»  OfM 

Hamilton,  Henry,  snrrenden  to  Olarkt  988 

Hand,  General,  at  Fort  Pitt,  35* 

Heath,  Sir  Bobert,  grant  to,  08 

Hendrick,  Capt,  sent  with  peace  oirara  tolndlani,  601 

Hennepin  descends  Illinois  river  to  Misiiafllppl,  60 

explores  Upper  Mississippi,  60 

his  works  and  their  obaracter,  60 

Henry,  Fort,  besieged,  2St 

attacked  by  George  Girty,  406 

Henry,  General,  atUcks  Btack  Hawk,  991 

Hohnes,  Ensign,  commandant  at  Miami,  16T 

Holmea,  Mi\)or,  expedition  of,  in  Canada,  917 

is  killed  on  Mackinac  Island,  918 

Holland  land  company,  736 

decision  of  Supreme  Court  in  suit  ot;  737 

removal  of  suit  to  C.  &  Court,  and  decision,  728 


Holston  river, 

Hopkins,  Gon.,  expedition  nnder, 

insubordination  of  his  troops, 
his  secon'l  expedition. 

Houses  in  the  West  in  early  times. 

House-building  in  the  West  in  early  times, 

Honse-wnrmings  in  the  West  in  early  timco, 

Howard,  John,  descends  Ohio, 

Howard,  Lord,  with  Iroquois  at  Albany, 

Howard,  Gen.,  expedition  under, 

Hospitality  in  the  M'est, 

Hull,  V  in.,  made  governor  of  Michigan, 
purchases  land  from  Indians, 
commands  army  of  the  N.  W., 
blunders  of  government  toward, 
his  progress  and  conduct, 
surrenders  to  British  army. 

Huguenot  settlement  in  Carolana  massacred. 


208 
878 


840 

3U 

345 

96 

0« 

«w 

w 

796 
817, 832 
867 
868 
800 
888 
48 


Illinois,  settlements,  products  and  commerce  of,    100 

Illinois,  the,  first  vialted,  68 

Pitman's  account  of,  100 

hunentableconditionof  Fr.settleninl700, 63B 


early  history  of, 

is  ceded  to  Continental  Congress, 
is  constituted  into  separate  territory, 
specimen  of  old  Jurispmdence  in, 
is  formed  into  a  State, 
discussion  of  slavery  in,  049, 

account  of  "Regulator"  riots  in, 
Illinois  county  erected, 
Illinois  rangerf ,  expedition  of;  1812, 
Indians,  war  with,  since  failure  of  f  ontiao, 
hostility  of,  in  1774, 
attacks  by,  on  Wheeling,  1777, 
commissioners  appointed  to  treat  with, 


824 
826 
826 
836 
026 
961 
080 
214 
883 
316 
217 
266 
410 

instructions  to  commlesioners  respecting,  411 
are  abandoned  by  British,  1783,  430 

are  dissatisfied  with  treaty  of  Uannar,     523 
commence  hostilities,  1700,  536 

Truman  sent  to,  with  peace  offers,  1792,    597 
safe  escort  promised  to  chiefs  of,  600 

Hendrick  and  others  sent  with  peace  olTers,  601 
are  otfered  protection.  Ac,  by  U.  S.,  602 

reAiae  ail  peace  olfera,  608 

Putnam  makes  treaty  with,  (88 

hold  council  at  An  Olaiae,  600 

jidvice  o(  to  Pr«sidant  of  V.  &,  610 


1010 


ISTDSX. 


InHiui,  OomiDiaaioinn  appointed  to  meet,  012 

hold  council  at  N»yy  Uall,               616,  620 

tniist  on  Ohio  for  boundary,  6S1 

final  rf  ply  of,  to  Coniniigslonera,  1793,  6S7 

Britieh  and  BpanUh  aid  promlied  to,  6S8,  634 
Airther  evidence  of  their  rollonce  on  the 

Britlih,  638 

their  force  in  1T94,  641 

are  defeated  by  Wayne,  647 

deprodationi  ot^  after  peace,  In  Tenn.,  786 

in  part,  roftise  to  ratify  treaty  of  1804,  921 

certain  trlbei  of,  secede  from  Tecnnithe,  846 

hostile  intent  f  jOS  oi;  in  1 810,  831 

treaties  with,  after  war  1816,  930 

Indian  war  of  1700  to  1796,  causes  of,  622 

defeat  of  St  Olalr,                             678,  682 

another  campaign  prctfected,  1791,  664 

Black  Ilawlc  War,  961 

Indian  boundary  line,  necessity  of  fixing  206 

Indian  department*,  240 

Indiana,  formed  into  a  territory,  764 

Viucennea  made  capital  of,  766 

slavery  In,  prohibited,  818 

ibmied  into  a  State,  923 

discussion  of  slavery  In,  960 

Inhabltac  < .  of  Transylvania  oppose  proprleton,  247 

Innis  and  his  associates,  670 

Insurrection,  Whtsliy,  (see  Whlsby  Insurrection,)  687 

Internal  Improvement  system  in  llllnoli,  995 

Iowa  formed  into  a  State,  971 

Iroquois,  the  expedition  against,  302 

cede  all  their  Western  lands,  432 

act  as  peace  makers,  699 

Irvine,  General,  at  Presqn'  Isle,  717 

Irwin,  John,  cordage  mauutkcturer,  Pittsburgh,  899 

JaooMns,  address  by,  to  people  of  Louisiana,  671 

Jay,  John,  Minister  to  Spain,  319 

Jefferson  College  incorporated,  768 

Jenkins,  Ensign,  commandant  at  Oulatenon,  167 

Jesuit  nilssionarles  In  the  Nortb-We<«t,  60 

Johnson,  Guy,  influence  of,  over  Indians,      238,  241 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  colony  proposed  by,  206 
Jolly,  Uenry,  his  account  of  Oreathouse's  murder,  223 

Jesuits  on  Mississippi,  In  Illinois,  84 

Joliet,  companion  of  Marquette,  61 

Joutel,  historian  of  La  Salle,  o6 

Jumonvllle,  death  and  alleged  assnsslnation  at,  126 

Kaskaskia  founded  by  Gravier  and  others,  84 
Kaskaskia,  Pitman's  account  of,  194 
Knives,  Lung  or  Big,                                      273,  274 
Kennedy  at  Peoria,                  Chronology,  1773. 
Kenton,  Simon,  with  Boone,  208 
Kentucky,  (see  Transylvania,)  firat  families  in,  242 
is  made  a  county  of  Virginia,  260 
predatory  warfare  in,  263 
divided  into  three  counties,  336 
political  condition  of,  during  the  war,  417 
militia  convention  and  survey  of  mili- 
tary lands,  418 
growth  of  population  after  war,  419 
second  convention,  1786,  439 
claims  independent  sovereignty,  440 
fourth  and  fifth  conventions,  1787,  466  I 


Kentucky,  dissatislhotion  among  the  people  of,  467 
causes  'diiisatisikctlon  and  factions,  486 
applies  again  for  separation  fh>m  Va.,  491 
act  of  independence  passed  by  Va.,  620 
ninth  convention  and  admission  to 

Union,  6Q 

constitution  formed,  (MB 

addreasrof  demccratio  sodety,  664 

remonstrance  of  citiaens,  666 

the  "occupying  claimant"  law,  746 

Kentuekiana  threaten  to  invade  Louisiana,  674 

King's  mountain,  Chronology,  1780. 

Kirkland,  B«v.  among  the  Iroquois,  238 

Kirkland,  Rev.  886 

KIrkpatrick,  Hi^or  Abraham,  6(6 

Kittanning,  143,  716 

Knox,  plans  ot,  alter  St.  Olalr'a  deftat,  693 

Kushkushkee,  «    161,  166,  869 

La  Balme,  unfortunate  expedition  o^  818 

La  Barre  against  La  Salle,  64 

Laclede  founds  St.  Louis,  186 

Lakes,  trade  and  con-.morce  on,  9(8 

Land  Oeesions  by  Virginia,  329,406 

by  New  York,  Massachusetts,  ic,  452 

by  Indians  to  C.  S.,  1796,  «67 

by  U.  S.  to  Indians,  and  exceptIon9,6ee 


Land  commissioners. 

309 

Land  companies  in  1796, 

711,714 

Land  laws  of  Pennsylvania,  1796, 

717 

of  Virginia, 

SOS 

Land  speculations  in  Michigan, 

714 

764 

La  Salle,  enterprises  of; 

it 

Law,  John,  speculations  of. 

76 

Lenox,  David,  Marshal, 

ett 

Las  Petites  Cotes, 

U7 

Le  Seur  explore*  St.  Peter's  river. 

16 

Lewis,  Oen.  Andrew,  at  Point  Pleasant, 

228 

Lewis,  Col,  expedition  of. 

138 

Lewis,  Ool.  Charles,  killed. 

m 

Lewis,  Gen.  Andrew,  at  Pittsburgh,  1774, 

225 

Lewis  and  Clark,  expedition  of, 

80« 

Leyba,  Spanish  governor  of  Lonlsiana, 

312 

his  treachery  and  disgrace. 

316 

Le  Caron  explores  Canada, 

40 

Legionville,  Wayne's  camp. 

698 

Little  Meadow, 

126 

Uttle  Turtle,  Miam'   ',    f. 

688 

Lochry 's  unfortniii  '    X  )i  jdition, 

332 

lione  Hunters, 

314 

Logstown,  where  situated. 

96 

Loromle's  store. 

106 

Logan,  Bei^amln,  crosses  the  mountains. 

264 

his  gallant  conduct. 

295 

attacks  Shawanee  towns. 

447 

Logan,  Ool.,  commander  of  expeditioii,  1782, 

397 

Logan's  iamlly,  murder  oi; 

220,222 

Logan  revenges  himself, 

226 

Logan's  station  attacked. 

254 

Losantivillo,  (Cincinnati,)  lee  Oincinnatt. 

Louisburg,  British  fleet  destroyed  at. 

147 

Louisiana,  taken  possession  of  by  La  Salle, 

63 

secret  cession  of  Western, 

196 

Spanish  take  possession  of. 

199,811 

IKDBX. 


1011 


467 
IB,  48» 
a.,  461 

690 
to 

m. 

668 
664 
666 

746 
674 


318 
U 
IM 
968 
329,408 
Ac,  m 
667 

itl0DS,«(8 

309 
711,714 
717 
808 
714 
764 
66 
76 
e»4 
187 
86 
22« 
138 
226 
226 
806 
312 
316 


126 
688 
332 
214 
96 
106 
264 
266 
447 
307 
220,222 
226 
264 

147 
63 
196 
|09,  811 


LouiiiMia,  French  population  of  1760,  202 

tbrestened  inTuion  of  by  KeBtaokUDi,674 
WwhiDgtoa'i  meaaiirt!*  to  prarent  Inv*.  676 
rotrocetled  to  Frauce  by  secret  treaty,  769 
negutlatious  for  purchase  of  by  V.  8.,  774 
treaty  made  for  sale  of  to  V.  8.  771 

tranifur  of  strongly  opposed,  776 

formal  transfer  of  to  U.  8.,  776 

formal  transfer  of  Upper  at  St.  Louis,  777 
Stoddard's  addreis  to  people  o^  778 

Brackeuridge's  account  ot,  782 

statistics  of  in  1804,  786 

oharaoter  of  Amerioan  population  of,    788 
LouisTlUe,  Ky.,  surveyed,  214 

Ludlow,  Israel,  surreys  I<o«antirille^  483 

Lyman,  General,  at  Natchec,  316 


Mackinac,  Fort,  surrender  of, 

attempt  to  retake,  1814, 
Magaaine  almanan  published  at  Pittsburgh, 

Chronology,  1811. 
Madison,  Fort,  evacuated  and  burnt. 
Maiden,  deserted  by  British, 
Mansco,  Casper,  exploration  of, 
Marietta,  founded  by  Ohio  Company, 
Marquette's  discovery  of  Mississippi, 
Marriages  in  the  West  in  early  times, 
Maryland,' views  of  on  Virginia  land  claims, 
Massachusetts  codes  lands  in  the  West, 
Jdassacre  of  Lochry's  party, 

of  Fort  Dearborn,  (Chicago,) 
of  Frenchtown,  (river  Raisin,) 
British  account  of  cause  of, 
Mossle,  his  contract  with  settlers  on  Ohio, 
new  settlement  made  by  on  Scioto, 
Maumee,  campaign  against  towns  on  the, 
Mascoutons  Indians, 
Matagorda  Boy, 

Maxwell  code  for  early  colonies, 
Murin,  Jesuit,  fbtber, 
Meadow  In>*)ans,  Clark's  treatment  of, 
Ueadvillo,  college  at,  founded, 
Jledals  placed  by  French  along  Ohio, 
Meigs,  Fort,  attacked  by  British  and  Indians, 
Meigs,  camp,  on  the  Maumee, 
Miami,  British  trodlngposts  on  destroyed, 
Miami  University,  history  of, 
Michigan  is  made  a  territory, 

uncertainty  of  land  titles  in, 
surrender  to  British, 
retaken  by  Americans,  1813, 
new  form  of  territorial  government  in, 
is  formed  into  a  State, 
Michigan,  University  of,  eBti\bli8hed, 
Milhet,  Jean,  visits  prime  minister. 
Military  claimanta  of  Virginia  lands, 
Military  duty  in  early  times. 
Militia  becomes  a  mob, 
Minnesota  Territory  formed. 
Mines,  lead,  on  the  Upper  Mississippi, 
Miro,  views  of  respecting  S.  0.  Land  Company, 
proposes  to  set  Indians  against  them, 
his  treatment  of  Wilkinson, 
Missionaries  in  N.  W. 
Mhwissinewa,  expedition  to^ 


017 


015 
003 
'214 
475 
62 
340 
326 
463 
834 
SOD 
893 
894 
711 
7S4 
646 
61 
71 
714 
82 
279 
923 
100 
898 
897 
397 
954 
795 
797 
862 
903 
942 
660 
925 
199 
410 
846 
706 
1003 
943 
614 
615 
616 
49,60 
886 


Mississippi,  troubles  relating  to,  814, 448 . 

negotiations  with  Spain  respecting,     466 

movementa  respecting  navIgatioB,7e9, 170 

settlemenU  on  Upper,  In  1818,  DOT 

predatory  warhre  on,  '  90B 

flood  of  in  1844,  Kb 

lUssIssippi  territory  organized,  745 

MtsKlssippi  company,  formation  o(  SOS 

BUssouri  river,  settlement  upon,  016 

Missouri  applies  for  admission  Into  Union,  031 

discussion  of  slavery  question  respecting,  933 

boondary  of,  as  settled  in  Mo.  comproni.,  934 

,  first  constitution  of  formed,  9S5 

constitution  rejected  and  amended,  036 

amendment  accepted  and  State  formed,    637 

Missouri  Compromise,  debate  in  Congress  respect.,  9S.1 

second  compromise  necessary,  637 

Mobile  Bay,  early  settlemeute  on,  73 

Moingona,  supposed  to  be  Des  Moines,  62 

Honongahela,  Braddook's  army  upon,  131 

Montour,  Interpreter,  107 

Morangct,  with  U  Salle,  killed,  67 

Morales,  Intendant,  treachery  of,  768 

Moravians,  history  of  in  the  West,  340 

ore  first  in  America,  8(0 

are  first  at  Bethlehem,  861 

converto  take  protection  at  Nazareth)  366 

Zeisberger  forms  mission  on  Allegheny ,366 

-  are  invited  to  Beaver,  367 

history  of  musiun  at  Beaver,  366 

Zeisberger  views  the  Muskingum,        370 

removal  to  Muskingum,  371 

British  and  Indian  hoBtilities  against,  373 

Gompolled  to  go  to  Sandusky,  373 

•ettivments  of  attacked  by  Willlamson,37& 

Indian  converte  murdered,  378 

Crawford's  expedition,  380 

account  of  tht  burning  of  Crawford,     386 

Morgan,  Col.  Qeorgo,  at  New  Madrid,  605 

his  grant  of  land  rescinded,  506 

Mormons,  history  of  the,  076 

the  "Kecords,"  676 

settled  at  Jackson  county.  Ho.,  676 

migrate  and  commence  to  build  Nauvoo,079 

their  charter  and  privileges,  880 

they  remove  to  Council  BlutTs,  686 

they  remove  to  Groat  Salt  Likke,  086 

Murray,  Wm.,  opposes  radicals  in  Kentucky,  748 

Muskingum  settlements,  increase  ol^  630 

Murder  of  Indians  by  Greathouse,  810 

M'Afoos  in  Kentucky,  214 

M'Arthur,  expedition  of,  in  1814,  610 
M'Bride,  James,  Uistory  of  Miami  University,       664 

M'Collister,  J.,  U.  8.  Bank,  830 

M'Colloch,  M^Jor,  escape  of,  260 

M'Donald,  Colonel,  expedition  under,  1774,  224 

M'Farland,  James,  killed,  696 

M'Gary,  conduct  of,  at  Blue  Licks,  363 

reason  given  by,  for  his  conduct,  366 

H'Intosh,  Oenorol,  character  of,  301 

M'Koe,  Alexander,  Indian  agent,  641 

Bi'Mahon,  Mi^or,  defoaU  Indians,  643 

Names  and  titles  of  Spanish  Minister,  680 


m 


1012 


INDEX. 


ltapatooii,vl«wioi;oDtnmlhroriioiiiilMw  to  U.  S.TT3 

iMnm  ItorllB  dwn«,  880 

Mtntm,  PuiphUo,  43 

IfMlMrllleAMUidad,  fiOT 

Mstobra,  tetUement  oi;  T7 

Mmitois  adTent  of  Mormoiu  to,  079 

Mtn  priTilegM  fh>m  charter  oT,  SgO 

•xodai  of  Mormoni  flrom,  MS 

HeriUo,  Ocoersl  John,  attack  on  honae  of,  «96 

Maw  England  Ohio  Company,  fiumatlon  ot,  461 

procaadingi  of,  4eo 

bonndariea  of  land  pnrchaaed  by.  464 

reaolntiona  for  gorernment  of  aettlen,  Ac,  473 

appoint  Rer.  D.  Story  pnbllc  teacher,  474 

•ettlen  reach  the  M oikingnm,  47B 

proclamation  of  Oovemor,  476 

flnt  court  held  at  Marietta,  477 

New  Madrid,                                        18^  JOB,  847 

New  Orleane  founded,  7fi 

Mew  York  cede*  Weetem  landa,  4C2 

proceeding!  of,  in  war  of  17t4,       -  122 

Mew  Jersey  objects  to  Virginia  land  claimi,  324 

Neyon'i  meaauge  to  Pontine,  171 

MoRloct  of  Indians  by  the  British,  430 

MichulKs  of  Kentucky,  C78 

Miplming,  Lake  of,  go 

North  American  Iiand  Company,  72fi 

North  Carolina,  western  troubles  in,  e06 

North  West  invaded  by  Spaniards  from  ft  Louis, 

1781,  448 

North  Western  Pennsylrania,  716 

North  Western  Territory,  Onllnance  respecting,  466 

appointmeiitorezecntiTeoOlcers  In,  467 

represpfltntivest  Ac^  to  be  elected,  468 

BUIofRlhts,  469 

proristons  for  forming  States,  471 

rapid  settlement  of,  716 

population  of,  in  1790,  716 

primary  titles  to  lands  in,  729 

lands  reserved  and  donated  In,  729 

representatives  elected,  746 

first  legislative  council  appointed,  749 

proceedings  of  first  legislature,  749 

proposal  to  divide,  753 

Chlllicothe  made  capital  oi;  ir>6 

State  convention  proposed  for,  759 

Report  to  Congress  relating  to,  760 

Nova  Scotia  conquered,  120 

Nulliacatlon  in  Kentucky,  748 

In  Ohio,  031 

Nnnec,  Alvar,  early  adventurer,  44 

Occupying  claimant  Uw  of  Kentucky,  746 

O'Foilon,  agent  of  S.  C.  Liiiid  Company,  610 

treasonable  letter  of,  to  Oovemor  Miro,  610 


Ogden  arrested  by  Wilkinson, 

Ohio,  State  of,  measures  for  forming, 
is  admitted  into  the  Union, 
meeting  of  first  legislature, 
the  "Sweeping  Itrsolutioiis"  of  1810, 
Ranks  and  flnt  banking  law  in, 
Columbus  made  capital  of, 

Ohio  Laud  Company, 

Ohio  river,  first  colony  N.  W.  of. 


813 
769 
763 
766 
828 
924 
926 
09 
461 
proposad  division  of  territory  beyond,  466 


Ohio  river,  flood  of  1710,  MS 

flood  of  1833,  069 

Ohio  settlemanta,  thraatanad  iavailoa  U,  662 

Old  Chllloothe,  227 

Old  excise  law  of  Pennsylvania,  £84 

Oldham,  Colonel,  at  St.  Clair's  dsfiat,  Ut 

Old  statutes  of  Indiana,  gjs 

Old  statistics  of  Westam  Pennaylvanla,  439 

Old  Town,  (Skipton,)  uo 

Onondagas,  towns  of,  destroyed,  aoi 

Orr,  Captain,  In  Lochry's  expedition,  332 

Orr,  M^Jor,  at  Camp  Meigs,  896,  897 

Ordinanoa  for  government  of  N.  W.  Territory,      466 

for  surveying  Western  lands,  434 

for  disposing  of  Western  lands,  436 

CReilly,  Spanish  governor  of  La.,  200 

Orleans  Territory  formed,  777 

Oswego,  fort  and  garrison,  106,  241 

Ouiatenon,  ancient  records  of,  84 

English  garrison  at,  snrrendera,  107 

Croghan's  account  of,  134 

Qamelin's  Journal  at,  01 

Scott's  description  of,  6QI 

Wilkinson's  description  ol^  667 

British  traders  captured  at,  280 

Ouabache,  original  name  of  Wabasli,  .81 

Paper-mill,  first  in  the  West,  737 

Parsons,  General,  letter  firom,  442 

Paris,  peace  of,  180, 4ffr 

Patterson,  Col.  Robert,  407 

PauUy,  Knsign,  commandant  at  Sandusky,  167 

Peace  negotiations  at  I'hris,  1782,  407 
Peace  measures  proposed  by  Washington,  1791,     606 

Piemas,  Pedro,  bikes  command  at  St.  Louis,  201 

PeckitanonI,  Ipdlan  name  of  Missouri  river,  63 

Pembina,  early  history  of  sctilcmont  at,  944 
character  and  cu'itoms  of  settlers  at,  046 
finding  forty-ninth  degree  of  lat.  at,      947 

singular  climate  at,  0)8 

Pennsylvania,  flrontiers  troubled  by  Indians,  1782, 308 

land  controversy  with  Connecticut,  464 

memorial  to  governor  of,  686 

titles  to  land  in,  717 

purchase  from  the  Delawares,  717 
primary  title  vested  in  Commonwealth,    719 

further  purchases  fh>ni  Indiana,  718, 710 

purchase  of  the  TriauHle,  720 

depreciittion  of  State  bonds,  721 

donation  liinds,  722 

the  "dtruck  district,"  724 

lands  offered  for  sale,  724 

interference  of  the  land  companies,  725 

rapid  growth  of  tliu  State,  720 

Pennsylvania  impulullon  company,  725 

Pennsylvania  niiliiio,  noble  conduct  of,  806 

Pennsylvania  volunteers,  expedition  of,  888 

Peoria,  Lake  Crovecoeur  upon,  68 

Perkins,  Linut.,  Oil 

Perry,  Com.,  sbip-bnildinit  at  Erie,  800,  001 

his  victory  ou  the  lakes,               *  002 

Piastk,  legend  o^  51 

Pickawillanies,  on  the  Oreat  Miami,  106 
Pike,  Capt  Z.  H.,  ex|iedltiou  up  the  Mississippi,    800 

crosses  Falls  of  St.  Anthony,  803 


IITDSX. 


1018 


Pike,  naohM  Red  Lake  Mid  Tetara%  KM 

hU  weitarn  exp'Nlition,  8M 

proceeds  up  th;^  Arkanm  river,  SOB 

1*  taken  priioner  by  Mexlcani,  800 

Ptke'e  mountain,  deacript'on  o^  803 

Pipe,  Captain,  tnincherDoi,  941 

Pitman  Tldta  Illinois,  IM 

Pitt,  Prime  MluUter  of  Kngland,  147 

Pitt,  Fort,  description  of,  168 

PltUburgb,  flrst  liunlUea  at,       Ohronoloty  17e«. 

claimed  by  PennsylTanIa  and  Tlrgliila,     SIS 

first  and  second  aurreya  o(  410, 430 

lU  early  history,  430 

Brackenrldge'a  acoonnt  d,  IIM,  431 

population  oi;  ITSfl^  438 

ii.corporated  as  a  dty,  023 

fire  at,  1846,  ,  080 

cholera  at,  1864,  1001 

Point  Pleasant,  battle  oi;  .  330 

Political  parties  in  the  V.  8.  881 

Ponce  d«  Iieoa  dIsooTeri  norida,  41 

Pontlao,  character  and  plans  oi;  164 

unites  I  ndla«s  against  Xn^Ulfa,  106 

attacks  Detroit,  106 

fiiilure  o/  his  plans,  177 

Iieaiesst  Detroit  second  ttms^  179 

Post  bnllds  a  house  on  the  Musklngaa,  863 

Portage  dee  Sioux,  187,030 

Post's  mission  to  western  Indians,  ItO^  161 

Posts,  north-western,  retained  by  Britiah,  416 

giTen  up  to  the  United  States^  781 

Power,  Thomas,  agent  of  Spanish  party  la  I*.,       678 

goes  to  Kentucky  as  Spanish  agent,  1786,    730 

visits  Wilkinson,  and  his  appaal,  743 

Prairie  dn  Chien,  Tillage  of,  800 

Piairle  da  Chien,  Clark's  expedlUoatOk  Oil 

Prairie  dn  Rocher,  Pitman's  account  oi;  106 

Presqn'  Isle,  (Krie,)  fortlfled  by  Vreneh,  17BS^        103 

taken  by  Indiana,  1788^  168 

block  bonassbnUt  at,  717 

Predatory  warhre,  830 

Prenly,  Colonel  NeviUa,  «0« 

Price,  Knstgn,  commandsnt  at  La  Basai;  173 

Printing  press,  flrst  western,  430 

Pruclamatlon  respecting  Indiana,  1788^  177 

Process  verbal  of  U  Salle,  01 

PruGtor,  061.  Thos.,  sets  out  on  peaea  mlsslsti,        666 

ihllore  of  mission,  and  its  oaossa,  666 

Proctor,  Ool.,  reaches  Maiden  and  cuts  off  Ball's 

supplies,  MBl 

retreats  to  Maiden,  1818,  880 

retreats  from  Maiden,  SU 

isdetBatedatUttleoflheTbMMii  004 

Prophet,  the,  brother  of  IMnmtiM,  (sis  iMmfhe^) 

wakes  bis  first  luwttle  deasoMtratioo,      886 

PatBam,Ral^  sent  with  Haelte#eMer  to  Ind'i.,  001 

proceeds  to  VlDoemiri  aifid  auMI  tMIQr,  804 

I  of  treaty,  806 


166 


Ootbse,  taking  of, 

Qneliee  bill  paMed  in  BrItMi  PkHlaWllW, 

<|iilney,  Illlnots,  on  I 


lakin  flvar,  masNore  on, 
iiUfriii  orianliation  o4 


^ 


Railroad,  Illinois  Central,  aoeoimt  d,  S8I 

Rapids  of  Maumee,  Wincheatar  at,  801 

Ray,  Jiunui,  supplies  Harrodsbnrg,  384 

Raystown,  (Bedford,)  marob  'Irom,  by  fbrbea,  162 

Rhoy's  account  of  Br.  agency  among  Indians,  643 

Recovery,  Port,  attacked,  04S 

RM  Hawk,  base  murder  oi;  16S 
Redstone,  (Brownerllle,)  see  Brownsville, 

Regulators  in  Sonthem  IlUnola,  060 

Reed,  Colonel,  commander  In  Illinois,  188 

Religion  In  the  West  In  early  times,  S4B 

Renault  brings  stoves  to  Illinois,  8S' 

Reserve  lands,  Virginia,  711 

Connecticut,  TIS 

Reynolds,  John,  Ouvernor  of  Illlncris,  (06 

Reynolds,  (3ol.,  AmherstUnrg,  0.  W.  860 

Rice's  for*  atucked,  400- 

Rigdon,  Sydney,  a  Mormon  leader,  070 

RoohebUve,  commandant  at  k^^mMb,  307 
Hock  Island,  skirmlshee  at,                            013, 014 

Rogers,  Mi^Jor  Robert,  goee  to  Detroit,  183 

Rogers  and  Benham  attacked  by  Indiana,  306 
Routes  Ihim  Canada  to  Mississippi,  1870,  80 

Rnddel's  BUtion  taken,  333 

Ramsey,  James,  hii  flrst  appUeatton  of  sttam,  862 
Ryswick  treaty  of  peace,                                   73;  86 

Sandy  creek  voyage,  IM  ^ 

hargent,  Wintbrop,  secretary,  696' 

ShuU  Sto.  Mario  first  vUlted  by  missionaries,  40 

Scluto  Land  Company  purchasa  land,  700 

Scioto  river,  attempt  to  settle  on,  430 
{■ohIoeMr,  Ensign,  commandant  at  8t  Joseph's,  167 
Schools,  common.  In  Ohio,                        041, 040, 057 

Bcutt,  Oen.  Charles,  expedition  nndar,  660 

Soott,  Oen.  Winfleld,  9fl6 

Scott's  expedition,  Imlay's  account  o(    '  688 

Sebastian's  Intrigues  with  Spain,  076 

t!ebastian  is  accused  by  leglsUitnn,  741* 

Sedition  law  pissed,  747 

Selkirk,  I<ord,  founds  Pembina  settlement,  044 
Senat,  Jesuit,  killed  among  the  Chickasawi^  76 

Seneca  Indians,  peace  ooanell  with,  170^  600 

Seven  years'  war  begins,  138 

Settlement  on  Indian  lands  fbrUdden,  488 

Shawansse  towns  deatroyed  by  Ctarka,  887 

Shelby,  Oov.,  at  battle  of  the  Thames  000 

Shelby,  fort,  taken  by  the  British,  018 

Shelby,  Qovemor  of  Kentucky  and  JatobBU^  074 

Shepherd,  Col.,  commandant  at  Port  Henry,  267 
Simcoe,  Gov.,  reply  of  to  Indian  Oemwffisttmers,    014 

gives  advice  to  the  Indians^  063 
Slavery  in  Illinolr,  88 

discussion  respecting  in  MUsaaii,  033 

nunois^         048,051 

IndUun,  060 

Skmgh,  Oapt,  St.  Chdr'i  deitat,  606 

Smith,  Col.  James,  explores  Ky.  and  Tana,;  211' 

Smith,  Joe,  the  Mormon  projphet,  870 

hia  powers  as  mayor  of  Manvaev  806 

iskUledbyamobatCarthats,  088 

Smith,  nyrum,  is  killed  by  nob^  80S 
Bay  th.  Dr.,  remarks  of,  on  ehataet*  ot  HsBde«ioni(826 

Solemn  act  of  Misalonrt,  (see  Milsowiceinp.,)  OST 
SMth-Westam  Ttrritoty,  (IMMtHSk)  ioWWMiH,7a§ 


%? 


1014 


INDEX. 


Boath-Weitarn  MttlammUi  7M 

Bpanianli  InTwIa  LontsUuM  on'  MlmMmrii  ST 

B|Miln,  QTireMonable  deaikniliior,  SIO 

•ttsmpta  to  lepvKl*  tba  W.  flrom  the  Vnion,4M 

Bpaoiardii  flrom  8t.  IxhiIr  take  8t.  Jowph,  sao 

Siwnhh  prop«rt;  wlied  at  VIncennn,  449 

Spottawood  ezploraa  Allegboniaa,  M 

praaanti  memorial  to  Kogllah  gorern.,  96 

Stonwlx,  OoD.  John,  oommnndor  at  Ft.  Pitt,  157 

Btatea  flmrn  N.'W.  Tar.,  namaa  propoaad  fbr,  466 

Btoam,  tint  appllcatton  of,  863 

8taaml>oata  ttrat  trip  flrom  N.  Orlaaoa,  933 

on  tha  HlMlaaippU  996 

on  tha  appor  Ukaa,  927 

on  tha  Ulaaonrl,  927 

explotlon  of  the  Moaalla,  1881^  971 

Staambonts  on  Lake  Hlohlgan,  967 

Stedman'a  minion  to  Indiana,  696 

Staphrnaon,  Fort,  gallant  deftinaa  of,  900 

8tirl  Ing,  Oapt.,  takna  poaaoaaion  of  lUlnola,  188 

Btitei,  Benjamin,  pioneer,  472 

Btobo,  Capte,  hoataga  priaonar,  127 

Stoddard,  HiUor.addreaa  of  to  people  of  La.,  778 

Btone,  Uriah,  exploration  ot;  811 

Btory,  Kev,  D.,  flnt  teacher  In  Ohio  Co.pnrcbaae,  474 

Bollimn,  Gen..  Invodea  land  of  Iroqnoia,  802 

Bnperior,  Lake,  rislted  by  Jittntt  miialonariea,  60 

Bwartwout  arreited  by  Wilhlnaon,  818 

Sweeping  reaolutiona  of  Ohio,  828 

Sjnnmci,  J.  0 ,  appliea  for  land,  473 

iMuea  Ub  propoaali,  479 

bia  contract  and  hia  tronblea,  481 

his  policy  towarda  Indiana,  482 

wantof  proaperlty  in  hiaaettlementa,  621 

college  reaervation  in  giant  to,  964 

Bymmea'  aettlement,  trouble  in  regard  to  title,  718 

t  Anthony,  Fallii  of,  dtaeorered  by  Renneptn,  60 

St.  Auge,  commandant  at  Fort  Ohartrea,  180 

Bt.  Cbnrlea,  conatitution  of  HIsaonri  formed  at,  037 

Bt.  OInir,  Arthur,  arreata  Connolly,  216 

St.  Clair,  Got.  Arthur,  history  of,  626 

hia  inatmctlona  from  Oongreaa,  638 

proceedi  to  VIncennoi,  Ac.,  629 

bia  letter  to  commandant  at  Detroit,  644 

hia  iDftructlona  from  Secretary  of  War,  671 

organiaaa  army,  1791,  670 

huilda  Vk  Hamilton ;  hia  daaerlptloi^  677 

aiBealtlaa  of  campai(ii«  678 

b  attacked  and  defeated,  678 

TaaOlaTe'aaaeanntofthelwttla,  (82 

eflbot  of  the  dafaat  oa  waatam  flrontier,  686 

caoiea  of  his  defeat,  688 

aaka  court  of  Inquiry,  607 

field  of  hia  defeat  Tislted,  608 

unpopularity  o(  766,760 

Strerdinand,(FloriaMit,)aettl«4  187 

8ta.GeneTieTa,  187,786 

St.  Uelene  with  Dabe^raI^           ^  71 

St  Ildefbnao,aeeret  treaty  oi;         '  768,770 

St  Jerome  or  Wabash  river,  82 

Bt  Joaeph'a  taken  by  Spaalard%  830 

BtLonIa  attacked  by  Tadlana,  316 

Bt  LoniaonMatagocdKBay,  66 

Ste.  Marie,  8Mltoi;Tiaited  by  French,  49 

St  Uary 'a,  branch  of  Maumee  riTer,  886 


St  Pierre  commanda  at  La  9cnt, 


m 


Talk  of  Indian  oommlsslonera,  240 

Ttylor,  Kaohary,  Oapt,  defense  of  fort  Barrlaon,  876 

Mi^or,  at  Uppar  Raplda,  914 

Taeumtheand  brothor  unite  tribea  at  OreenTtlle,  708 

moTcmenta  in  1808,  819 

moTementa  in  1800,  RZI 

hoatllo  intentions  In  1811V  829 

meets  Qen.  Harrison  in  aoundl  831 

aeeond  intnrrlew  with  Harriaon  83:1 

third  Intorvlew  with  Harriaon,  836 

moTomenta  in  1812,  860 

is  kilted  at  the  battle  of  the  Thomoa,  901 

Teedynacung,  Indian  sarhem,  1411 

Tennessee  (Franklnnd)  is  rei^ised  admission,  60A 

Sevier  piwpnms  alliance  with  Spain,  fiOfI 

HIro  reniTOs  to  fbvor  the  scheme,  MQ 

ceded  to  the  federnl  government,  13n 

flntt  territorial  legtslatnro  in,  'xn 

constitution  formed  and  reeelved  Into  Union,  73A 

Territory,  north-western,  (see  N,  W,  Territory,) 

Thames,  battle  of  the,  904 

Theft,  punishment  of,  in  early  times,  34A 

Thomunn,  Gon.,  makes  survey  on  Licking,  21fi 

Thoronghfkres  between  Canada  Mnd  Misa,  1670,  M 

Tigrens,  the,  taken,  91)i 

Tippecanoe,  battle  of,  841 

Todd,  Col.  John,  commanda  Amem.  at  Blue  Licks,  892 

Tomblgboe  river.  Burr  aeiiad  at,  816 

Tonti,  La  Salle's  Lieutenant,  86 

left  at  CreTecoBur,  69 

sent  to  Count  Frontonao,  ft) 

descends  Mississippi  to  meet  La  Salle,  TO 

Joins  Dlbervllle,  71 

Trannmontano  order  founded,  96 

Tiado  of  the  lakes,  968 

Transylvania  organiaed,  (see  Kentucky,)  237 

colony  In  dread  of  the  Indians,  245 

Transylvania  University,  at  Lexington,  fonnded,  331 

TRKATIBS  WITH  INDIANS. 

Albany,  N.  T.                                            1684,  Ofi 

iMcastor,  Pa.,                                           1741,  V: 

Logstown,  on  Ohiot                                    1762,  107 

Wincheater,  Va.,                                        1763,  101) 

Chrlisle,  P*.,                                              1763,  lOii 

Kaston,Pa..                                            1766,  14) 

Fort  Pitt,  Pa..                                          1760,  IfiV 

Detroit,  Michigan,                                    1764,  180 

Muskingum,  Ohio,                                      1764,  Ul 

German  Flata,  N.  T.,                                  1766,  182 

Fort  StanwU,  N.  T.,                                  1768,  207 

Lochaber,  HolstOB  river,  Tenn.,                 1770,  308 

Camp  Charlotte,  Ohio,                                1774,  237 

Wataga,  branch  of  Holston  river,  Tenn.,    177^  22» 

PIttaburgh,  with  Western  Indians,            1776,  241 

Pittsbnrgh,  with  Delawares,                      1778,  301 

Fort  Stanwix,  N.  T.,                                  1784,  431 

Melntoab,  Pa.,                                           1786,  433 

fort  Finney,  mouth  of  Great  Miami,  Ohio^  1786,  443 

fort  Harman,  on  Ohio,                               1789,  617 

TIncennes,  Ind.,  with  Wabash  Indians,      1792,  605 

Greenville,  Ohio,                                        1796,  1167 

▼lacennea,  Indiana,                                   180^  763 

fort  Wayne,  Indiana,                              180I|  786 


INDBX. 


1016 


«3l 

8X1 
835 

m 
eoi 
n« 

im 

fiOR 
78« 


904 
34A 
215 

D,  8U 
eiK 
841 

eka,8f2 

815 

K> 

m 

6.1 
70 

n 

»5 
MM 
2S7 
S45 
led,  SSI 


97 
10? 
lOV 
109 
14') 

m 

|64,    180 

181 
182 
207 
208 
257 
22» 


481 
4St 
44S 
617 
605 
667 
76J 
T<6 


8tI.onli,MI«i(mr<,                                   ISM,  1m 

Rt.  P«ten,  Hlnnetote,                                 IKM,  803 

tort  Indwitry,  on  MumMk                        1806,  7W 

mtrntt,  Michigan,                                      ISOT,  817 

BMwimtown,  Michigan,                             1806,  823 

fVnt  Clark,  on  MiMonrl,                             1808,  823 

Fort  Wayne,  Hsrriaon  and  Wabanh  tribw,  1809,  824 

▼Incnnnci),  HarriMn  and  Vabaih  tribes,    1800,  824 

OfMnville,  Ohio,                                           1814,  010 

PortRKe  dea  Bloaz,  with  Wdtern  nationi,  1816,  020 

Manmee  Itapldi,                                           1817,  026 

Fort  llarriKon,  Indiana,                             1810,  020 

Fort  Armatrong,  Rock  Inland,                     18.11,  OOil 

At ,  with  Baoi  and  Foxw,                 1832,  068 

Trtaty  of  Rjrswiok,  *  IflOT,     73,    86 

ofParli,                                     1703,  161 

with  araat  Britain  and  U.  8.,    1783,  407 

with  Spain,                                1706,  «70 
orahont,                                    1814,    010,  020 

Trent,  Vfm.,  a  pioneer,  121 

at  Wills'  Creek,              ^  '  123 

at  Fort  Stanwix,              *  207 
Tronpn  of  U.  8.,  number  anil  condition  of.  In  1701,  176 

Tmninn,  Capt.,  mimlon  to  Indiana,  607 

Turner,  Llout.,  coni|uered,  918 

Tapper,  nonjamin,  surveyor,  481 
Tvigtweea,  or  Mlamles,  killed  defending  Kngllah,  107 

Vlloo,  Antonio  de,  appointed  Oot.  of  Loulalana,  100 

i'runch  conspire  against  him,  20U 

ho  resigns  and  leaves  the  country,  200 

Unxaga,  Don  liunls  de,  Qor.  of  Louisiana,       201,  812 

Tan  Branm,  .T  ^ noh,  Washington's  interpreter.  111 

Von  Oleve's  story  of  St.  Clair's  defeat,  683 

Vanilalin,  fbrnier  capital  of  Illinois,  063 

Tandnlia,  the  name  of  Walpole's  tract,  208 

Yauilrlcuii  fears  English,  100 

Venango  visited  by  Washington,  113 

fort  at,  finished,  123 

garrison  at,  massacred,  172 

Verbal  procesa  at  mouth  of  HIssinlppt,  03 

Terinillion,  Clark's  march  to,  447 

TIckroy,  Thomas,  324,  420 

Tide  Poehe,  (Carondelet,)  settlement  o(  187 

Tigo,  Col.  Francis,  aids  Clark,  282 

Vlncennoa,  first  settlement  unknown,  81 

ancient  records  of,  89 

besieged  by  Clark,  287 

violent  measures  at,  440 

volunteers  rendesvons  at,  878 

Tincennes,  killed  among  the  Chickasawst  78 

Virginia  recognises  Transylvania,  243 

land  laws  ot,  306 

land  claims  of,  824 

resolutions  respecting  land  claims,  327 

first  land  cession,  829 

Western,  suffers  trom  the  Indians,  406 

laws  respecting  N.  W.  settlements,  408 

second  land  ceasion,  400 

memorial  of  people  to  governor  of,  686 

Vlvlcr's  letter  relative  to  the  West,  79 

( 


Vivlor'a  early  acoonnt, 
Voyageurs  and  Couriers  de  hols, 

Wabash  river,  original  name  of, 
early  use<l  by  travolen^ 

Wabash  Indians,  troubles  with, 
war  agnlnit  proposed. 

Wells,  CapUin  Wm.,  killed, 

Walpole,  Tliomos, 

Walpole  Company, 


19,  n 
m 

81.  ss 
80,H 

4't2,U8 

610 

871 

200,208 

200,  20H 

Walker,  Dr.  Thoa.,  explores  Cumberland  river,      210 

Wapatnmica  attacked  by  Col.  M'Donald,  224  - 

Washington,  Oeo.,  concerned  In  land  company,       00 

Rent  WoBt,andJonrna1orhls  tunr,111,12n 

during  Fnnch  war,        126, 127, 131, 163 

his  land  speculation,  200 

visits  Ills  lands  in  the  West,  214 

his  policy  respecting  the  West,  468 

Washington  collvge.  Pa.,  history  ot;  813 

War  declared  between  French  and  English,  Lis 

Spain  and  Great  Britain,      31-1 

War  of  1812,  account  of  the  causes,  821,86(1 

duclarutioQ  of  proclaimed  in  U.  8.       860 

Wayne,  Oon.  Anthony,  comniander-in-chiof,  608 

prepares  his  army,  1793,  0X> 

his  iettors  to  Si-cretary  of  War,  036,  637 

takes  possossion  of  St.  Clair's  battle  flold,   6.18 

his  account  of  M'Mahon's  victory,  042 

is  Joined  by  Scott,  043 

his  liut  olfor  of  peace  to  Indians,  644 

advances  from  Urand  Glaizu,  646 

battle  with  Indians,  646 

returns  to  Fort  DeiUnce,  64  8 

oorresi)ondence  with  M^|.  Campbell,  649,  661 


peace  council  at  OreenvUle, 

death  of,  near  Preaqu'  lale,  (Erie,) 
Welaor,  Conrad,  on  Ohio  river, 
Western  lauds,  ordinance  for  disposing  ot, 

reservation  ol^ 
Western  Pioneers,  character  of, 
Westfall  on  Scioto, 

Westmoreland  county,  Pa.,  established, 
Wetzel  murders  a  peace  Indian, 
Wheeling  founded, 
Western  Pioneers,  habits  and  character  of^ 

vague  fiirm  boundarias, 

rude  implements  and  fkirniture, 

habits  of  dress, 

manner  of  building  honaea, 

gospel  laboia  among. 
Whisky  insurroctlou,  (see  Exeissu) 


meeting  at  Pittsburgh, 

proposed  measures  for  suppressing, 

new  outrages  perpetrated, 

suits  instituted  against  rioters, 

attacks  on  house  of  Oen.  Neville, 

inspector  and  marshal  take  flight, 

tnanrgents  march  against  Pittsburgh, 


600 
601 
602 
604 
606 
607 
600 

commissioners  appointed  to  restore  order,600 

Ineffectnal  appeal  to  vote  of  poople,  700 

army  called  to  quell  disturbance,  701 

White^yes,  Captain,  24JI 


* 


1010 


IltDlX. 


WBIlMMt  Oi;t»lii,aoMniiii<irt  at  Km>m1Hi,       ffS 

WMUm,  UmA  Ool^  uiiMMilMi  1»  llUaelt,         119 

WUUMMon,  Ool.  DrkTtd,  upwIiUoD  to  Muikliigiua^& 

■nhUr  of  Hon?  Im  ladtaai^  ST6 

WIIMbw,  OoL,  lafluMM*  oforw  Ey.  oonfmUiw,  M 

trMMOtU*  mImmm^  4IT 

toMtoN.OriMaik  416 

kUitaUaMat«rMMMetiMiwlth8pian,4M 

hi*  MMOMi  wilbf  pntih  party  is  Ky^lM 

M«  twMoaM*  hCUr  t»  qw.  tUio,     408 

|flf<yi  OVUM  toward  hta,  HA 

kk^Kt  vHatalMtliitrk  IM 

aimtitwaitwwH  aad  Ogdta,  Ua 

chaftMatalarthlH,  810 

WnUMo^Oul^aqHMMnMhr,  lai 

dMiroyiKiekapMtowMk  MT 

la  appototoJ  wwaadar  of  anay,       TST 

iCMuBdalO,        TST 


WUkiaMm,  btt  nply  to  Vmni^  ■Wiilb 
Winter  of  1TT9-80,  aavwity  (^ 
WlBtMT  of  18«»-M^  wMdty  oi; 
WlBobaator,  a<.a,  ilaria  Air  rafMa 
harddUpiortkaaiMakk 
Naabaa  tka  RmMi^ 
dlMMtar  at  fNMktowak 
Wlaeuattii  fcrmadtotoalmttHy, 


M 

811 

1Q«* 
8M 
8M 

811 

881 

m 


X«ila,Oliio.  OteoMtogy,  1808, 1801 

ttmmg,  >t%liain,  mr  at  Ikal 


XanafiunlUMNtttoatmMdlaik      ''  SU 

Ban*,Ool.,advlMartoOraiap,  118 

laBM,  tHuny  of,  havo  laad  donatod,  T88 

BaaMTUIe  letiled.  Ohn»dlo|y,  ITM. 

Maborgw,  O.,  M  oravlaa  mlwlnnary  oa  AUttIiaDy,ai8 


i 


\. 


■  ^ 


■« 


811 

100* 
vmm,     8S4 

m 

M 
Ml 

m 

«I,1M>1 


m 
tu 

TM 

nr.iw. 


0 


'■0 


'^^ 


